Z .  07  ,, 


BS  2650  .R3  1906  c.l 
Ramsay,  William  Mitchell, 

1851-1939. 
Pauline  and  other  studies  ir 


PLATE  III. 


Fig.  8. — Church  of  St.  Amphilochius  on  the  Acropolis 

of  Iconium. 

FrontispiiC'-.  Sec  p.  170. 


PAULINE  AND  OTHER 
STUDIES 

IN    EARLY   CHRISTIAN    HISTORY 


y^  BY 

W.    M.    RAMSAY,    Hon.    D.C.L.,    etc. 

PROFESSOR   OF   HUMANITY    IN    THE    UNIVERSITY    OF   ABERDEEN 


NEW  YORK 

A.    C.    ARMSTRONG    AND    SON 

3  &  5  WEST   EIGHTEENTH   ST 

1906 


THE   ABERDEEN   UNIVERSITY  PRESS   LIMITED 


PREFACE 

Of  the  following  essays  one  is  entirely  new.  Six 
may  be  called  new,  as  each  is  worked  up  anew  out 
of  several  articles.  For  example,  No.  XIV.  contains 
parts  of  five  articles  on  Pauline  Chronology.  The 
rest  have  been  carefully  revised  and  improved  in 
many  details. 

It  has  encouraged  me  greatly  to  find  that  even 
in  the  oldest  articles  no  change  of  opinion  on  Pauline 
topics  has  been  needed,  except  to  write  sometimes 
more  confidently.  The  object  originally  was  to  state 
facts,  not  to  make  daring  inferences ;  and  further 
study  during  the  intervening  years  has  simply  been 
a  process  of  building  on  the  foundation  of  these  old 
studies.  One  correction  was  needed  on  page  358. 
About  May,  a.d.  62,  the  Jews  sent  a  deputation  to 
meet  the  new  governor  of  Palestine  at  Alexandria. 
Formerly   I    supposed    that    he    was    promoted    to 


vi  Preface 

Palestine  from  a  post  in  Egypt ;  but  in  writing  on 
"  Roads  and  Travel  "  for  Dr.  Hastings'  Dictionary  I 
learned  to  correlate  this  deputation  with  several  other 
facts,  and  thus  to  recognise  a  general  principle  of  the 
Roman  service,  which  confirms  older  chronological 
arguments. 

My  best  thanks  are  due  to  the  editors  of  the 
Contemporary  Review^  Quarterly  Review,  Interpreter, 
Homiletic  Review  and  Expositor  for  permission  to 
use  articles  published  in  those  magazines. 

The  papers  are  not  exactly  those  which  at  first 
I  intended  to  include,  but  rather  a  series  possessing 
a  certain  unity  of  character  as  a  survey  of  important 
movements  and  men  in  the  early  Christian  centuries. 
The  eleventh  is  an  experiment  how  far  a  lecture  with 
lantern  slides  can  be  put  into  printed  form. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 
I 

Shall  We  Hear  Evidence  or  Not  ?    .         .         .         .         3 

II 

The  Charm  of  Paul     .......       27 

III 

The  Statesmanship  of  Paul 49 

IV 

Pagan  Revivalism  and  the  Persecutions  of  the  Early 

Church 103 

V 

The  Worship  of  the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  .     125 

VI 

The    Permanence    of    Religion   at   Holy    Places    in 

Western  Asia         ...         .         .         .         .         .163 

VII 

The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  .         .         .         .         .191 

VIII 
The  Lawful  Assembly 203 


viii  Contents 

PAGE 

IX 

The  Olive-Tree  and  the  Wild-Olive  .         .         .219 

\ 

Questions  :    with  a  Memory  of  Dr.  Hort  .         -253 

XI 

St.  Paul's  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconium  .         .273 

XII 

The  Authorship  of  the  Acts       .         .         .         .         .301 

XIII 
A  Study  of  St.  Paul  by  Mr.  Baring-Gould        .         .     325 

XIV 
The  Pauline  Chronology 345 

XV 
Life  in  the  Days  of  St.  Basil  the  Great  .         .     369 

Index  I 407 

Index  II.        ........         •     4^5 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PLATES 

FACING 
FIG.  PAGE 

I.     I.  Ephesus,  looking  from  the  Top  of  the  Theatre 
down  the  Street  to  the  City  Harbour  and 

Hill  of  St.  Paul 152 

II.     2.  The  Mother-Goddess  of  Ephesus  anthropo- 

morphised       .  .  .  .  .  .160 

HI.     8.  Church  of  St.  Amphilochius  on  the  Acropolis 

of  Iconium      ....         frontispiece 

IV.     9.  The  Peasant-God  at  Ibriz    .         .         .         .172 

V.   10.  The  Bridge  over  the  Pyramos  at  Missis         .     176 
VI.   II.  The  Bridge  over  the  Saros  at  Adana     .  .176 

VII.   12.  The  Bridge  over  the  Cydnus   on   the   East 

of  Tarsus        .         .         .         .         .         .192 

VIII.   13.  St.  Paul's  Gate  on  the  West  of  Tarsus  .     208 

IX.   15.  The  American  College  in  Tarsus  and  the 

Snowy  Taurus  .  .  .  .  .218 

X.   16.  Falls  of  the  Cydnus  on  the  North  side  of 

Tarsus    .......     240 

XI.   17.  American  Missionary  on  the  Roman  Road    .     252 
-  XII.   18.  The  Arch  of  Severus  with  Students  of  the 

American  College  in  Tarsus     .         .         .288 

XIII.  19.  The  Arch  of  Severus  at  Bairarali .         .         .     288 

XIV.  20.  Sarcophagus  in  the  Ruins  near  the  Arch  of 

Severus  ......     268 

XV.  21.  Looking  up  towards  the  Cilician  Gates  .     270 

b 


Illustrations 


FIG. 

XVI.   2  2.  In  the  Cilician  Gates  .         .         .         . 

XVII.   23.  In  the  Vale  of  Bozanti         .... 

XVIII.   24.  Looking  up  towards  White  Bridge 
XIX.   25.  Looking  down  towards  White  Bridge    . 
XX.  26.  Above  White  Bridge  :  Rock-gate  cut  to  take 
the  ancient  Road     ..... 

XXI.   27.  At  Twin   Khan,   looking   up    the  Water  of 
Bulghar  Maden        .  .  .  .         . 

XXII.   28.  Old   Turkish    Bridge    in    the    Gorge   above 
Twin  Khan    ...... 

XXIII.   29.  The  Castle  of  Loulon  .         .         .         . 

XXIV.  30.  Looking  South-east  up  Stream  towards  the 
snowy  summits  of  Taurus :   Ibriz  on  the 

right 

XXV.  3 1 .  The  Sarcophagus  of  Sidamaria 
XXVI.  32.  The  Castle  of  Karaman  at  Laranda 
XXVII.  33.  The  "  Pilgrim-Father  "  above  Derbe 
XXVIII.  34.  The  Acropolis  of  Derbe       . 
XXIX.  35.  Walls  within  the  Hill-fortress  above  Derbe 
XXX.  36.  Distant  View  of  Khatyn-Serai  and  Lystra  from 

the  South-East 
XXXI.  37.  The  Acropolis  of  Lystra 


FACING 
FACE 

270 
274 
276 
276 

278 

278 

280 
282 


284 
286 
288 
290 
292 
294 

296 
298 


CUTS  IN  THE  TEXT 


Fig.  3,  4.  The  Hellenised  Virgin  Goddess  of  Ephesus  and 

the  Anatolian  Mother  of  Ephesus,  the  Queen-Bee 
Fig.  5,  6.  The  Anatolian  Mother  of  Ephesus,  half  anthropo- 

morphised  ....... 

Fig.     7.  Tomb  of  a  Christian  Virgin  of  the  Third  Century, 

with  the  symbol  of  the  Dove  and  Leaf 
Fig.  14.  Tomb  of  a  Bishop  of  the  Third  Century,  with  the 

symbol  of  the  Open  Book  .... 


160 


160 


162 


216 


Illustrations  xi 


Fig.  38.  Tomb  of  an  early  Christian   Physician,  with   the 

symbol  of  the  Holy  Fish,  thrice  repeated     .  .     300 

Fig.  39.  Tombstone  of  Paul  the  Martyr  of  Derbe       .  .     322 

Fig.  40.  Tomb  of  an  early  Deacon,  with  the  symbols  of  the 
Net  Swastika  and  Crown,  and  Implements  of  the 
Occupation  of  the  deceased        .         .      facing  page  i 


MAPS 

I.  The  Pauline  World       ....  facing  page    48 
II.  III.  Ephesus  and  the  Panagia  Kapulu  .     page  124 


t->7»-r  <"  -V^/  t 


I 


SHALL    WE    HEAR   EVIDENCE    OR 
NOT  ? 


SHALL  WE  HEAR  EVIDENCE  OR  NOT? 

In  studying  the  life  of  St.  Paul  everything  depends  on  the 
point  of  view  from  which  one  contemplates  it,  and  the  pre- 
possessions with  which  one  approaches  the  subject.  There 
is  one  preliminary  question  on  which  it  is  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  make  up  one's  mind  clearly :  Are  we  open  to  hear 
evidence  or  shall  we  rule  it  out  beforehand?  In  recent 
years  those  who  most  pride  themselves  on  their  "  freedom  " 
of  mind  have  set  aside  as  inadmissible  all  evidence  bearing 
on  the  greatest  event  of  St.  Paul's  life,  viz.^  his  experience 
on  the  road  to  Damascus.  To  do  so  means  that  they  have 
made  up  their  mind  before  they  enter  on  the  investigation. 

The  religion  of  the  Jews  from  its  first  beginning  to  its 
fullest  development  in  Christianity  was  founded  on  the 
belief  that  human  nature  can,  in  certain  cases,  at  certain 
moments  in  the  life  of  certain  individuals,  come  into  direct 
communion  with  the  Divine  Being,  and  can  thus  learn  the 
purpose  and  will  of  God,  In  other  words,  God  occasionally 
reveals  Himself  to  man. 

St.  Paul  himself  believed  unhesitatingly  in  the  frequent 
occurrence  of  such  revelations.  This  belief  was  part  of  his 
Jewish  inheritance,  strong  with  the  growth  of  a  hundred 
generations,  a  force  driving  him  on  through  his  whole  life. 
Hence  it  demands  the  attention  of  every  one  who  studies 

(3) 


/ 


his  life.  In  St.  Paul's  view  all  true  religion  was  the  direct 
utterance  of  the  voice  and  will  of  God,  and  all  human 
history  was  impelled  in  its  course  by  such  utterance.  He 
had  been  trained  from  infancy  in  the  Hebrew  view,  which 
attributed  the  whole  course  of  the  national  religion  and 
fortunes — the  latter  being  simply  the  measure  of  national 
adherence  to  the  religion — to  a  series  of  such  revelations 
made  by  God  on  various  occasions  to  certain  favoured 
individuals. 

In  his  later  years  St.  Paul  did  not  consider  that  such 
revelation  had  been  denied  to  other  nations  and  confined 
absolutely  to  the  Jews.  On  the  contrary,  it  lies  at  the 
foundation  of  his  later  ideas  of  history  and  of  life  that  all 
nations  have  some  share  in  the  revelation  of  God,  and  some 
capacity  for  understanding  it,  that  what  can  be  known  of 
Him  is  manifest  in  them,  for  He  manifested  it  unto  them  ; 
for  His  invisible  nature,  viz.  His  eternal  power  and  Godhead, 
is  clearly  seen  since  the  creation  of  the  world,  being  perceived 
through  the  works  of  creation  ;  that  He  has  never  left  Him- 
self without  witness,  in  that  He  did  good  and  gave  from 
heaven  rains  and  fruitful  seasons,  filliitg  mens  hearts  with 
food  and  gladness  ;  and  that,  through  this  revelation,  all  men 
show  the  work  of  the  law  written  in  their  hearts,  their 
conscience  bearing  witness  therewith. 

This  revelation,  which  is  granted  to  all  nations,  has  some- 
times been  distinguished  as  "  natural  "  revelation  from  that 
which  was  imparted  to  the  Hebrews,  the  inference  being 
that  the  latter  was  "  supernatural  ".  This  seems  to  be  an 
unsatisfactory  way  of  expressing  the  nature  of  that  undeni- 
able distinction.  It  is  misleading,  and  even  inaccurate,  to 
use  the  term  "  supernatural ".  We  hold  that  revelation  of 
the  Divine  to  the  human  is  a  necessary  part  of  the  order  of 


Shall  we  Hear  Evidence  or  Not  ?  5 

nature,  and  therefore  is  in  the  strictest  sense  "  natural "  ; 
and  also  that  all  revelation  of  the  Divine  to  the  human 
nature  must  necessarily  be  "  superhuman,"  being  a  step  in 
the  gradual  elevation  of  the  human  nature  towards  the 
Divine. 

The  nations  had  one  by  one  rejected  that  revelation,  or, 
as  we  might  say  in  more  modern  phraseology,  their  history 
had  become  a  process  of  degeneration.  After  a  beginning 
of  learning,  of  comprehension,  and  of  improvement,  their 
will  and  desire  soon  became  degraded.  In  St.  Paul's  own 
words,  after  knowing  God,  they  ceased  to  glorify  Him  as  God, 
and  to  be  thankful,  but  turned  to  futile  philosophic  speculations, 
and  their  faculties  lost  the  power  of  comprehending  and  be- 
came obscured.  The  result  was  a  steady  process  of  degrada- 
tion, folly,  vice,  crime,  which  St.  Paul  paints  in  terrible 
colours  (Rom.  i.). 

History  undoubtedly  justifies  this  picture  of  the  nations 
over  which  St.  Paul's  view  extended.  Where  we  can  trace 
the  outlines  of  their  history  over  a  sufficient  time,  we  find 
that  in  an  earlier  stage,  and  up  to  a  certain  point,  their 
religious  ideas  and  rites  were  simpler,  higher,  purer.  Some- 
times we  can  trace  a  considerable  period  of  development 
and  advance.  But  in  every  case  the  development  turns  to 
degeneration,^  and  throughout  the  Graeco-Roman  world  the 
belief  was  general,  and  thoroughly  justified,  that  the  state 
of  morality  in  the  first  century  was  much  more  degraded 
than  it  had  been  several  centuries  earlier.  Society  had 
become  more  complex  and  more  vicious.  In  religion  the 
number  of  gods  had  been  multiplied,  but  its  hold  on  the 
belief  of  men  had  been  weakened  and  its  worst  character- 

1  This  paragraph  is  a  brief  statement  of  the  view  stated  more  fully  in 
"  Religion  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor  "  (Hastings'  Diet.,  v.). 


istics  had  been  strengthened,  while  any  good  features  in  it 
had  almost  wholly  disappeared. 

It  is  doubtful  how  far  that  principle  should  be  extended 
in  human  history,  but  there  are  certainly  many  examples 
of  a  similar  kind  beyond  the  range  of  St.  Paul's  knowledge. 
The  history  of  Brahminism,  of  Buddhism,  of  Islam,  of 
Zoroastrianism,  all  exemplify  the  same  turn  towards  de- 
gradation and  decay,  when  the  power  of  growth  has  been 
exhausted.  And,  in  the  light  of  recent  investigations,  it 
must  be  considered  as  probable,  perhaps  almost  certain, 
that  many  barbarous  superstitions  which  by  some  modern 
scientific  inquirers  in  the  subject  of  folklore  and  primitive 
custom  have  been  regarded  as  indications  of  the  character 
of  primitive  man,  are  not  really  primitive,  but  merely 
examples  of  degeneration. 

Some  races  have  degenerated  through  the  influence  of 
war,  because  they  lay  too  much  on  the  track  of  armies 
and  armed  migration  ;  others  deteriorated  through  un- 
favourable climatic  conditions,  either  because  they  were 
crushed  into  remote  corners  among  untraversable  moun- 
tains, or  into  regions  unfit  to  support  life  on  proper  con- 
ditions, or  because  a  too  enervating  and  luxurious  climate 
sapped  the  stamina  and  energy  of  the  people  in  the  course 
of  generations.  Massacre,  or  the  dread  of  massacre,  has 
been  a  frequent  cause  of  degeneration.  The  victors  are 
brutalised.  The  survivors  of  the  victims  deteriorate  be- 
cause the  higher  qualities  of  human  nature  are  denied 
exercise,  as  entailing  the  death  of  those  who  display  them. 

Among  the  Jews  alone  there  was  found  a  long  succes- 
sion of  great  men  who  heard  and  obeyed  the  Divine  voice. 
Each  was,  in  a  sense,  the  disciple  of  his  predecessor,  learn- 
ing from  the  past  and  acquiring  fuller  comprehension  of. 


Shall  we  Hear  Evidence  or  Not  ?  7 

and  susceptibility  to,  the  Divine  nature  and  revelation.  In 
the  process  of  revelation  the  religious  ideas  which  they 
expressed  to  the  people  developed  and  became  purer  and 
more  elevated.  In  each  new  revelation  the  whole  past 
experience  of  the  race  was  focussed,  and  the  spark  of 
progress  kindled  therefrom.  Those  old  Hebrew  prophets 
thus  raised  the  national  ideas  and  the  national  life,  for 
though  the  nation  always  seemed  to  them  to  be  slipping 
back  into  idolatry  and  the  immorality  which  is  its  in- 
evitable associate,  yet,  in  reality,  the  people  were  being 
raised,  though  only  very  slowly,  above  the  low  level  of 
their  ancestors.  What  seemed  to  the  Hebrew  prophets 
to  be  retrogression  was  strictly  only  persistence  of  old 
habits. 

Yet  that  apparently  favoured  nation  was  not  in  the  long 
run  more  responsive  than  the  others  had  been  to  the  Divine 
message.  It  was  for  a  time  drawn  onwards  by  the  prophets 
whom  it  produced.  Almost  reluctantly,  with  many  slips 
and  many  falls,  it  was  raised  to  a  far  higher  moral  level  than 
any  of  the  nations  around.  The  captivity  in  Babylonia 
purified  it,  for  it  was  chiefly  the  most  patriotic  and  religious 
who  came  back,  while  the  more  weak-minded  and  sluggish 
would  not  face  the  difficulties  of  returning.  The  Zealots 
were  in  the  majority,  and  they  held  the  nation  together, 
resisted  the  insidious  advance  of  Greek  civilisation  and 
education,  defeated  at  last  the  Syrian  armies,  and  won 
freedom  for  their  nationality  and  their  religion. 

But  the  hard-won  triumph  resulted  only  in  unfertile  ex- 
clusiveness  and  self-complacency.  The  people  ceased  to 
feel  any  need  and  any  desire  for  the  Divine  guidance,  and 
lost  all  power  of  development.  The  race  of  the  prophets 
seemed  to  have  come  to  an  end,  when  John  the  Baptist 


8  / 

appeared  with  the  brief  simple  message  that  the  Messiah 
was  at  hand. 

To  St.  Paul  the  failure  of  the  Jews  to  recognise  and 
receive  the  Christ  was  the  result  and  the  proof  of  their 
having  ceased  to  be  the  favoured  nation.  They  had  refused 
to  listen  to  the  Divine  voice,  and  the  Divine  favour  was 
turned  away  from  them.  It  had  never  been  part  of  the 
Divine  purpose  to  reject  the  nations.  The  nations  had 
turned  away  from  God,  but  they  had  learned  in  their 
consequent  degradation  and  darkness  their  need  of  Divine 
illumination,  which  the  Jews  in  their  self-satisfied  exclu- 
siveness  had  begun  to  despise. 

How  far  certain  germs  of  his  later  views  already  existed 
in  Saul's  mind  during  the  early  part  of  his  career,  it  is 
impossible  to  say.  It  is  probable  that  some  germs  did 
exist  of  a  wider  view  than  the  purely  Jewish.  But,  at 
any  rate,  Saul,  in  his  youth,  was  mainly  occupied  with  the 
thought  of  Hebrew  progress  in  the  past,  and  the  coming 
triumph  of  Hebrew  religion.  He  could  not  shut  his  eyes 
to  the  fact  that  the  great  line  of  the  prophets  had  for  a 
considerable  time  been  interrupted  ;  and  he  must  have  been 
firmly  convinced  that  the  interruption  could  not  last  for 
ever,  and  that  a  new  revelation  of  the  Divine  power  was 
likely  soon  to  come.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
feeling  to  which  John  the  Baptist  gave  utterance  was  deep 
and  wide-spread ;  and  few  will  doubt  that  Saul  shared  it. 

With  this  belief  in  the  reality  and  frequency  of  Divine 
revelation  reigning  with  intense  fervour  in  his  mind,  Saul 
must  always  have  been  prepared  to  hear  that  a  prophet 
had  appeared  ;  and,  according  to  our  conception  of  his 
character,  he  must  from  childhood  have  been  filled  with 
the  desire  and  hope  of  hearing  for  himself  the  Divine  voice. 


Shall  we  Hear  Evidence  or  Not  ?  g 

He  must  have  had  his  mind  roused  by  the  message  of  John  ; 
he  may  probably  have  heard  him,  and  believed  fervently 
his  announcement  of  the  immediate  coming  of  Christ. 

But,  further,  Saul  undoubtedly  was  eager,  and  was 
preparing  himself  by  education,  by  study,  by  scrupulous 
obedience  to  the  Law,  by  ardent  zeal  in  enforcing  it  on 
others,  to  be  in  a  fit  state  to  hear  the  voice  of  God.  It  may 
be  argued  that  this  eagerness  rendered  him  the  more 
open  to  self-deception  :  and  there  is  of  course  some  plausi- 
bility in  that  argument. 

The  issue  was  that  he  did  become  the  recipient  of  revela- 
tion, and  that  his  life  was  profoundly  affected,  and  his 
views  revolutionised  thereby.  He  repeatedly  described 
himself,  or  is  described  by  others,  as  having  both  seen  the 
Lord  and  heard  His  voice. 

Now  what  do  we  understand  by  this?  The  question 
cannot  and  ought  not  to  be  evaded.  Paul's  words  are  too 
clear  and  strong  to  be  passed  over  as  inexact  or  unim- 
portant. He  declared  emphatically  that  the  revelations 
made  to  him,  the  words  spoken  to  him,  and  the  sights 
granted  to  his  eyes,  were  his  greatest  privilege  and  honour, 
constituted  the  motive  power  of  all  his  action,  and  sup- 
plied the  whole  spirit  and  essence  of  his  life.  Those  re- 
velations, and  especially  the  first  of  them,  when  he  saw 
Jesus  on  the  way,  as  he  was  now  nigh  unto  Damascus, 
were  in  his  view  the  most  real  events  of  his  life.  In  com- 
parison with  them,  all  else  was  mere  shadow  and  semblance  ; 
in  those  moments  he  had  come  in  contact  with  the  truth  of 
the  world,  the  Divine  reality.  He  had  been  permitted  to 
become  aware  of  the  omnipresent  God  who  is  everywhere 
around  us  and  in  us. 

Various  attempts  are  made  to  explain  away  or  soften 


10  / 

down  his  clear  and  emphatic  words  by  devices  of  a  more 
or  less  sophistical  kind  ;  and  many  people  hope  in  this  way 
to  retain  all  that  they  like  in  Paul,  while  they  pretend  that 
he  did  not  mean  what  they  dislike.  But  all  such  attempts 
to  close  the  eyes  to  plain  facts  are  unreasonable. 

In  truth  that  vision  near  Damascus  is  the  critical  point, 
on  which  all  study  of  St.  Paul's  life  must  turn.  On  our 
conception  of  that  event  depends  the  whole  interpretation 
of  his  life.  The  question  at  this  stage  is  not  whether  that 
event  as  he  conceived  it  was  true  and  real,  or  was  distorted 
and  exaggerated  in  his  mind  owing  to  some  diseased  and 
unbalanced  mental  state.  That  question  will  come  up  in 
its  proper  place. 

The  preliminary  question  alone  here  concerns  us :  was 
that  event,  in  the  form  that  Paul  describes  it,  a  possible 
one,  or  was  it  so  wholly  and  absolutely  impossible  that  even 
to  discuss  the  evidence  about  it  is  irrational  ? 

If  it  be  an  impossibility  that  the  Divine  nature  can  thus 
reveal  itself  to  human  senses,  then  the  whole  life  and  work 
of  Paul  would  be  a  mere  piece  of  self-deception.  To  those 
who  take  that  point  of  view,  the  only  other  alternative  to 
self-deception,  regarding  a  man  who  declared  that  the 
Divine  nature  had  manifested  itself  to  his  hearing  and 
sight,  would  be  the  supposition  of  imposture.  But,  in 
the  case  of  Saul,  this  alternative  is,  by  common  consent, 
set  aside.      He  was  an   honest  believer  in  what  he  said. 

Now  no  amount  of  evidence  can  make  us  believe  in 
what  we  know  to  be  impossible.  One  who  holds  such 
manifestation  to  be  impossible  cannot  regard  seriously,  or 
even  listen  to,  any  evidence  of  its  having  occurred.  Such 
evidence  is  condemned  in  his  mind  before  it  is  brought 
forward,  as  involving  either  self-deception  and  unsound  mind 


Shall  we  Hear  Evidence  or  Not  ?  1 1 

or  imposture.  If  he  examines  at  all  the  so-called  "evi- 
dence," he  does  so  only  as  a  matter  either  of  curiosity,  or  of 
scientific  interest  in  the  vagaries  of  human  error. 

The  view  that  Paul's  experience  on  the  way  to  Damascus 
was  due  to  some  form  of  madness  has  been  widely  main- 
tained in  recent  years.  It  is  tacitly  held  by  many  who 
would  shrink  from  explicitly  formulating  it  to  their  own 
mind.  It  is  openly  and  resolutely  declared  by  many 
learned  and  honest  men.  Scientific  investigators  have 
discussed  and  given  a  name  to  the  precise  class  of  madness 
to  which  Paul's  delusions  must  be  assigned. 

Now  there  have  been  many  madmen  in  all  times  ;  but 
the  difficulty  which  many  feel  in  classing  St.  Paul  among 
them  arises  from  the  fact  that  not  merely  did  he  persuade 
every  one  who  heard  him  that  he  was  sane  and  spoke  the 
truth,  but  that  also  he  has  moved  the  world,  changed  the 
whole  course  of  history,  and  made  us  what  we  are.  Is  the 
world  moved  at  the  word  of  a  lunatic?  To  think  so 
would  be  to  abandon  all  belief  in  the  existence  of  order 
and  unity  in  the  world  and  in  history ;  and  therefore  we 
are  driven  to  the  conclusion  that  St.  Paul's  vision  is  one  of 
the  things  about  which  evidence  ought  to  be  scrutinised 
and  examined  without  any  foregone  conclusion  in  one's 
mind. 

Further,  it  is  part  of  our  view  that  the  Divine  nature,  if 
it  is  really  existent  in  our  world,  must  in  some  way  come 
into  relation  to  man,  and  affect  mankind.  The  Divine 
nature  is  not  existent  for  man,  except  in  so  far  as  he  can 
hope  and  strive  to  come  into  direct  relation  with  it.  If  he 
cannot  hope  to  do  so,  then  the  Divine  nature  belongs  only 
to  another  world,  and  has  no  reality,  no  existence  in  ours. 
What  is  God  to  us  if  we  cannot  come  into  knowledge  of 


12  / 

or  relation  with  Him  ?  Either  you  must  say  that  we 
know  nothing  about  the  existence  of  any  God,  or  you 
must  admit  that  man  can  in  some  way  become  aware  of 
the  existence,  i.e.  the  nature,  of  God.  Now  to  say  that  we 
can  become  aware  of  the  nature  of  God  is  only  another 
way  of  saying  that  the  Divine  nature  is  revealed  to  man  ; 
and,  if  it  is  revealed,  that  can  only  be  because  it  reveals 
itself  by  coming  into  direct  relation  to  man.  There  is 
nothing  that  can  reveal  God  except  Himself. 

It  must,  therefore,  be  true  that  God  reveals  Himself  to 
man  in  some  way  or  other.  St.  Paul  claims  to  have  re- 
ceived such  revelation  ;  and  we  ought  not  to  set  aside  his 
claim  as  irrational  and  necessarily  false.  Many  such  claims 
can  easily  be  put  away ;  but  history  has  decided  that  his 
case  is  one  which  deserves  scrutiny,  examination,  rigid 
testing. 

St.  Paul  also  claims  to  have  received  this  revelation  in 
an  eminent  and  unusual  degree :  in  other  words,  that  he 
was  more  sensitive  to,  and  more  able  to  learn  about,  the 
Divine  nature  than  others. 

This  claim  also  is  one  that  deserves  to  be  carefully 
scrutinised  with  an  open  mind.  If  we  admit  that  the 
Divine  nature  reveals  itself  to  men,  then  there  must  be 
inequality  and  variety  in  the  revelation  to  different  indivi- 
duals.    There  is  no  equality  or  uniformity  in  nature. 

It  is  not  involved  in  our  view  that  we  must  be  able  to 
explain  clearly  in  scientific  detail  exactly  what  takes  place 
in  such  a  revelation,  and  by  what  precise  process  an  indi- 
vidual man  becomes  cognizant  of  the  Divine  nature  and 
purpose.  There  are  powers  of  acquiring  knowledge  which 
are  an  unintelligible  mystery  to  those  who  have  not  pos- 
sessed  and  exercised   them  ;  and  this   is  a  case  in  which 


Shall  we  Hear  Evidence  or  Not  ?  13 

possession  implies  exercise,  and  only  exists  in  virtue  of 
being  exercised. 

Who  can  gauge,  or  understand,  or  describe,  the  way  in 
which  a  great  mathematical  genius  hurries  on  in  his  sweep 
of  reasoning  with  easy,  unerring  rapidity?  Even  when 
his  reasoning  is  afterwards  explained  in  detail,  few  are 
capable  of  being  educated  up  to  the  comprehension  of  it. 
To  him  it  is  far  easier  to  move  on  from  step  to  step  in  his 
reasoning  about  the  forces  that  act  in  the  world  than  to 
explain  his  steps  so  as  to  bring  them  within  the  compre- 
hension even  of  the  few  who  can  be  educated  to  understand. 
His  demonstration  of  his  process  of  reasoning  would  be,  to 
all  but  a  handful  of  exceptional  persons,  an  unintelligible 
jargon,  having  no  more  reality  or  sense  than  the  ravings 
of  a  madman.  But  to  him  those  words  and  signs,  so  mean- 
ingless to  others,  present  a  vision  of  order  and  beauty,  of 
reality  and  symmetry,  which  changes  the  whole  aspect  and 
nature  of  the  universe  in  his  thought,  and  enables  him 
or  his  successors  to  understand  and  direct  its  forces,  and  to 
affect  profoundly  the  life  and  fortunes  of  mankind. 

Why  should  we  doubt,  or  hesitate  to  admit,  that  there 
may  be  even  greater  differences  between  different  men 
as  regards  their  power  of  coming  into  relation  with,  and 
comprehending,  the  Divine  nature,  than  there  is  in  power 
of  comprehending  mathematical  truth  ?  Yet  all  men  have 
some  little  power  of  comprehending  mathematical  reason- 
ing, and  similarly  all  are  endowed  with  some  rudimentary 
power  of  attaining  a  knowledge  of  the  Divine  nature. 

And  in  both  cases,  from  want  of  exercise,  want  of  de- 
sire, sluggishness,  or  idleness,  the  endowment  of  power  may 
remain  undeveloped,  and  apparently  non-existent. 

When  we  speak  about  recognising  the  truth  of  those 


14  / 

great  processes  of  mathematical  reasoning  which  were 
alluded  to,  there  are  two  totally  different  ways  and  kinds 
of  recognition.  The  discoverer  himself  recognises  intui- 
tively, but  the  world  takes  him  on  credit :  it  recognises 
by  faith.  This  is  a  case  where  we  believe  without  under- 
standing. Though  we  cannot  attain  anything  beyond  the 
vaguest  and  most  rudimentary  understanding  of  what  the 
discoverer  has  seen  and  of  the  way  in  which  he  can  perceive 
it,  yet  we  believe  unquestioningly  and  unhesitatingly  that 
he  has  comprehended  a  department  of  external  nature 
which  we  cannot  comprehend. 

Now  the  reason  why  in  that  case  we  believe  without 
understanding  and  through  mere  faith  is  partly  because 
we  recognise  in  him  the  spirit  of  truth — we  perceive  that 
the  man  has  no  reason  to  deceive  us,  that  his  whole  credit 
and  in  a  sense  his  life  is  staked  on  his  truth  and  accuracy — 
we  feel,  and  all  men  recognise  unhesitatingly,  that  his  is  a 
truthful  mind,  and  one  can  see  the  joy  and  the  conscious- 
ness of  knowledge  glorifying  and  irradiating  his  personality 
— and  partly  because  we  see  the  results  of  the  knowledge 
which  he  has  gained  :  we  believe  in  his  knowledge  because 
it  manifests  itself  in  power. 

But  the  original  discoverer  recognises  intuitively  and 
unerringly  the  truth  of  his  reasoning.  To  know  when 
one's  reasoning  is  correct  is  the  foundation  of  mathematical 
endowment.  One  sees  and  feels  it,  and  one  cannot  shake 
off  the  knowledge  or  free  oneself  from  it.  Galileo  might, 
under  compulsion,  pretend  to  acknowledge  that  the  earth 
does  not  move,  but  he  could  not  get  rid  of  the  knowledge 
that,  in  spite  of  all  pretences  and  confessions,  still  it  does 
move.  This  absolute  consciousness  of  knowledge  domin- 
ates the  mind  that  possesses  it,  and  drives  the  man  on  in 


Shall  we  Hear  Evidence  or  Not  ?  15 

his  career.  He  must  think  :  he  must  experiment  and  test 
his  knowledge  in  practice,  and  the  test  is  whether  his 
reasoning  realises  itself  in  actual  power. 

Surely  the  same  principles  of  belief  may  fairly  and 
reasonably  be  applied  in  respect  of  the  comprehension  and 
discovery  of  the  Divine  nature  and  will  and  purpose. 

To  come  into  direct  relation  with  the  Divine  nature, 
what  is  that  except  to  make  a  step  in  the  appreciation  of 
the  truth  that  underlies  the  visible  and  sensual  phenomena, 
to  get  a  glimpse  of  the  eternal  value  of  things,  to  see  them 
as  they  are  in  reality,  not  as  they  appear  to  the  mere 
individual  observation  from  the  purely  individual  stand- 
point ?  Man  cannot  easily  rise  above  his  own  selfish  and 
narrow  point  of  view,  and  in  the  hurry  and  pressure  of 
common  life  he  can  hardly  do  so  at  all ;  yet  he  is 

not  quite  so  sunk  that  moments, 
Sure,  though  seldom,  are  denied  him, 
When  the  spirits  true  endowments 
Stand  out  plainly  from  its  false  ones, 
And  apprise  it  if  pursuing. 
Or  the  right  way  or  the  wrong  way. 
To  its  triumph  or  undoing. 

Such  moments  do  not  come  in  the  same  way,  or  amid 
the  same  surroundings,  to  all  men.  The  accompaniments 
are  special  to  the  individual.  A  man  can  become  possessed 
of  knowledge  only  in  such  way  as  he  is  capable  of  receiving 
it,  and  that  is  a  matter  of  his  habits  and  education  and 
surroundings. 

One  who  has  learned  almost  entirely  through  the  senses, 
who  lives  by  reliance  on  sight  and  hearing,  cannot  learn, 
and  could  not  believe,  anything  except  what  comes  to  him 
through  those  senses,  or  rather  is  associated  with  impres- 
sions of  the  senses.      The  thought  is,  of  course,  distinct 


i6  / 

from  the  impressions,  but  it  comes  with  them  and  seems  to 
come  through  them,  and  the  reaHty  of  the  experience  lies 
not  in  the  impressions  on  the  senses,  but  in  the  sudden 
consciousness  of  the  Divine  nature  animating  the  world,  in 
which  hitherto  the  man  was  aware  only  of  the  objects  that 
touched  his  senses. 

To  one  who  is  accustomed  to  gain  knowledge  by  con- 
templation and  thought,  the  revelation  of  the  Divine  nature 
will  come  through  contemplation  and  thought.  Such  a  one 
does  not  connect  truth  with  sense-impressions  ;  rather  he 
distrusts  these,  knowing  that  they  are  mere  shadows  which 
his  own  personality  casts  on  the  world,  and  that  reality 
does  not  lie  that  way. 

But  in  either  case  the  perception  of  the  Divine  truth  is 
ultimate,  final  and  convincing.  He  who  has  seen  knows. 
And  he  can  never  again  lose  the  knowledge,  nor  live 
unhesitatingly  the  free  unconscious  life  of  previous  days. 
The  consciousness  of  the  Divine  nature  becomes  a  power 
within  him,  driving  him  on  to  his  destiny,  good  or  evil. 

The  question  whether  the  physical  sensations  which  are 
sometimes  associated  with  the  perception  are  real  is  obvi- 
ously a  superficial  and  unintelligent  one.  What  sensation 
is  real  ? 

Take  here  the  individual  instance.  What  can  we  learn 
from  the  case  of  St,  Paul,  admitting  for  the  moment  that 
he  acquired  higher  and  better  knowledge  of  God  in  those 
revelations  of  which  he  speaks.  Those  who  were  with 
him  near  Damascus  had  a  vague  idea  that  something  was 
taking  place ;  they  were  aware  of  light,  and  even  of  sound, 
but  they  did  not  hear  any  words,  nor  were  they  affected 
in  any  noteworthy  way.  Had  Paul  died  there,  no  one 
would  have  known  that  anything  remarkable  had  occurred. 


Shall  we  Hear  Evidence  or  Not  ?  17 

Such  is  the  clear  and  unmistakable  account  in  which  Paul 
and  Luke  agree,  though  there  are  some  trifling  differences 
between  them  about  details. 

On  the  one  hand,  it  is  plain  that  Paul's  companions  did 
not  see  what  he  saw.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  equally 
plain  that  they  learned  nothing  there,  whereas  Paul  ob- 
tained an  insight  into  truth  and  reality  which  revolutionised 
his  aims  and  changed  the  world's  history.  If  the  test  of 
reality  lies  in  the  capacity  of  all  sentient  beings  to  experi- 
ence the  same  sensations  when  placed  in  the  same  position, 
then  Paul's  sensations  were  not  real.  But  is  that  a  fair 
test  ?  Are  there  not  phenomena  in  the  world  where  that 
test  fails  ?  Are  there  not  more  things  in  the  world  than 
those  which  everybody  can  see  and  hear?  Is  this  not  one 
of  the  things  which  we  may  and  must  take  on  credit  and 
believe  without  understanding?  The  question  is  surely 
worth  putting  and  carefully  considering  in  the  light  of 
Paul's  whole  career. 

There  is  nothing  but  scholastic  pedantry  in  debating  the 
question  as  to  the  reality  of  Paul's  sensations  of  sight  and 
hearing  on  that  occasion.  There  is  no  standard  accepted 
by  the  opposing  parties,  there  is  no  agreement  as  to  the 
meaning  of  the  terms  ;  each  side  discusses  with  its  mind 
made  up  beforehand,  and  its  eyes  closed  to  the  intention  of 
its  opponents.  There  can  be  no  issue  and  no  result  ;  the 
question  is  as  barren  as  that  older  question  about  the 
number  of  angels  who  can  stand  on  the  point  of  a  needle. 
The  problem  should  be  approached  otherwise. 

The  lesson  which  Saul  had  to  learn  before  he  could  make 

any  progress  in  knowledge  of  the  Divine  nature  was  that 

the  actual  Jesus  of  recent  notoriety  in  Palestine — the  Jesus 

whom  he  had   seen  and   known,  as   I    believe — was   still 

2 


i8  / 

living,  and  not,  as  he  had  fancied,  dead.  His  was  not  a 
soul  disciplined,  eager  to  learn,  ready  to  obey.  It  was  a 
soul  firm  in  its  own  false  opinion — not  even  possessed  of 
"  true  opinion " — resolute  and  hardened  in  perfect  self- 
satisfaction,  proud  of  what  it  believed  to  be  its  know- 
ledge, strong  in  its  high  principle  and  its  sense  of  duty. 
There  was  no  possibility  that  he  should  by  any  process  of 
mere  thinking  come  to  realise  the  truth.  Nothing  could 
appeal  to  him  in  this  question  except  through  the  senses 
of  hearing  and  sight. 

Such  we  see  to  be  the  general  conditions  of  the  situation. 
St.  Paul  tells  us  the  result.  He  heard,  he  saw,  he  was 
convinced,  he  was  a  witness  to  the  world  that  the  Jesus 
who  had  lived  and  been  crucified  was  still  living.  But 
those  who  were  with  him  did  not  learn,  did  not  see,  did 
not  hear.  They  were  not  capable  of  gaining  the  know- 
ledge which  Saul  acquired,  nor  should  we  be  capable  if  we 
could  be  put  in  the  same  situation  now.  They  were  not, 
and  we  are  not,  able  to  respond  as  Saul  was  to  the  impulse 
of  the  Divine  nature.  The  same  experience  would  not 
convince  them  or  us.  Saul  knew  that  this  was  Jesus,  and 
his  plans  of  life,  his  aspirations  after  the  Divine  life,  his 
conceptions  of  the  possibilities  of  work  in  the  existing 
condition  of  the  world,  his  longing  for  the  Messiah  who 
was  to  make  Judaism  the  conquering  faith  of  the  civilised 
world,  his  whole  fabric  of  thought  and  religion  and  belief, 
were  in  such  a  position  that  this  sudden  perception  of  the 
truth  about  Jesus  recreated  and  invigorated  all  his  mental 
and  moral  frame. 

That  perception,  then,  was  the  real  part  of  the  expe- 
rience which  came  to  Saul.  But  that  perception  could  not 
be  gained  by  him  except  in  a  certain  way,  with  certain 


Shall  we  Hear  Evidence  or  Not  ?  1 9 

physical  accompaniments  and  certain  affection  of  the 
senses,  and  those  accompaniments  acquire  reality  from 
being  the  vehicle  of  a  real  perception  of  truth  in  one 
special  and  peculiar  case. 

That  brief  experience  in  which  Saul  learned  so  much 
was  the  outcome  of  his  whole  past  career,  the  crystallisa- 
tion into  a  new  form  of  all  the  loose  elements  of  will  and 
thought  and  emotion  which  his  life  and  education  had 
given  him,  under  the  impulse  of  the  sudden  imparting  to 
his  mind  of  the  decisive  factor  ;  and  the  physical  accom- 
paniments conveyed  the  spark  or  the  impulse  which  set  the 
process  in  motion. 

If  then  it  be  asserted  that  the  sensations  which  Paul 
experienced  were  in  themselves  a  necessary  part  of  the 
knowledge  which  he  acquired,  one  must  denounce  the 
assertion  as  false  and  irrational.  The  sensations  were  only 
a  proof  of  the  weakness  of  nature,  the  insensibility  to 
purer  and  higher  ways  of  acquiring  truth,  in  which  Paul 
was  as  yet  involved  :  they  were  the  measure  of  his  ignor- 
ance^ not  the  necessary  vehicle  of  his  knowledge.  As  he 
became  more  sensitive  to  the  Divine  nature,  and  more 
capable  of  apprehending  the  Divine  message,  he  rose  su- 
perior to  the  grosser  method  of  communication  through  the 
senses. 

That  St.  Paul  was  conscious  of  a  growth  and  elevation 
of  his  own  powers  of  perception  in  regard  to  the  Divine 
nature  seems  implied  clearly  in  2  Corinthians  v.  16,  even 
tJiougJi  we  have  known  Christ  after  the  flesh,  yet  now  we 
know  Him.  so  no  more. 

Standing  on  this  point  of  view  one  sees  that  the  varia- 
tion between  Luke  {these  men,  hearing  a  voice,  but  seeing 
no  7nan,  Acts  ix.  7)  and  Paul  {they  saw  indeed  the  light, 


20 


but  Jieard  not  the  voice.  Acts  xxii.  9)  with  regard  to  the 
degree  to  which  Paul's  sensations  were  shared  in  by  his 
companions,  stamps  the  sensations  as  being  accidental 
and  secondary,  the  encumbrances  rather  than  an  essential 
accompaniment  of  his  perception  of  truth. 

So  also  the  older  disciples  learned  the  truth  through  sight 
and  hearing  ;  they  had  known  the  Man,  and  they  must  hear 
and  see  before  they  could  realise  that  He  was  not  dead. 
But  there  is  in  the  mind  of  the  Evangelist  who  saw  and 
heard  a  consciousness  that  those  sensations  are  mere 
accidents  of  the  individual,  personally  incidental  to  their 
peculiar  experience  and  condition,  merely  ways  by  which 
the  truth  was  made  clear  to  their  duller  minds  :  Because 
thou  hast  seen  Me,  thou  hast  believed.  Blessed  are  they 
that  have  not  seen  and  yet  have  believed. 

What  would  it  have  meant  to  those  companions  of 
Paul  then,  what  would  it  mean  to  us  now,  if  the  informa- 
tion could  have  been  suddenly  flashed  on  them  or  on  us 
that  Jesus  was  living?  It  would  mean  little  or  nothing. 
We  should  dine  and  sleep  as  usual.  Those  men  would 
have  proceeded  quietly  to  Damascus,  and  reported  that 
they  had  an  odd  experience  by  the  way,  but  whether  it  was 
real  or  a  phantasm,  true  or  untrue,  they  did  not  know. 

There  lies  the  difference.  The  man  to  whom  the  Divine 
reveals  itself  recognises  inevitably.  He  cannot  doubt  or 
hesitate  :  he  knows  at  once  and  for  ever. 

The  Divine  never  reveals  itself  in  vain.  Or  perhaps  one 
should  rather  say  that  the  Divine  is  always  ready  to  reveal 
itself,  but  we  do  not  perceive  it  except  when  we  are  in  such 
a  state  that  we  are  convinced  by  it,  and  recognise  it. 
There  rises  to  memory  here  a  wonderful  passage  in  T.  H. 
Green's  Essay  on  "  The  Philosophy  of  Aristotle  " : — 


Shall  we  Hear  Evidence  or  Not  ?  21 

"  If  in  any  true  sense  man  can  commune  with  the  spirit 
within  him,  in  the  same  he  may  approach  God,  as  one 
who,  according  to  the  highest  Christian  idea,  '  liveth  in 
him '.  Man  however  is  slow  to  recognise  the  divinity  that 
is  within  himself  in  his  relation  to  the  world.  He  will 
find  the  spiritual  somewhere,  but  cannot  believe  that  it 
is  the  natural  rightly  understood.  What  is  under  his  feet 
and  between  his  hands  is  too  cheap  and  trivial  to  be  the 
mask  of  eternal  beauty.  But  half  aware  of  the  blindness 
of  sense  which  he  confesses,  he  fancies  that  it  shows  him 
the  every-day  world,  from  which  he  must  turn  away  if  he 
would  attain  true  vision.  If  a  prophet  tell  him  to  do  some 
great  thing,  he  will  obey.  He  will  draw  up  '  ideal  truth ' 
from  the  deep,  or  bring  it  down  from  heaven,  but  cannot 
believe  that  it  is  within  and  around  him.  Stretching  out 
his  hands  to  an  unknown  God,  he  heeds  not  the  God  in 
whom  he  lives  and  moves  and  has  his  being.  He  cries  for 
a  revelation  of  Him,  yet  will  not  be  persuaded  that  His 
hiding-place  is  the  intelligible  world,  and  that  He  is  in- 
carnate in  the  Son  of  Man,  who  through  the  communicated 
strength  of  thought  is  Lord  also  of  that  world." 

But  the  human  being  who  is  to  become  sensitive  to  the 
Divine  presence  and  voice  must  be  able  to  do  his  part. 
The  manifestation  cannot  be  wholly  one-sided  :  there  must 
be  the  proper  condition  of  mind  and  body,  and  intellect, 
and  will  in  the  man.  What  all  the  conditions  are  no  one 
can  say,  except  perhaps  one  to  whom  the  manifestation 
has  been  granted.  But  one  thing  is  sure  :  a  certain  state  of 
mental  receptivity  is  needed,  and  a  certain  long  preparation 
of  the  whole  nature  of  the  recipient  must  have  occurred. 

Such  preparation  was,  in  several  forms  of  ancient  religion, 
described  as  purification  ;  and  formal  rules  were  prescribed, 


22  / 

as  regards  time  and  rites.  In  such  a  state  of  things  the 
preparation  of  the  mind,  the  emotions  and  the  will,  soon 
become  almost  a  secondary  matter,  and  purification  was 
mainly  ceremonial,  though  even  in  the  most  formal  and 
vulgar  religious  prescriptions  the  proper  moral  and  mental 
state  was  never  entirely  lost  sight  of. 

But,  it  will  be  objected,  when  we  speak  of  the  Divine 
nature  as  revealing  itself  to  man  through  the  senses,  we 
are  introducing  an  element  of  the  supernatural,  and  ask- 
ing men  to  believe  what  no  rational  being  can  accept, 
inasmuch  as  it  is  contrary  to  reason. 

This  objection  is  merely  verbal,  it  shows  not  even  a 
faint  glimmering  conception  of  the  real  situation,  it  belongs 
to  a  stage  and  a  way  of  thinking  that  rational  men  ought 
now  to  have  left  behind  them. 

If  the  Divine  reveals  itself  to  the  human  nature,  the 
latter  must  in  receiving  the  knowledge  rise  above  its 
ordinary  plane  of  mere  individual  existence,  it  must  rise 
superior  to  the  limitations  of  time  and  space,  and  contem- 
plate truth,  and  eternity,  and  reality.  Its  momentary 
elevation  to  the  plane  of  the  Divine  view  is  necessarily 
and  inevitably  a  superhuman  fact,  but  why  call  it  super- 
natural? It  is  surely  a  part  of  the  order  of  nature  that 
man  should  reach  out  towards  God  ;  if  that,  or  anything 
involved  in  that,  is  supernatural  or  marvellous  or  miracu- 
lous, then  everything  in  the  life  of  man  beyond  the  mere 
reception  of  impressions  and  action  under  their  stimulus, 
every  step  in  the  progress  of  knowledge,  every  widening  of 
the  outlook  of  man  over  and  beyond  the  single  successive 
phenomena  of  the  world,  is  equally  marvellous  and 
supernatural.  But  the  order  of  nature  is  that  man  should 
strive  to  rise,  and  should  succeed  in  rising  above  the  level 


Shall  we  Hear  Evidence  or  Not?  23 

from  which  he  starts.  Nothing  in  his  life  is  real  except  the 
advance  that  he  makes  above  himself.  He  cannot  attain 
to  knowledge  and  truth,  but  yet  he  does  attain  to  them  in 
so  far  as  he  struggles  a  little  way  towards  them.  He 
lives  at  all  only  in  so  far  as  he  moves  onward  :  stagnation 
is  death.  All  that  is  real  is  superhuman  :  what  is  only 
human  is  mere  negation  and  unreality,  the  expression  of 
our  ignorance  and  our  remoteness  from  truth  and  know- 
ledge and  God. 

In  truth  the  stigmatising  of  anything  in  the  revelation 
to  man  of  the  Divine  nature  as  supernatural  or  contrary 
to  reason  is  simply  the  arbitrary  and  unreasoning  attempt 
to  establish  that  our  ignorance  is  the  real  element  in  the 
world,  and  to  bound  the  possibilities  of  the  universe  by  our 
own  acquisitions  and  perceptions. 

The  only  proper  attitude  before  such  questions  is  that  of 
inquiry  and  of  open-mindedness — surely  that  is  a  truism, 
and  yet  it  is  to  the  so-called  free  and  critical  mind  that  we 
have  to  address  this  remonstrance  ! 

The  investigator  in  every  department  of  science  and 
study  knows  that  it  is  half  the  battle  to  succeed  in  putting 
the  right  question.  In  this  case  the  right  question  is.  What 
can  we  learn  from  Paul's  experience  ?  And  not  how  was 
Paul's  evidence  falsified  ?  nor  what  insanity  misled  him  ? 


II 

THE  CHARM   OF  PAUL 


II 

THE  CHARM  OF  PAUL 

The  life  and  the  nature  of  one  who  has  influenced  human 
history  so  profoundly  as  St.  Paul  must  be  studied  afresh 
by  every  successive  age.  His  character  is  far  too  wide  and 
all-embracing  to  be  comprehended  by  the  age  in  which  he 
lives  and  on  which  he  exercised  his  immediate  influence. 
He  is  at  once  outside  and  inside  it :  he  works  on  it  both 
from  without  and  from  within.  He  has  caught  in  some 
degree  the  eternal  principles  which  sweep  through  all  time, 
and  express  themselves  in  momentary,  passing  form  in  each 
successive  age.  Thus  he  transcends  the  limits  of  time  and 
speaks  to  all  ages  ;  and  his  words  will  be  differently  under- 
stood in  different  ages,  for  every  age  finds  that  they  respond 
to  its  peculiar  questions.  Hence  every  age  must  write 
afresh  for  itself — one  might  almost  say,  every  man  must 
write  for  himself — the  life  of  St.  Paul ;  and  the  words  in 
which  he  strove  to  make  his  thoughts  comprehensible  to 
the  raw  converts,  who  needed  to  be  trained  in  power  of 
thinking  as  well  as  in  the  elementary  principles  of  morality 
and  conduct,  must  be  rendered  into  the  form  which  will  be 
more  easily  understood  in  present  circumstances.  The 
attempts  to  do  this  must  always  be  imperfect  and  inade- 
quate, and  yet  they  may  make  it  easier  to  penetrate  to  the 
heart  which  beats  in  all  his  writings.     But  the  aim  of  the 

(27) 


28  // 

historian  should  always  be  to  induce  the  reader  to  study 
for  himself  the  writings  and  work  of  St.  Paul. 

In  venturing  to  lay  before  the  readers  a  study  of  that 
character,  it  is  not  necessary  to  claim,  in  justification  of  the 
attempt,  peculiar  qualifications  or  insight :  it  is  a  sufficient 
excuse,  if  one  can  claim  to  be  putting  the  same  questions 
that  others  are  putting,  and  to  be  one  among  many  students 
animated  by  a  similar  spirit  and  the  same  needs. 

In  the  case  of  St.  Paul  most  readers  are  already  familiar 
with  the  events  of  his  life,  with  the  original  authorities  on 
which  every  biographer  and  student  must  depend,  and  with 
some  modern  presentation  of  the  facts.  But  opinion  has 
varied  much  in  recent  years  as  regards  the  bearing  of 
these  facts,  and  the  estimate  which  should  be  set  on  them 
as  indications  of  the  character  and  aims  of  the  Apostle. 
Hence,  in  the  present  state  of  the  subject,  the  most  im- 
portant feature  of  a  new  study  of  his  career  consists  in  the 
general  interpretation  which  is  to  be  placed  on  the  facts, 
and  in  the  spirit  with  which  the  work  is  undertaken  ;  and 
it  is  advisable  for  the  writer  in  the  outset  to  make  clear  his 
general  attitude  towards  the  critical  points  on  which  the 
difference  in  opinion  turns. 

The  fascination  of  St.  Paul's  personality  lies  in  his 
humanity.     He  is  the  most  human  of  all  the  Apostles. 

That  he  was  in  many  ways  the  ablest  and  the  greatest, 
the  most  creative  mind,  the  boldest  originator,  the  most 
skilful  organiser  and  administrator,  the  most  impressive 
and  outstanding  personage  in  the  whole  Apostolic  circle — 
that  will  be  admitted  by  most  readers.  That  he  was  the 
most  clever  and  the  most  brilliant  of  the  Apostles  every 
one  must  feel.  But  all  that  might  be  granted,  without 
bringing  us  any  nearer  an  explanation    of  the   undying 


The  Charm  of  Paul  29 

interest  and  charm  he  possesses  for  us.  Those  are  not  the 
qualities  which  make  a  man  really  interesting,  which  catch 
the  heart  of  the  world  as  Paul  has  caught  it.  The  clever 
man  is,  on  the  whole,  rather  repellent  to  the  mass  of  man- 
kind, though  he  will  find  his  own  circle  of  friends  who  can 
at  once  admire  his  ability  and  penetrate  to  the  real  nature 
underneath  his  cleverness.  But  St.  Paul  lies  closer  to  the 
heart  of  the  great  mass  of  readers  than  any  other  of  the 
Apostles  ;  and  the  reason  is  that  he  impresses  us  as  the  most 
intensely  human  of  them  all. 

The  career  of  St.  Paul  can  easily  and  truthfully  be  de- 
scribed as  a  series  of  brilliant  achievements  and  marvel- 
lous successes.  But  it  is  not  through  his  achievements  and 
his  success  that  he  has  seized  and  possessed  the  hearts  of 
men.  It  is  because  behind  the  achievements  we  can  see  the 
trials  and  the  failures.  To  others  his  life  might  seem  like 
the  triumphal  progress  of  a  conqueror.  But  we  can  look 
through  his  eyes  and  watch  the  toil  and  the  stress  ;  we  can 
see  him  always  on  the  point  of  failure,  always  guarding 
against  the  ceaseless  dangers  that  threatened  him,  pressed 
on  every  side,  yet  not  straitened,  perplexed  but  not  in  despair, 
perseciited  but  not  forsaken,  cast  down,  but  not  destroyed. 

We  follow  his  fortunes  with  the  keenest  interest,  because 
we  feel  that  he  was  thoroughly  representative  of  the  eager, 
strenuous,  toiling  man,  and  his  career  was  full  of  situations 
and  difficulties  such  as  the  ordinary  man  has  to  face  in  the 
world.  The  life  of  St,  Paul,  as  it  stands  before  us  in  his 
letters  and  his  biography,  was  one  constant  struggle  against 
difficult  circumstances.  He  was  always  suspected,  always 
misunderstood,  by  some ;  and  he  always  found  a  friend  to 
stand  by  him  in  his  difficulties,  to  believe  in  him  in  spite 
of  appearances,  and  to  be  his  champion  and  guarantee. 


30  // 

That  is  the  daily  lot  of  the  men  who  work,  of  all  who  try- 
to  do  anything  good  or  great,  of  all  men  who  strive 
towards  an  ideal  of  any  kind,  in  patriotism,  or  in  lo3^alty, 
or  in  honour,  or  in  religion ;  and  it  is  only  such  men  who 
are  interested  in  the  life  of  Paul.  They  must  be  prepared 
to  face  misconception,  suspicion,  blame  greater  than  they 
deserve ;  and  they  may  hope  to  find  in  every  case  some 
friend  such  as  Paul  always  found. 

The  description  of  his  first  entry  into  the  Christian  world 
of  Jerusalem  is  typical.  When  he  was  come  to  Jerusalem, 
he  assayed  to  join  himself  to  the  disciples  ;  but  they  were  all 
afraid  of  him,  and  believed  not  that  he  was  a  disciple.  But 
Barnabas  took  him  and  brought  him  to  the  Apostles,  and 
declared  unto  them  how  he  had  seen  the  Lord  in  the  way. 
.  .  .  And  he  was  with  them  coming  and  going  out  of 
Jerusalem.  .  .  .  And  he  disputed  against  the  Hellenist  fews  ; 
but  they  went  about  to  slay  him.  All  the  rest  of  his  career 
is  similar  to  that.  His  past  life,  with  its  passions  and  its 
struggles,  its  attempts  and  its  failures,  always  impeded  him 
in  every  new  enterprise.  No  one  could  deliver  him  from 
this  body  of  death. 

We  see,  too,  that — as  is  the  case  with  all  men — his 
difficulties  and  his  failures  almost  always  were  the  result  of 
his  own  nature.  It  was  his  own  faults  and  errors  that 
caused  the  misconceptions  and  suspicions,  by  which  he  was 
continually  pressed  and  perplexed.  In  the  intense  enthu- 
siasm of  his  nature  he  often  failed  to  recognise  the  proper 
limitations,  and  erred  in  the  way  of  overstraining  the  present 
emotion.  He  was  carried  too  far  in  act  and  in  word  ;  and 
at  a  later  moment  he  became  conscious  that  he  had  been 
over-enthusiastic,  and  had  not  been  sufficiently  mindful  of 
all  the  complex  conditions. 


The  Charm  of  Paul  3 1 

When  we  say  that  he  failed  to  recognise  the  proper 
Hmitations,  we  feel  that  the  phrase  is  unsatisfactory  ;  and 
we  must  try  to  express  what  we  aim  at  in  another  way. 
Let  us  compare  him  with  the  greatest  of  his  contempo- 
raries, the  Apostles  John  and  Peter.  When  we  are  in 
contact  with  them,  at  least  in  their  later  life,  we  are 
impressed  always  with  the  completeness  of  statement 
and  the  perfectness  of  vision  that  are  implied  in  everything 
recorded  of  them.  They  had  lived  in  company  with  Him 
who,  in  a  sense  far  truer  than  Matthew  Arnold  meant, 

saw  life  steadily  and  saw  it  whole  ; 

and  they  had  caught  from  Him  something  of  that  faculty 
of  calm  steady  completeness  of  vision. 

In  all  the  words  of  Jesus  the  reader  is  impressed  with 
that  completeness  of  statement :  the  truth  stands  there 
whole  and  entire.  You  never  require  to  look  at  the  lan- 
guage from  some  special  point  of  view,  to  make  allowances 
for  the  circumstances  and  the  intention  of  the  speaker, 
before  you  recognise  the  truth  of  the  words.  You  do  not 
feel  that  there  are  other  justifiable  points  of  view  which 
are  left  out  of  account,  and  that  from  those  points  the  say- 
ing must  be  considered  inadequate.  The  word  is  never 
one-sided. 

Take  any  one  of  the  sayings,  such  as,  Render  unto 
CcBsar  the  things  that  are  Ccesars,  and  unto  God  the  things 
that  are  God's,  or  Wisdom  is  justified  of  all  her  children, 
or  The  Son  of  Man  is  Lord  of  the  Sabbath.  Each  of 
them  is  a  complete  and  rounded  whole,  perfect  from  every 
point  of  view.  There  is  nothing  more  to  be  said.  The 
true  commentator  may  expound  laboriously  from  various 
points  of  view  the  truth  of  those   matchless  expressions, 


32  // 

and  thereby  render  a  real  service  to  the  reader.  You  must 
look  at  each  saying  first  in  one  light,  then  in  another, 
analyse  it,  explain  it,  and  you  will  better  appreciate  all 
that  lies  in  it  ;  but  you  cannot  add  to  it,  or  make  it  more 
complete  than  it  is.  It  stands  there  once  for  all.  It  is 
the  final  statement. 

Something  of  that  perfection  of  vision  and  of  expression 
— that  calm  serene  insight  into  the  essential  truth  beneath 
the  flow  and  change  of  things — that  power  of  contemplat- 
ing the  world  upon  the  plane  of  eternity — had  passed  into 
the  mind  of  John  and  of  Peter.  Their  acts  and  their  words 
alike  are  on  that  plane  of  perfectness  and  finality.  Their 
words  were  so,  because  their  life  and  minds  were  so.  We 
cannot  but  speak  the  things  which  we  saw  and  heard.  They 
had  looked  on  the  Truth  :  they  had  lived  with  the  Truth. 
Never  again  could  they  live  on  the  plane  of  ordinary 
humanity  or  see  things  exactly  as  men  see  them,  for  they 
had  gazed  upon  eternity,  and  the  glory  was  always  in  their 
eyes. 

Something  too  of  the  same  steadiness  and  completeness 
of  vision  belongs,  and  must  belong,  to  the  great  prophets  of 
the  world.  They  were  prophets  because  they  had  come 
into  relations  with  the  Divine  nature  and  had  seen  the 
Truth.  They  too  could  not  but  speak  the  things  which 
they  had  seen  and  heard. 

Let  us  try  another  illustration — a  modern  one,  drawn 
from  Hegel's  brief  essay,  entitled  Who  is  the  abstract 
thinker?  in  which  he  distinguishes  the  analytic  method 
of  scientific  and  abstract  reasoning  from  the  direct  con- 
templation of  the  concrete  truth  of  the  eternal  world.  The 
great  German  philosopher  in  a  few  sentences  hits  off  the 
various    points   of  view   from    which   a  murderer   on   the 


The  Charm  of  Paul  33 

scaffold  is  regarded  by  different  persons.^  The  sociologists 
trace  the  conditions  of  society  and  education  that  led  him 
to  his  crime  :  the  moralists  or  the  priests  make  him  the 
text  of  a  sermon  on  the  corruption  of  the  class  to  which  he 
belongs.  They  see  the  murderer :  they  have  no  eyes  for 
the  man  as  part  of  the  eternal  world,  as  an  item  in  the 
Divine  plan.  Sentimental  ladies,  as  they  look  on,  are 
struck  with  his  handsome  and  interesting  figure  :  they  see 
another  side,  and  there  they  are  content :  if  they  do  not 
perhaps  carry  their  words  of  admiration  into  action  by 
throwing  flowers  to  him  on  the  scaffold.  But  one  person, 
a  poor  old  woman  in  the  crowd,  beheld  the  scene  as  a 
whole,  as  an  act  in  the  drama  of  eternity :  The  severed 
head  was  laid  on  the  scaffold ;  a7id  there  tvas  sunshine.  "  But 
how  beautifully"  said  she,  ^^  does  Gods  sun  of  grace  lighten 
up  his  head  ! "  The  most  contemptuous  word  we  can  use 
in  anger  is,  "  You  are  not  worth  the  sun  shining  on  you  ". 
The  woman  saw  the  sun  shining  on  the  murderer's  head, 
and  knew  that  he  was  still  worth  something  in  the  eye 
of  God.  She  uttered  in  a  flash  of  intuition  a  whole 
concrete  truth,  while  the  learned,  the  educated,  and  the 
fashionable  world  saw  only  one  side  or  another,  abstract 
and  incomplete. 

Now  with  Paul  we  feel  ourselves  in  contact  with  a  more 
simply  human  character  than  when  we  study  the  great 
Apostles  John  and  Peter.  It  is  not  that  he  never  moves 
and  thinks  and  speaks  on  the  plane  of  eternity.  He  often 
stands,  or  almost  stands  upon  it,  and  sees  accordingly. 
But  he  does  not  live  on  it.     He  only  strives  towards  it. 

1  Veymischte  Schriften,  ii.,  p.  403  {Werke,  vol.  xvii.).  A  fine  page  in 
the  late  Prof.  Wallace's  Logic  of  Hegel  (Proleg.  Ixxix.)  directed  my  attention 
to  it  in  undergraduate  days,  and  fixed  it  in  my  mind  for  ever. 

3 


34  // 

He  is  the  typical,  the  representative  man,  who  attains  in 
moments  of  higher  vision  and  inspiration  to  behold  the 
truth,  to  commune  with  the  Divine  nature.  He  has,  too, 
far  more  of  such  visions  than  other  men.  They  are  the 
greatest  glory  of  his  life,  in  which  he  might  reasonably  take 
pride. 

But  one  feels  that  with  Paul  the  vision  lasted  no  long 
time.  It  was  present  with  him  only  for  a  moment ;  and 
then  he  was  once  more  on  the  level  of  humanity. 

Yet  that,  after  all,  is  why  Paul  is  so  close  to  us.     We  too 

can  sometimes  attain  to  a  momentary  glimpse  of  Truth 

when  the  veil  seems  for  an  instant  to  be  withdrawn  from 

her  face ; 

I  will  go  forward,  sayest  thou, 
I  shall  not  fail  to  find  her  now  ; 
Look  up,  the  fold  is  on  her  brow. 

Throughout  his  life,  we  have  to  study  Paul  in  this  spirit. 
He  sees  like  a  man.  He  sees  one  side  at  a  time.  He 
emphasises  that — not  indeed  more  than  it  deserves — but 
in  a  way  that  is  open  to  misconception,  because  he  expresses 
the  side  of  the  case  which  he  has  in  view,  and  expects  the 
audience  to  catch  his  enthusiasm,  to  sympathise  with  his 
point  of  view,  to  supply  for  themselves  the  qualifications 
and  the  conditions  and  the  reservations  which  are  necessary 
in  the  concrete  facts  of  actual  life. 

Alike  in  his  acts  and  his  words  we  notice  the  same 
tendency.  When,  after  the  agreement  with  the  Judaic  party 
in  the  Church,  he  went  out  on  his  second  journey,  he  was 
ready,  in  his  unhesitating  and  hearty  acceptance  of  the 
arrangement,  to  do  a  very  great  deal  in  compliance  with 
the  Jew's  natural  and  not  unjustifiable  prejudices.  He 
even  made  the  half-Jew  Timothy  comply  with  the  Jewish 


The  Charm  of  Paul  35 

law.  No  act  of  his  whole  life  is  more  difficult  to  sympathise 
with  :  none  cost  him  dearer.  It  was  misunderstood  by  his 
own  Galatian  converts,  as  Bishop  Lightfoot  well  explains ; 
and  the  Epistle  which  he  afterwards  addressed  to  them  was 
intended  to  bring  home  to  them  the  whole  truth  respecting 
their  position  in  the  Church.  But,  as  his  act  had  given 
dangerous  emphasis  to  one  side  of  the  case,  the  Epistle 
can  restore  the  equilibrium  and  give  concreteness  and 
wholeness  to  the  truth  only  by  emphasising  the  other  side. 

We  on  our  part  have  to  keep  the  two  sides  in  mind  in 
estimating  the  historical  situation ;  and  we  must  both  take 
into  consideration  the  later  words  when  we  judge  the  act 
as  an  indication  of  Paul's  mind,  and  remember  the  earlier 
act  when  we  estimate  the  meaning  of  certain  very  strong 
statements  in  the  Epistle,  such  as  if  ye  receive  circumcision^ 
Christ  will  profit  you  nothing,  or  ye  are  severed  from 
Christ,  ye  who  would  be  justified  by  the  Law.  Those 
words  are  one-sided,  and  not  the  whole  many-sided  truth. 
They  are  over-strained  ;  and  it  needs  much  sympathy,  and 
much  allowance  for  the  unexpressed  but  necessary  con- 
ditions, in  order  to  read  in  them  the  Pauline  gospel. 

Similarly,  time  after  time,  we  find  in  the  Epistles  that 
Paul  has  laid  himself  open  to  misconstruction  in  the  minds 
of  his  converts  by  emphasising  one  side  of  the  case,  and 
has  to  give  completeness  to  his  teaching  by  stating  another 
aspect.  For  example,  he  had  written  to  the  Corinthians, 
forbidding  them  in  too  general  terms  to  come  into  social 
relations  with  immoral  persons  ;  but  he  feels  afterwards 
that  this,  taken  literally,  would  be  equivalent  to  an  order 
to  go  out  of  the  world  and  to  cut  themselves  off  absolutely 
from  the  city  in  which  they  lived,  inasmuch  as  all  pagan 
society  was  maintained  on  an  immoral  basis  ;  and  therefore 


36  // 

conditions  and  qualifications  and  explanations  have  to  be 
added  in  i  Cor.  v.  9-13.  The  first  message  was  not  a 
complete  and  perfect  truth  :  it  was  a  law  that  needed  a 
supplement  and  a  restriction. 

Again  the  second  letter  to  the  people  of  Thessalonica  is 
to  a  great  extent  an  attempt  to  guard  against  a  miscon- 
ception of  his  teaching  ;  and  the  misconception  was  evi- 
dently due  to  the  strong  emphasis  which  he  had  laid  on 
such  ideas  as  the  coming  of  the  Kingdom, 

But  that  is  the  way  of  mankind.  If  we  would  do  any- 
thing we  must  strive  and  struggle  along  the  difficult  path 
of  the  world,  making  mistakes  often,  over-emphasising 
often  the  side  which  we  see,  afterwards  correcting  our 
errors,  completing  our  deficiencies ;  and  worn  out  at  last 
and  spent  with  the  heat  and  dust  and  fatigue  of  the  toil- 
some road,  we  may  need  a  friendly  voice  to  tell  us  that 
we  have  not  worked  in  vain,  while  we  are  ourselves  too 
conscious  of  the  failures  to  have  any  sense  of  the  actual 
measure  of  achievement.  In  the  life  of  Paul  we  read  the 
life  of  man ;  and  thus  his  story  never  grows  old  and  never 
loses  its  fascination. 

But  the  human  character  alone,  even  in  conjunction  with 
his  great  achievements,  is  not  sufficient  to  explain  the  fas- 
cination that  St.  Paul  exerts  on  us.  I  should  not  reckon 
even  his  power  of  sympathising  with  and  understanding 
the  nature  and  needs  of  his  followers  in  so  many  different 
lands  as  furnishing  the  full  explanation.  The  reason  seems 
to  lie  in  that  combination  of  qualities  which  made  him  re- 
presentative of  human  nature  at  its  best :  intensely  human 
in  his  undeniable  faults,  he  shows  a  real  nobility  and  lofti- 
ness of  spirit  in  which  every  man  recognises  his  own  best 
self. 


The  Charm  of  Paul  37 

The  part  which  he  had  to  play  in  Christian  society  was 
a  difficult  one.  He  came  into  it  much  junior  in  standing 
and  inferior  in  influence  to  all  the  great  men  of  the  com- 
pany. Yet  he  was  conscious  that  in  insight,  in  practical 
sense,  in  power  of  directing  the  development  of  their  young 
society,  he  was  superior  to  them.  He  saw  what  they  did 
not  at  first  recognise,  the  true  line  of  development  for  their 
cause.  He  carried  them  with  him,  as  their  de  facto  leader. 
He  had  on  one  occasion  to  rebuke  for  his  wavering  and  in- 
consistent conduct  the  one  who  at  first  had  been  the  most 
enterprising  and  directing  spirit  among  them.  Moreover, 
he  was  of  higher  rank  among  his  own  people,  sprung  from 
an  influential  family  which  could  not  be  ignored  even  in 
Jerusalem,  marked  out  from  youth  as  a  person  of  conse- 
quence by  his  education  and  ability  and  energy,  taking  a 
prominent  part  among  the  leaders  of  his  people  from  the 
day  that  he  entered  on  public  life.  Finally,  he  was  in  all 
probability  older  than  several,  perhaps  even  than  many  of 
the  Apostles. 

All  these  causes  conspired  to  render  the  position  of  Paul 
among  the  Christians  of  Jerusalem  a  very  delicate  one. 
Only  the  most  perfect  courtesy  and  respect  for  the  rights 
and  feelings  of  others,  founded  on  the  truest  self-respect, 
could  have  carried  him  safely  through  the  difficulties  of  the 
situation.  He  dared  not  yield  to  them,  or  sink  his  own 
personality  in  respect  for  their  well-deserved  authority,  for 
he  was  strong  in  the  mandate  of  revelation.  Yet  he  would 
forfeit  our  love  and  respect  if  he  ever  obtruded  his  policy 
and  his  claims  on  them,  or  failed  in  the  respect  and  rever- 
ence which  was  due  from  a  neophyte  to  those  whose  eyes 
and  minds  were  quickened  with  the  glory  of  long  com- 
munion with  Jesus. 


38  // 

In  that  difficultsituation  the  world  of  readers  and  thinkers 
has  decided  that  Paul  never  seriously  erred.  He  never 
failed  in  reverence  to  the  great  men,  and  he  never  failed  in 
the  courage  and  self-reliance  needed  to  press  his  policy  on 
their  joint  councils.  That  is  why  we  are  still  under  his 
fascination,  just  as  much  as  those  who  beheld  his  face  and 
listened  to  his  words  and  thought  it  was  an  angel  that 
spoke.  He  stands  before  us  not  merely  as  a  representative 
of  simple  human  nature,  but  also  as  typical  of  the  highest 
and  best  in  human  nature.  We  never  understand  him 
rightly,  unless  we  conceive  his  action  on  the  highest  plane 
that  mere  humanity  is  capable  of  occupying. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  this  description  of  St. 
Paul's  relations  to  the  older  Apostles  is  very  different  from 
that  which  is  commonly  given  by  modern  scholars.  In  the 
pages  of  most  of  them  we  find  the  picture  of  Paul  as  a  man 
actuated  always  by  jealousy  of  the  great  Apostles,  continu- 
ally trying  to  undermine  their  authority  and  to  set  himself 
in  their  place,  driven  on  by  the  feeling  that  he  could  prove 
his  own  position  only  by  picking  faults  in  and  criticising 
his  seniors,  and  that  he  could  rise  in  the  Church  only  by 
getting  them  turned  out  of  their  place.  They  set  him 
before  us  as  ambitious,  envious,  almost  selfish,  a  carping 
critic  of  others,  yet  not  himself  always  very  scrupulous  in  his 
methods,  the  least  lovable  and  the  most  unlovely  character 
in  early  Christian  history.  This  picture  is  most  character- 
istic of  what  is  wrongly  called  the  "  critical "  school,  but  is 
far  from  being  confined  to  it,  for  the  most  extreme  example 
is  found  in  a  Study  of  St.  Paul,  which  takes  the  most 
"orthodox"  view  in  all  matters  of  criticism  (Art.  XIII.). 

The  view  which  we  take,  then,  is  open  to  the  charge  of 
being  old-fashioned,  because  it  was  held  by  the  men  and 


The  Charnt  of  Paul  39 

women  of  an  older  time  ;  and  there  is  a  prejudice  against 
a  view  which,  Hke  this,  is  most  characteristic  of  an  older 
generation  and  has  been  rejected  by  many  learned  and 
highly  respected  scholars  in  more  recent  times,  a  view 
which  is  distinctly  less  fashionable  among  those  of  the 
younger  generation  who  most  pride  themselves  on  their 
open-mindedness  and  freedom  from  prejudice. 

In  Scotland,  particularly,  many  of  us  remember  the  light 
in  which  Paul  was  held  up  to  us  in  our  childhood  :  to  our 
mothers  Paul  was  not  a  mere  name  in  a  book,  but  a  real 
man  held  up  before  us  as  a  model  to  imitate.  He,  more 
than  any  other  character  in  the  New  Testament,  was  con- 
sidered as  the  embodiment  in  actual  life  of  the  qualities 
that  made  the  true  "  gentleman  "  (to  use  the  old-fashioned 
term  in  the  old-fashioned  sense) — loftiness  of  motive,  the 
abnegation  of  self  under  the  influence  of  nobler  considera- 
tions, the  tendency  to  look  at  all  things  in  life  from  a 
generous  point  of  view,  the  frankness  to  speak  out  straight 
and  emphatically  against  wrong  doing  and  wrong  thinking, 
combined  with  that  courtesy,  that  delicate  consideration  for 
the  feelings  of  others,  that  instinctive  and  inevitable  respect 
for  others  which  rise  from  true  respect  for  self 

It  may  be  considered  by  some  that  the  greater  space 
which  St.  Paul  fills  in  the  pages  of  the  New  Testament 
explains  the  reason  why  he  bulked  so  much  more  largely 
in  the  estimation  of  our  parents  ;  but  this  is  a  superficial 
way  of  judging.  Paul  occupies  this  space  in  the  original 
authorities  because  of  his  personal  qualities  and  historical 
importance  ;  and  the  older  generation,  which  thought  so 
highly  of  him,  had  a  very  sound  and  healthy  appreciation 
of  the  character  and  personality  of  the  various  figures 
whose  action  is  set  before  us  in  the  New  Testament. 


40  // 

That  old-fashioned  view  was  held  in  an  old-fashioned 
way.  There  were  scenes  and  events  in  Paul's  life  which 
were  acknowledged  to  be  difficult  to  understand  ;  but  then 
the  difficulty  was  met  by  a  plain  confession  of  inability  to 
fully  comprehend  the  situation  and  the  reason  why  Paul 
acted  as  he  did.  It  was  in  such  cases  considered  sufficient 
to  say,  that  the  position  of  affairs  was  obscure,  and  the 
motives  involved  were  complex  and  difficult  to  understand 
fully,  but  that  Paul  could  not  fall  below  the  standard  of 
his  own  nature  :  "  once  a  gentleman,  always  a  gentleman  :  " 
and  that  there  must  be  an  explanation  of  his  motives  and 
conduct  which  was  true  to  his  character,  and  no  explanation 
that  was  not  could  be  correct. 

But,  as  is  natural  and  right,  men  cannot  remain  contented 
to  set  aside  in  that  way  parts  of  the  life  of  Paul  as  too 
difficult  to  understand.  The  robust  and  simple  faith  that 
there  must  be  an  explanation  which  conforms  to  that  lofty 
conception  of  his  character  is  not  sufficient  for  the  historian 
and  the  biographer :  it  is  their  duty  to  understand  and  to 
explain. 

The  idea  was  a  natural  one,  deserving  of  careful  examina- 
tion, that  the  difficulty  in  regard  to  those  parts  and  incidents 
in  the  life  of  St.  Paul  arose  from  the  incorrectness  of  the 
general  estimate  put  upon  his  character.  It  is  quite  true 
that  it  is  the  difficulties  which  are  most  instructive  ;  and  that 
on  them  the  attention  of  the  investigator  must  especially 
be  concentrated.  Thus  arose  the  theory,  that  the  standard 
of  judgment  must  be  taken  from  the  great,  yet  as  it  seemed 
difficult,  scene  in  which  St.  Paul  was  brought  into  direct 
relations  with  the  older  Apostles  ;  that  scene  was  universally 
understood  to  be  described  by  St.  Paul  himself  in  writing 
to  the  Galatians,  chap,  ii.,  and  also  by  the  historian  in  the 


The  Charon  of  Paul  41 

Acts,  chap.  XV.  :  the  obvious  and  undeniable  differences 
between  the  two  accounts,  as  regards  both  facts  and  still 
more,  spirit,  were  accounted  for  by  the  theory  that  there 
was  something  to  conceal,  and  that  each  account  omitted 
something  that  the  other  recounted,  and  that  the  full  story 
could  only  be  got  by  uniting  the  two  narratives. 

The  innuendo  here  lies  in  the  idea  that  there  was  some- 
thing to  conceal ;  and  this  was  worked  out  in  a  remorseless 
and  rigorous  train  of  inference  throughout  not  only  that 
scene,  but  the  whole  of  St.  Paul's  later  life.  The  thought  in 
the  investigator's  mind  at  every  point  was  of  this  supposed 
concealment :  his  aim  at  every  point  was  to  disclose  the 
latent  facts  which  the  narrator  had  been  ashamed  to  make 
public.  This  was  a  canker  that  vitiated  the  whole  investi- 
gation. The  conclusion  was  imported  by  the  investigator 
at  the  outset ;  and  was  therefore  easily  established  at  every 
point,  as  the  method  was  simply  to  insert  the  lacking 
element,  which  had  been  omitted  by  the  narrator. 

That  method  of  writing  history  is  a  seductive,  though  a 
dangerous  one.  It  gives  infinite  scope  for  ingenuity,  bril- 
liant suggestion  and  feats  of  skill.  The  reader  is  dazzled 
by  the  blaze  of  artificial  fire,  with  which  each  scene  is  illu- 
mined, and  by  which  the  strongest  and  deepest  shadows 
are  thrown  on  the  facts,  in  picturesque  but  distorting  effects. 
But  life  is  lived,  and  history  should  be  studied,  not  in  hme- 
light  but  in  the  light  of  day. 

The  application  of  that  method  to  the  New  Testament 
was  at  first  mainly  the  work  of  the  Tubingen  school  of 
critics  ;  and  from  that  school  there  has  sprung  a  whole  class 
of  theories  differing  in  many  details,  but  agreeing  in  the 
general  principle  that  the  books  of  the  New  Testament  were 
mostly  or  entirely  forgeries  of  a  later  age,  composed  not 


42  // 

with  a  view  to  set  forth  the  simple  truth  but  with  the  in- 
tention of  inculcating  certain  views  and  doctrinal  opinions 
held  by  the  writers  in  common  with  the  particular  party 
or  section  of  the  Christian  Church  to  which  each  belonged. 

The  Tubingen  school  did  not  confine  their  demonstration 
of  their  method  to  New  Testament  history.  They  used  it 
elsewhere,  as,  e.g.^  in  Schwegler's  History  of  Rome ;  and  the 
issue  is  manifest.  Not  merely  has  it  been  rejected  by 
other  scholars  on  the  ground  of  being  merely  theoretical 
and  imaginative,  it  has  been  disproved,  root  and  branch,  in 
idea  and  in  method  and  in  results,  by  the  progress  of  dis- 
covery. 

The  reply  to  the  Tubingen  theories  for  a  long  time 
took  the  form  of  denying  that  any  discrepancies  existed 
between  the  accounts  in  Gal.  ii.  and  Acts  xv.  ;  and  many 
laboured  demonstrations  of  that  kind  were  published.  The 
ordinary  student  could  not  rest  satisfied  with  this :  he  felt 
the  discrepancies.  We  know  now  that  Gal.  ii.  and  Acts 
XV.  describe  two  different  events,  and  that  discrepancies  are 
natural. 

Then  the  young  student  was  placed  in  a  serious  dilemma, 
between  two  classes  of  teachers.  The  one  class  as  a  rule 
took  a  nobler  and  more  generous  view  of  Paul  ;  but  they 
failed  to  apply  their  theory  logically  and  convincingly  to 
the  details  ;  and  their  solution  could  only  repel  the  logical 
mind,  and  therefore  strengthened  the  position  of  the  oppos- 
ing school.  One  seemed  always  driven  back  to  the  skilful 
logic  of  the  Tubingen  theorists,  who  carried  their  readers 
on  in  an  unerring  train  of  inference  from  their  first  as- 
sumptions :  the  discrepancies  were  due  to  the  attempt  to 
conceal  facts  that  were  discreditable. 

Yet  those  Tubingen  theorists  were  involved  in  an  equally 


The  Charm  of  Paul  43 

serious  difficulty.  When  one  faced  the  practical  facts  of 
history  and  life,  one  could  find  no  answer  to  the  question 
how  that  Paul  whom  they  imagined  could  achieve  what 
he  did.  How  was  he  able  to  move  the  hearts  of  men 
and  touch  their  feelings?  His  work  is  simply  unintelli- 
gible unless  we  assume  that  he  had  a  boundless  power  of 
sympathising  with  others  and  taking  them  to  himself,  such 
as  is  inconsistent  with  censorious,  self-seeking  ambition. 
When  one  sought  the  answer  to  these  questions,  one  found 
that  every  critic  was  at  variance  with  himself.  In  one 
page  they  recognised  in  Paul  the  qualities  which  in  another 
they  denied  him.  It  was  never  possible  to  find  a  man  in 
the  critics'  Paul.  They  set  before  their  readers  no  unity 
or  reality,  but  a  many-natured  bundle  of  qualities  like 
Frankenstein's  artificial  man.  While  the  critics  praised 
Paul  in  the  general  view,  and  admired  his  marvellous 
influence,  they  had  little  but  blame  for  him  in  detail  ;  their 
admiration  seemed  only  theoretical,  but,  whenever  it  came 
to  a  question  of  fact  or  action,  it  was  only  faults  in  him 
that  they  saw  and  emphasised. 

But  the  student  who  has  too  exclusive  an  acquaintance 
with  theories  and  too  little  practical  experience  of  life  does 
not  easily  realise  how  essentially  self-contradictory  and 
impossible  that  conception  of  Paul  is  :  one  who  lives  zvith 
shadows  for  his  company  instead  of  men  and  women^  who 
knows  books,  not  the  facts  of  life  or  the  natural  development 
of  human  conduct,  can  easily  be  blind  to  the  inconsistency, 
or,  if  dimly  conscious  of  it,  can  yet  keep  his  eyes  shut.  This 
weakness  of  judgment  is  intensified  by  a  deep-seated  vice 
in  the  modern  methods  of  scholarship. 

The  student  finds  that  there  is  so  much  to  learn  that  he 
rarely  has  time  even  to  begin  to  know.     It  is  inexorably 


44  // 

required  of  him  that  he  shall  be  familiar  with  the  opinions 
of  many  teachers  dead  and  living,  and  it  is  not  often 
sufficiently  impressed  on  him  that  mere  ability  to  set  forth 
in  fluent  and  polished  language  the  thoughts  of  others — 
assuming  that  he  can  acquire  that  power  at  which  he  aims, 
and  towards  which  he  struggles  with  all  his  energy — is  not 
real  "  knowledge".  He  does  not  learn  that  learning  must 
be  thought  out  afresh  by  him  from  first  principles,  and  tested 
in  actual  experience,  before  it  becomes  really  his  own.  In 
Plato's  words,  he  gets  at  college  much  "  true  opinion  "  (let 
us  hope  not  "  false  opinion  "),  but  little  "  knowledge  ",  He 
must  live  his  opinions  before  they  become  knowledge,  and 
he  is  fortunate  if  he  is  not  compelled  prematurely  to  express 
them  too  frequently  and  too  publicly,  so  that  they  become 
hardened  and  fixed  before  he  has  had  the  opportunity  of 
trying  them  and  moulding  them  in  real  life  and  experience. 
Yet,  if  one's  experiences  are  not  too  unfavourable  to 
permit  due  growth,  if  one  is  not  too  soon  hardened  by  pre- 
mature success  or  any  other  cause  into  perfect  self-satisfaction 
and  contentment,  one  must  gradually  become  convinced  that 
the  Paul  of  real  life  was  a  very  different  character  from  the 
theorist's  Paul  ;  and  the  man  who  gradually  takes  form 
before  one's  mind,  in  the  vivid  comprehension  of  his 
words  and  actions,  is  (as  one  then  finds)  the  same  Paul 
whom  the  author  of  Acts  had  in  his  view.  Then  one 
recognises  and  knows,  absolutely  and  irresistibly  and  for 
ever,  that  Luke  had  known  the  man,  had  been  his  friend 
and  confidant  and  coadjutor,  and  was  not  an  impostor  of 
the  second  century  who  was  wholly  dependent  on  written 
sources  of  information,  which  he  barely  understood  and 
frequently  mangled.  Thus  Paul  and  Luke  stand  together. 
If  the  theorist's  Paul  be  the  true  one,  then  the  writer  of 


The  Charm  of  Paul  45 

Acts  had  never  known  him,  for  he  describes  a  different 
person — the  generous  and  lovable  Paul.  But  when  you 
think  of  this  other  Paul,  then  you  feel  the  deep,  intimate, 
personal  love  and  admiration  that  Luke  entertained  for 
him,  giving  life  and  reality  to  every  sentence  that  he  writes. 
Thus  after  all  one  comes  back  to  the  old-fashioned  view, 
but  not  in  the  old-fashioned  way.  One  has  acquired  also 
the  virtues  of  modern  scholarship,  the  resolution  to  be  slave 
to  no  authority,  to  test  every  opinion,  and  never  to  remain 
contented  in  the  presence  of  any  difficulty.  One  is  resolved 
to  understand  Paul's  action  throughout,  and  not  to  rest 
content  with  the  assumptions  in  which  general  opinion 
has  acquiesced.  Then  one  learns  that  current  conceptions 
must  be  corrected  in  important  respects,  and  that,  when 
the  needed  corrections  are  made,  the  difficulties  turn  out 
to  be  due  to  errors  in  regard  to  the  general  framework 
and  surroundings  amid  which  Paul's  work  was  done.  In 
the  belief  that  most  of  the  difficulties  are  thus  solved,  the 
following  Study  of  the  practical  life,  the  Statesmanship,  of 
Paul  is  written. 


Ill 

THE  STATESMANSHIP  OF  PAUL 


J 


m 


Ill 

THE  STATESMANSHIP  OF  PAUL 

To  the  scholars  of  the  "  Tubingen  School "  belongs  the 
credit  of  inaugurating,  as  a  practical  reality,  the  free,  un- 
biased study  of  early  Christian  history,  with  the  single  aim 
of  reaching  the  truth,  instead  of  assuming  it.  But  from 
this  splendid  merit  much  must  be  detracted,  when  we  ob- 
serve how  they  carried  out  their  attempt.  In  a  task  which 
demanded  intimate  familiarity  with  the  life  and  spirit  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  they  showed  a  singular  absence  of  special 
knowledge  (combined  with  unhesitating  confidence  in  the 
perfection  of  their  knowledge),  and  an  extraordinary  in- 
capacity to  gauge  the  proper  meaning  of  a  Greek  or  Latin 
paragraph.  Thus  they  evolved  a  history  of  early  Christian 
times  which  was  in  contradiction  to  many  of  the  authorities 
whom  they  quoted  and  misunderstood. 

It  was  a  great  thing  to  substitute  freedom  of  spirit  for 
blind  following  of  authority ;  but  we  shall  do  away  with  all 
the  value  of  their  teaching  if  we  allow  the  glamour  of  a 
modern  to  be  substituted  for  the  sacredness  of  an  ancient 
authority.  If  we  remain  true  to  the  spirit  which  impelled 
them,  disregarding  authority  and  seeking  only  for  truth,  we 
must  set  them  aside  and  start  anew.  And,  above  all,  we 
shall  rebel  against  the  tyrannous  spirit  of  their  pupils,  who 
in  the  name  of  freedom  would  stifle  investigation,  and  limit 

(49)  4 


50  /// 

by  a  priori  rules  the  conclusions  which  a  scholar  may  ex- 
press as  the  result  of  his  studies. 

Especially  in  the  case  of  the  Apostle  Paul,  subsequent 
scholars  have  been  too  much  under  the  spell  of  that  school, 
and  even  those  who  recognised  that  the  Tubingen  opinions 
were  incorrect,  too  readily  admitted  that  the  mistake  lay 
only  in  pressing  too  far  a  correct  method,  whereas,  in  reality, 
the  premises  were  erroneous  and  fictitious.  We  believe 
that  a  seriously  incorrect  picture  of  that  great  man  has 
been  commonly  set  before  the  world  by  modern  scholars ; 
and  we  would  venture  to  plead  for  a  reconsideration  of 
the  case. 

We  shall  treat  our  subject  as  an  episode  in  Roman 
history.  It  is,  of  course,  impossible  to  ignore  the  religious 
aspect  of  any  Pauline  question,  but  so  far  as  possible  we 
concentrate  attention  on  the  work  of  Paul  as  a  social  in- 
fluence on  the  Roman  world. 

I 

In  the  first  century  of  our  era  the  Mediterranean  world 
was  full  of  the  mixing  and  clashing  of  nations — not  simply 
in  the  way  of  war,  which  belongs  to  all  centuries  and  is 
specially  characteristic  of  none,  but  far  more  in  the  way  of 
peace  and  conscious  effort  at  amalgamation.  The  attempt 
was  being  made  on  a  great  scale  to  forge  the  nations  into 
an  articulated  organism  of  provinces,  looking  to  a  single 
Imperial  central  heart  and  brain  for  order  and  unity.  The 
ruling  power  was  Rome.  The  motive  force  to  set  in  motion 
all  that  seething  mass  of  materials,  so  that  they  might 
coalesce  in  new  unions,  as  provinces  of  one  fatherland,  was 
the  Imperial  policy — that  marvellously  wise  and  far-sighted 
creation  of  the  genius  of  Julius  Caesar,  shaped  further  by 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  5 1 

the  skill  and  prudence  of  Augustus  and  his  great  minister 
Agrippa.  Maecenas,  whom  the  historians  add  as  a  third  to 
make  the  pair  a  trio,  or  even  mention  to  the  exclusion  of 
Agrippa,  is  an  overrated  person  :  the  supposed  contrast 
between  his  great  but  hidden  importance  and  his  apparent 
indolence  and  luxury  and  self-effacement  tempted  the  old 
historians  to  attribute  to  him  much  to  which  he  has  no  real 
claim.  He  was  simply  a  very  clever  manipulator  of  the 
party  machine  in  the  city,  an  able  political  wire-puller,  who 
was  exceedingly  important  in  the  earlier  stages  of  Augustus's 
struggle  for  power,  but  who  lost  all  his  importance  and  sank 
into  insignificance  and  oblivion  in  B.C.  23,  when  the  era  of 
constructive  Imperial  statesmanship  began. 

The  attempt  was,  at  first,  too  far-reaching.  It  was 
sought  to  obliterate  the  old  national  lines  of  separation. 
The  provincial  boundaries  were  so  drawn  as  sometimes  to 
break  up  single  nations  between  several  provinces,  and  some- 
times to  include  several  nations  in  one  province.  Each  pro- 
vince was  treated  as  a  unity,  and  the  Greek  rendering  of  the 
Roman  term  ^^ province"  was  actually  nation  :  "the  province 
Asia"  is  expressed  in  the  political  Greek  of  the  time  as  "Asia 
the  nation  ".  But  to  belong  to  a  nation  in  the  old  sense  was 
non-Roman  and  anti-Roman,  and  was  reckoned  as  the  mark 
either  of  slave  origin  or  of  disloyalty.  The  loyal  subject  of 
the  Empire  was  reckoned  and  designated  by  his  province  and 
city,  not  by  his  nation  ;  though  the  real  nature  of  the  designa- 
tion has  often  been  concealed  from  modern  scholars  by  the 
fact  that  a  provincial  name  was  in  many  cases  identical  with 
some  national  name.  Especially  the  New  Testament  scholars 
have  rarely  showed  any  knowledge  of  this  principle ;  and 
have  often  contemned,  with  the  licence  of  ignorance,  those 
English  scholars  who  wrote  from  a  higher  and  truer  point  of 


52  /// 

view.^  Like  most  of  the  fruitful  principles  in  Roman  Im- 
perial history,  this  was  first  observed  and  worked  into  the 
study  of  the  subject  by  Mommsen.  When  Paul  called  him- 
self "  a  Tarsian  of  Cilicia,"  he  was  not  speaking  of  the  country 
Cilicia,  great  part  of  which  was  under  the  rule  of  kings.  He 
was  describing  himself  by  his  city  and  his  province ;  and  he 
was  so  understood  by  the  Roman  officer  to  whom  he  spoke. 

For  a  time  the  attempt  to  destroy  the  old  national  lines 
of  separation  seemed  likely  to  prove  successful.  The  Roman 
Imperial  policy  was  aided  and  supported  both  by  the  en- 
thusiastic loyalty  of  the  subject  peoples  and  by  the  almost 
universal  fashion  of  regarding  as  vulgar  and  contemptible 
everything  that  differed  from  the  Greek  or  the  Roman 
standard.  But  nature  was  too  strong.  National  character 
could  not  be  ejected  either  by  fashion  or  by  loyalty.  In 
the  second  century  Hadrian  recognised  frankly  that  the 
former  policy  had  been  pressed  too  far,  and  inaugurated  a 
new  policy  of  respecting  national  ideas  and  enlisting  them 
in  the  service  of  the  Empire. 

In  the  first  century,  however,  that  earlier  policy  was 
strong  and  popular,  and  the  history  of  the  time  must  be 
studied  according  to  it.  We  must  remember  that  the  loyal 
population  thought  and  classified  according  to  provinces, 
that  national  designations  were  used  only  as  a  necessity  to 
express  geographical  facts,  and  not  political  relations,  that 
a  horse  or  a  slave  or  a  foreigner  was  called  "  Phrygian  "  or 
**  Lycaonian  "  ;  but  a  citizen  of  a  Phrygian  city  was  called 
by  his  province  (either  Asia  or  Galatia),  except  that  the 
national  designation  was  applied  to  him  sometimes  in  jest 

1 1  may  quote,  as  one  of  the  best  examples  of  the  true  spirit  in  treating 
early  Christian  history,  the  Rev.  F.  Kendall's  article  in  the  Expositor,  Nov., 
1893,  p.  321  ff.,  on  "  The  Pauline  Collection  for  the  Saints". 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  53 

and  raillery  as  a  nickname,  or  in  contempt,  or  from  geogra- 
phical necessity  to  define  more  precisely  his  locality. 

Of  all  the  men  of  the  first  century,  incomparably  the 
most  influential  was  the  Apostle  Paul.  No  other  man  exer- 
cised anything  like  so  much  power  as  he  did  in  moulding 
the  future  of  the  Empire.  Among  the  Imperial  ministers 
of  the  period  there  appeared  none  that  had  any  claim  to  the 
name  of  statesman  except  Seneca ;  and  Seneca  fell  as  far 
short  of  Paul  in  practical  influence  and  intellectual  insight 
as  he  did  in  moral  character. 

We  cannot  suppose  that  Paul  was  entirely  unconscious 
of  the  social  and  political  side  of  his  schemes  and  ideals,  or 
that  he  was  simply  pushed  forward  as  a  blind,  unthinking 
agent,  an  impotent  piece  in  the  game  that  God  was  playing 
"  upon  this  chequer-board  of  nights  and  days  ".  That  is  not 
the  theory  of  the  Christian  thinker.  We  propose  to  examine 
what  evidence  there  is  of  any  definite  idea  and  principle — 
purely  on  the  external  and  non-religious  side — in  the  action 
and  the  teaching  of  Paul.  What  creative  and  guiding  idea 
— if  any — did  he  throw  into  the  melting-pot,  in  which 
Roman  policy  was  stirring  and  mixing  the  nations  ? 

If  there  was  no  idea  guiding  his  action,  he  would 
have  to  be  ranked  as  a  religious  enthusiast  of  marvellous 
energy  and  vigour,  but  not  as  a  religious  statesman — as  a 
rousing  and  stimulative  force,  but  not  an  organising  and 
creative  force.  But  it  seems  beyond  question  that  his 
creative  and  organising  power  was  immense,  that  the  forms 
and  methods  of  the  Christian  Church  were  originated  mainly 
by  him,  and  that  almost  every  fruitful  idea  in  the  early 
history  of  the  Church  must  be  traced  back  to  his  suggestive 
and  formative  impulse.  He  was  a  maker  and  a  statesman, 
not  a  religious  enthusiast.     He  must  therefore  have  had  in 


54  /// 

his  mind  some  ideal,  some  guiding  conception,  which  he 
worked  to  realise. 

Bearing  in  mind  the  limits  we  have  imposed  on  our  in- 
vestigation, we  look  to  see  what  was  his  attitude  towards  the 
political  ideas  and  divisions  and  classification  amid  which 
he  lived.  We  shall  not  stop,  except  for  a  moment,  to  allude 
to  the  familiar  principle  which  he  expresses,  in  the  writings 
preserved  to  us,  regarding  the  facts  of  Imperial  organisation. 
He  always  acts  upon  the  principle,  and  impresses  it  on  his 
own  churches,  that  existing  authorities  and  government 
should  be  respected,  not  as  right,  but  as  indifferent. 

Such  are  the  sentiments  and  advice  in  his  later  and 
Christian  stage.  But  his  ideas  as  a  Christian  were  de- 
veloped out  of  his  pre-Christian  ideas  and  experiences. 
What  did  he  think  before  he  was  a  Christian?  We  go 
back  to  his  early  years.  We  ask  what  had  been  his  attitude 
towards  the  Roman  world  in  his  earlier  stage  ?  What  was 
the  tone  and  character  impressed  on  him  by  his  surround- 
ings as  a  child  ?  Let  us  try  to  estimate  in  a  practical  way 
the  conditions  amid  which  his  family  and  himself  were 
placed  in  Tarsus,  and  the  necessary  effect  of  them. 

II 

In  his  own  writings  or  speeches,  Paul  gives  some  im- 
portant evidence  bearing  on  the  question  as  to  his  sentiments 
in  childhood  and  youth. 

In  the  first  place,  we  note  what  he  writes  to  the  Gala- 
tians:  "It  pleased  God,  who  separated  me  even  from  my 
mother's  womb,  and  called  me  through  His  grace,  to  reveal 
His  Son  in  me  that  I  might  preach  Him  among  the 
nations".  Even  before  his  birth,  God  had  chosen  him  and 
set  him  apart  to  be  the  man  that  should  preach  Christ  to 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  55 

the  nations ;  but  a  special  revelation  of  Christ  was  needed 
before  he  awakened  to  full  consciousness  of  the  purpose. 

That  statement  is  couched  in  the  simple,  concrete  form 
in  which  ancient  thought  uttered  itself;  and  it  expresses 
what  we  should!  put  in  more  abstract  and  scientific  terms — 
that  heredity  and  environment  had  determined  his  bent  of 
mind,  that  his  family  and  his  early  surroundings  had  been 
so  arranged  by  an  overruling  power  that  he  was  made  to  be 
the  person  that  should  preach  to  the  Gentiles ;  but  that  the 
truth  which  ultimately  he  should  preach  had  to  be  awakened 
to  consciousness  in  him  at  the  proper  time. 

Secondly,  he  writes  to  the  Romans,  strangers  to  him 
personally,  and  explains  his  deep  interest  in  them  :  "  I  am 
debtor  both  to  Greeks  and  to  barbarians,  both  to  the  edu- 
cated and  the  uneducated  classes  ".  He  had  got  something 
from  them  all,  and  he  was  bound  to  repay.  He  had  learned 
good  from  them  all,  and  he  must  teach  them  all  good  in  re- 
turn. He  fully  recognised  that,  in  his  position  as  a  Tarsian 
and  a  Roman  citizen,  he  owed  certain  duties  to  Tarsus  and  to 
Rome ;  and  he  was  a  man  that  never  ignored  or  neglected 
any  duty. 

Looking  at  the  situation  broadly,  we  see  that  the  greatest 
fact  in  the  worldly  position  of  the  Jews  at  this  time  was 
their  relation  to  the  Roman  rule.  It  was  difficult  even  for  a 
Jew  who  lived  in  Palestine  to  restrict  himself  so  completely 
to  Jewish  surroundings  that  he  was  not  frequently  brought 
into  contact  with  the  Roman  world.  The  soldiers,  the 
officers,  the  tax-gatherers,  the  traders  of  Rome  were  around 
him.  The  justice,  the  laws,  the  organisation  of  Rome  were 
constantly  pressing  upon  him. 

If  it  was  difficult  for  the  Jew  to  isolate  himself  in  Pales- 
tine, it  was  impossible  for  the  many  thousands  of  Jews  who 


56  /// 

lived  in  the  great  cities  of  Asia  Minor  and  in  Rome  to  do 
so.  Still  more  was  it  impossible  for  the  Jew  who  had 
acquired  the  rights  of  Roman  citizenship  to  remain  blind  to 
the  question,  what  was  the  relationship  between  his  position 
as  a  Jew  and  his  position  as  a  Roman?  This  was  the 
situation  in  which  Paul  spent  his  early  years :  son  of  a  Jew, 
who  was  also  a  citizen  of  the  great  Greek-speaking  city  of 
Tarsus,  and  who  possessed  the  honours  and  rights — very 
important  honours  and  rights — of  a  Roman.  Every  day 
of  his  life  Paul's  father  was  necessarily  brought  face  to  face 
with  the  world  of  Tarsus.  As  a  Roman,  he  was  a  person 
of  rank  and  consequence.  Few  people  can  be  blind  (none 
ought  to  be  blind)  to  what  gives  them  rank  and  influence 
in  their  city ;  few  can  be  blind  to  the  claims  of  their  own 
city,  in  which  they  possess  rank  and  influence.  It  was  not 
necessary  for  the  Jew  to  forget  or  ignore  his  Jewish  birth 
and  religion  and  people,  while  he  recognised  his  position 
and  opportunities  as  a  Tarsian  and  a  Roman.  There  was 
no  opposition  between  them.  Both  Tarsian  and  Roman 
law  fully  admitted  that  Jews  were  never  to  be  compelled  to 
do  anything  contrary  to  their  religious  principles  ;  they  had 
full  liberty  to  observe  every  religious  duty,  to  go  and  come 
freely  to  Jerusalem,  and  any  interference  with  their  privileges 
was  punished  by  the  law.  These  privileges  really  gave  the 
Jews  superior  advantages  over  their  fellow-citizens  ;  and  the 
consequent  jealousy  of  the  Greeks  in  the  Asiatic  cities  often 
broke  out  into  quarrel,  complaint,  and  even  riot. 

Such  had  been  the  favoured  position  of  the  Jews  in  those 
great  cities  of  Asia  Minor  like  Tarsus  from  the  third  or  second 
century  before  Christ.  Their  advantages  were  increased  after 
the  Roman  Empire  became  the  ruling  power.  The  peace, 
the  order,  the  security  of  property,  the  ease  and  regularity 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  57 

and  certainty  of  intercourse  by  ship  and  by  land  between 
the  different  provinces  of  the  Empire,  the  absence  of  vexa- 
tious restrictions  and  oppressive  dues  on  articles  of  com- 
merce,^ the  abundance  of  money,  the  almost  perfect  "  Free 
Trade  within  the  Empire,"  resulted  in  a  development  of 
commerce  and  finance  on  a  vast  scale.  This  was  eminently 
favourable  to  the  Jews  with  their  financial  genius  ;  and  there 
was  opened  up  before  them  a  dazzling  prospect  of  wealth 
and  power.  They  had  merely  to  accommodate  themselves 
to  their  situation,  and  the  world  was  at  their  feet.  To  utilise 
those  splendid  prospects  it  was  not  required  that  they  should 
do  any  violence  to  their  religion.  All  that  was  needed  was 
that  they  should  cease  to  hold  aloof  from  the  surrounding 
world,  that  they  should,  to  a  certain  degree,  mix  with  it, 
speak  its  language,  learn  its  ways,  profit  by  the  education  it 
could  offer,  use  its  resources,  and  conquer  it  with  its  own 
weapons. 

And  it  was  not  only  in  respect  of  wealth  and  material 
success  that  this  glorious  prospect  was  open  to  the  Jews  in 
the  Roman  Empire.  It  was  equally  the  case  in  religion. 
The  Jewish  faith,  so  strange  and  mysterious  and  incompre- 
hensible to  pagan  society,  with  its  proud  isolation,  its  lofty 
morality,  its  absolute  superiority  to  pagan  ideas  of  life,  its 
unhesitating  confidence  in  its  superiority — that  religion  exer- 
cised an  extraordinary  fascination  on  the  Roman  world,  not 
so  much  on  the  purely  Greek  cities,  but  more  on  Rome  and 
on  Central  Asia  Minor.  Every  synagogue  had  a  surrounding 
of  persons  interested  in  this  religion,  affected  in  varying 
degrees  by  it,  desirous  to  hear  more  of  it — persons  who  were 
called  "  the  devout "  or  "  the  God-fearing,"  and   are  often 

^  The  customs  dues  were  not  heavy,  but  only  a  quite  fair  return  for  the 
advantages  which  the  Imperial  peace  afforded  to  trade. 


58  /// 

mentioned  by  Luke  under  those  names.  That  large  circle 
of  persons  added  to  the  importance,  the  dignity,  the  weight 
of  the  Jews  in  the  pagan  world.  The  "devout"  pagans 
formed,  as  it  were,  an  intermediate  stage  or  step  between  the 
Jews  and  the  common  pagan — which  brought  home  all  the 
more  vividly  to  both  Jew  and  pagan  the  interval  between 
them.  It  is  even  highly  probable  that  "  the  devout "  added 
to  the  wealth  of  the  Jewish  communities,  both  by  payment 
of  formal  dues  and  by  voluntary  gifts  (as  was  the  case  with 
the  centurion — Luke  vii.  5 — who  built  a  synagogue  at 
Capernaum).  One  great  reason  why  the  Jews  so  bitterly 
resented  the  attraction  which  Paul  exercised  on  "  the  de- 
vout "  was  that  he  drew  them  and  their  gifts  away  from  the 
synagogues :  hence  the  frequent  declarations  made  by  Paul 
that  he  has  accepted  no  money  from  his  converts,  declara- 
tions which  imply  and  reply  to  frequent  accusations.^ 

There  was,  therefore,  opened  to  the  Jews  as  dazzling 
a  prospect  of  religious  and  spiritual  influence  in  the  Roman 
world  as  of  material  wealth  and  prosperity.  There  have 
never  been  wholly  wanting  Jews  whose  vision  was  concen- 
trated on  the  spiritual  prospects  of  their  race,  whose 
imagination  was  filled  with  visions  of  religious  progress. 
These  have  been  the  great  prophets  and  leaders  and  ele- 
vators of  the  people,  preventing  the  mass  of  Jews  from 
losing  hold  on  the  spiritual  side  of  life,  from  becoming 
absorbed  entirely  in  the  pursuit  of  wealth,  and  from  sinking 
amid  that  pursuit  down  to  the  level  of  pagan  society. 
Such  a  prophet  and  leader  of  his  people  was  Saul  of  Tarsus 
destined  to  be,  according  to  our  view. 

1  Mr.  Baring  Gould,  in  his  Study  oj  St.  Paul,  has  the  merit  of  properly 
emphasising  this  fact.  I  am  the  more  bound  to  say  this,  as  I  think  that  he 
takes  far  too  low  a  view  of  Paul's  character  and  action.     See  Art. 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  59 

Now  consider  what  are  the  possibilities  of  the  situation 
in  which  Paul  was  nurtured  at  Tarsus.  It  might  be  possible 
for  a  dull  and  narrow,  but  intense  and  fanatical  nature  to 
grow  up  in  Tarsus  in  a  reaction  and  revolt  against  pagan 
surroundings,  to  revert  by  a  sort  of  atavism  to  the  type  of 
his  ancestors  before  they  were  settled  as  part  of  the  Jewish 
colony  there,  to  reject  and  despise  and  abhor  all  contact 
and  participation  with  the  Tarsian  world.  But  Paul  was 
not  such  a  hard  and  narrow  nature  :  he  could  not  grow  up 
as  a  citizen  of  Rome  and  of  Tarsus,  and  yet  remain  blind  to 
the  power  and  the  spiritual  opportunities  of  Jews  and 
Judaism  in  the  Empire  ;  for  Paul  was  as  absolutely  free 
from  mere  blind  bigotry  as  he  was  from  all  sordid  and 
vulgar  motives.  As  he  grew  up,  he  felt  himself  to  be  a 
strict  law-abiding  Pharisee  ;  yet  he  was  also  a  Roman, 
speaking  Latin  in  order  to  assert  his  Roman  rights  ;  he  was 
also  a  Tarsian,  i.e.  a  Hellene,  and  he  had  to  speak  Greek 
in  ordinary  life. 

Clear  evidence  of  Paul's  feeling  for  his  Tarsian  home 
may  be  seen  in  the  account  which  Luke  gives  of  one  of  the 
most  terrible  scenes  in  his  life,  when,  bruised  and  at  the 
point  of  death,  he  was  rescued  from  the  clutches  of  a  fanati- 
cal and  exasperated  Jewish  crowd  by  the  Roman  soldiers. 
If  we  imagine  what  his  condition  must  have  been — sore 
from  the  blows  and  the  pulling  asunder  of  his  rescuers  and 
of  the  mob,  probably  bleeding,  certainly  excited  and  breath- 
less, the  shouts  of  the  crowd  still  dinning  his  ears,  "  Away 
with  him,"  as  they  strove  to  get  hold  of  him  again,  his  life 
hanging  on  the  steadfast  discipline  of  the  soldiers  and  the 
goodwill  of  their  commander — we  must  feel  that  he  would 
not  waste  his  words  at  that  supreme  moment,  when  the 
Roman  tribune  hurriedly  questioned  him  as  to  his  race  and 


6o  /// 

language,  in  stating  mere  picturesque  details  :  anything  that 
rose  to  his  lips  in  that  moment  must  have  been  something 
that  lay  near  his  heart,  or  something  that  was  calculated  to 
determine  his  rescuer's  conduct.  He  said  :  "  I  am  a  Jew, 
Tarsian  of  Cilicia,  citizen  of  no  mean  city  ".  This  was  not 
his  strict  legal  designation  in  the  Roman  Empire,  for  he 
was  a  Roman  citizen,  and  that  proud  description  superseded 
all  humbler  characteristics.  Nor  was  the  Tarsian  designa- 
tion the  one  best  calculated  to  move  the  Roman  tribune  to 
grant  the  request  which  Paul  was  about  to  make :  that 
officer  was  far  more  likely  to  grant  the  request  of  a  Roman 
than  of  a  Tarsian  Jew.  Nor  had  Paul  any  objection  to 
claiming  his  Roman  rights,  for  he  shortly  afterwards  claimed 
them  at  the  tribune's  hand. 

A  critical  friend  questions  my  opinion  that  Paul  was 
excited  on  that  occasion,  and  argues  that  he  was  cool, 
pointing  out  that  his  first  request  was  to  be  allowed  to 
speak  to  the  mob.  I  cannot  see  reason  to  change.  That 
Paul  was  marvellously  cool  and  collected  and  courageous  in 
a  most  perilous  scene  has  always  been  one  of  the  reasons 
why  I  admire  him  so  much ;  but  I  do  not  think  that  he  was 
in  the  same  state  of  mind  as  if  he  had  been  walking  through 
quiet  streets  quietly  with  a  sympathetic  friend.  In  such  a 
scene  of  hairbreadth  escape  from  being  torn  to  pieces  by  his 
own  countrymen,  Paul's  mind  was  inevitably  affected  in  a 
certain  way  and  degree.  Any  one  who  has  ever  been  in  a 
position  of  serious  danger  knows  that,  however  cool  and 
self-possessed  one  may  be,  there  is  a  certain  affection  of  the 
mind,  which  for  want  of  a  better  name  I  have  called  excite- 
ment. The  thoroughly  brave  man  is  never  so  collected,  so 
capable  and  so  dangerous  to  his  enemies  as  in  the  moment 
of  danger ;  but  I  do  not  think  he  is  free  from  excitement  ; 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  6i 

he  is  strung  up  to  exert  all  the  best  powers  of  mind  and 
body  to  their  highest  degree. 

My  friend  also  points  out  that  the  Roman  officer  had 
mistaken  Paul  for  an  Egyptian  outlaw,  whom  he  was  rescu- 
ing from  the  mob  in  order  to  deliver  over  to  justice ;  and 
that  Paul  replied  :  "  I  am  (not  an  Egyptian,  but)  a  Jew 
of  Tarsus  ".  That  is  quite  true ;  but  it  is  not  the  whole 
truth.  If  Paul  had  merely  sought  to  impress  the  officer 
with  his  respectability,  the  best  way  obviously  was  to  tell 
that  he  was  a  Roman.  A  Roman  centurion  would  have 
shown  far  more  respect  to  a  Roman  than  to  a  Tarsian 
citizen. 

It  seems  impossible  to  explain  Paul's  reply  on  this 
occasion  except  on  the  supposition  that  "  Tarsian  "  was  the 
description  of  himself  which  lay  closest  to  his  heart.  And, 
especially,  the  praise  of  Tarsus  as  a  famous  city  is  hardly 
capable  of  any  other  interpretation  than  that,  in  his  deeply 
stirred  emotional  condition,  he  gave  expression  to  the 
patriotic  love  which  he  really  felt  for  his  fatherland  and 
the  home  of  his  early  years. 

It  is  not  impossible  now,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  think 
it  was  impossible  then,  for  a  Jew  of  the  Diaspora  to  entertain 
a  distinct  and  strong  feeling  of  loyalty  towards  the  city 
where  he  was  born  and  in  which  he  possessed  the  rights  of 
citizenship.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  feeling  of  an 
ancient  citizen  to  his  own  city  was  much  stronger  than  that 
which  is  in  modern  times  entertained  usually  toward  one's 
native  town.  All  the  feeling  of  patriotism  which  now  binds 
us  to  our  country,  irrespective  of  the  town  to  which  we 
belong,  was  in  ancient  times  directed  toward  one's  city. 
"  Fatherland  "  denoted  one's  city,  and  not  one's  country. 
Both  P atria  in  Latin,  and  Patris  in  Greek,  were  applied  to 


62  /// 

the  city  of  one's  home.^  It  was  only  to  a  small  degree,  and 
among  the  most  educated  Greeks,  that  Hellas,  as  a  country, 
was  an  idea  of  power.  The  educated  native  of  a  Cilician 
city  like  Tarsus  regarded  the  country  Cilicia  as  implying 
rudeness  and  barbarism,  and  prided  himself  on  being  a 
Hellene  rather  than  a  Cilician  ;  but  Hellas  to  him  meant  a 
certain  standard  and  ideal  of  culture  and  municipal  freedom. 
He  was  a  "  Tarsian,"  but  Tarsus  was,  and  had  long  been, 
a  Hellenic  city ;  and  the  Greek-speaking  Tarsians  were 
either  Hellenes  or  Jews,  but  not  "  Cilicians  "  in  the  sense  of 
nationality,  only  "  Cilicians  "  as  members  of  the  province. 

Moreover,  citizenship  implied  much  more  in  ancient 
times  than  it  means  now.  We  can  now  migrate  to  a  new 
city,  and  almost  immediately  acquire  citizenship  there, 
losing  it  in  our  former  home.  But  in  ancient  days  the 
Tarsian  who  migrated  to  another  city  continued  to  rank  as 
a  Tarsian,  and  Tarsus  was  still  his  Fatherland,  while  in  his 
new  home  he  was  merely  a  resident  alien.  His  descend- 
ants, too,  continued  to  be  mere  resident  aliens.  Occasion- 
ally, and  as  a  special  compliment,  a  resident  alien  was 
granted  the  citizenship  with  his  descendants  ;  but  a  special 
enactment  was  needed  in  each  individual  case  and  family. 

The  city  that  was  his  Fatherland  and  his  home  mattered 
much  to  Paul.     It  had  a  place  in  his  heart. 

Ill 

And  how  perfectly  natural  is  it  that  this  should  be  so ! 
How  unnecessary  it  seems  to  prove  so  laboriously  that  Paul 
had  a  warm  feeling  for  the  home  of  his  childhood !     He 

^To  a  certain  degree  the  Roman  Imperial  regime  succeeded  in  widening 
the  scope  of  the  term  patria.  That  is  one  of  the  many  advances  which  it 
enabled  the  world  to  make.  It  gave  to  men  the  power  to  feel  that  their 
Fatherland  was  their  country  and  not  their  narrow  township. 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  63 

was  a  man,  a  natural,  warm-hearted  man,  not  the  emotion- 
less ideal  philosophic  prig  whom  his  contemporary,  Seneca, 
described  as  the  perfect  hero.  That  alone  ought  to  be  proof 
enough.  And  it  would  be  proof  enough  were  it  not  for  two 
obstinate  and  most  mischievous  prejudices. 

The  first  is  that  deep-rooted  idea  among  many  scholars 
that  the  "  early  Christians  "  could  never  be  natural  human 
beings,  but  were  perverted  into  some  unnatural  frame  of 
mind  in  which  ordinary  human  ties  and  affections  ceased  to 
have  much  force  for  them,  and  the  world  and  its  fashions 
and  relations  appeared  to  them  as  their  enemy,  while  they 
hesitated  at  no  outrage  upon  established  social  conventions, 
and  recked  so  little  of  truth  in  their  efforts  to  glorify  and 
propagate  their  religion  that  no  statement  which  they  make 
can  be  trusted,  unless  it  is  corroborated  by  non-Christian 
evidence.  That  there  were  such  Christians,  is  doubtless 
quite  true.  There  are  many  individuals  who  are  capable 
of  seizing  a  great  idea  only  in  a  one-sided  and  narrow,  but 
intense,  way.  They  have  their  use ;  and  their  limitations 
give  them  in  some  directions  increased  strength.  But  these 
did  not  give  the  tone  to  the  Church  in  the  first  or  second 
century.  Read  the  Letter  of  the  Smyrnaeans  about  Poly- 
carp  :  and  observe  how  the  writer  contrasts  his  gentle  dignity 
and  undisturbed  calm  with  the  nervous  and  hysterical  con- 
duct of  some  Christian  martyrs — those,  for  example,  who 
went  to  extremes  in  showing  their  contempt  and  hatred  for 
their  judges,  rousing  the  indignation  even  of  the  humane 
and  law-abiding  Pliny,  while  they  returned  evasive  answers 
to  simple  questions,  lectured  Roman  dignitaries  as  if  the 
latter  were  the  criminals  and  they  themselves  the  judges, 
and  even  used  offensive  and  insulting  gestures  in  their  eager- 
ness to  gain  the  crown  of  martyrdom.     But  to  the  writer  of 


64  /// 

that  letter,  it  is  the  conduct  of  Polycarp  that  seems  to  be  on 
the  same  plane  of  feeling  as  the  action  of  Jesus,  while  he 
distrusts  the  abiding  strength  of  the  violent  and  outrageous. 

The  second  prejudice  is  that  Paul  was  a  narrow,  one- 
sided, bigoted,  Pharisaic  Jew,  ignorant  of,  and  hostile  to,  all 
higher  Hellenic  education,  literature  and  philosophy,  brought 
up  by  his  father  according  to  the  principle  "Cursed  be  he 
that  shall  teach  Greek  science  to  his  son  ". 

In  contrast  to  these  poor  and  barren  opinions,  we  see 
that  Paul  was  far  more  than  a  Jew.  His  Jewish  inheritance 
in  religious  and  moral  conceptions  was,  of  course,  by  far  the 
most  important  part  of  his  equipment  for  the  work  that  lay 
before  him.  But  his  experience  as  a  Tarsian  and  as  a 
Roman  was  also  indispensable  to  him  ;  and,  as  we  have 
seen,  he  was  himself  quite  aware  of  the  debt  he  had  in- 
curred to  the  Gentile  world.  "  Tarsian,"  to  him,  expressed 
a  thought  that  lay  very  deep  in  his  heart ;  whereas  the 
name  "Roman"  expressed  an  idea  more  intellectual  than 
emotional,  more  a  matter  of  practical  value  than  of  kindly 
sentiment.  But  the  Roman  idea  was  a  very  important  part 
of  his  qualification  as  a  statesman,  and  a  moulder  of  the 
future  of  the  Empire.  There  had  passed  into  his  nature 
something  of  the  Roman  constructiveness,  the  practical 
sense  for  economic  facts,  the  power  of  seeing  the  means  to 
reach  an  end  in  the  world  of  reality  and  humanity,  the 
quickness  to  catch  and  use  and  mould  the  ideas  and  ideals 
of  the  citizens  of  the  Empire. 

The  two  scholars  who  have  best  perceived  the  Greek 
side  of  Paul's  thought  are  the  only  two,  so  far  as  I  know, 
who  have  studied  him  in  the  light  of  real  familiarity  with  the 
life  of  the  Greek  cities — Professor  Ernst  Curtius  in  Germany 
and  Canon  Hicks  in  England.    Some  have  dipped  into  Greek 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  65 

life  in  search  of  illustrations  of  Christian  history ;  and  some 
have  studied  it  deeply  for  that  purpose.  Those  two 
scholars  have  studied  the  Greek  life  of  that  period  for  its 
own  sake,  with  professional  thoroughness ;  and  then  studied 
Paul  in  the  light  of  full  knowledge.  The  Roman  side  has 
never,  so  far  as  I  know,  been  sufficiently  estimated. 

There  is  much  in  a  name ;  and  it  is  peculiarly  unfortun- 
ate— it  has  blinded  and  narrowed  the  modern  view  of  that 
extraordinary  man — that  no  one  ever  thinks  of  Paul  by  his 
Roman  name.  But  it  is  as  certain  that  he  had  a  Roman 
name  and  spoke  the  Latin  language,  as  it  is  that  he  was  a 
Roman  citizen.  If,  for  example's  sake,  we  could  think  of 
him  sometimes  as  Gaius  Julius  Paulus — to  give  him  a 
possible  and  even  not  improbable  name — how  completely 
would  our  view  of  him  be  transformed.  Much  of  what  has 
been  written  about  him  would  never  have  been  written  if 
Luke  had  mentioned  his  full  name.  But  Luke  was  a  Greek  ; 
and  the  Greeks  had  never  any  interest  in,  or  any  compre- 
hension of,  the  Roman  name,  with  all  that  it  implied.  Just 
as,  true  Greek  that  he  was,  he  never  liked  or  understood  the 
Jews,  so  he  could,  indeed,  respect,  but  never  appreciate  and 
comprehend,  the  Roman  talent  and  method  in  administra- 
tion. Fortunately,  it  was  not  essential  for  the  historian  of 
the  early  Church  to  fully  understand  the  old  Roman  nature. 
But  still  there  are  places  where  we  feel  his  limitations. 

Thus  Paul  grew  up  at  once  a  Roman  and  a  Tarsian  and 
a  Jew.  The  constant  presence  of  those  opposite  facts  before 
his  eyes,  the  constant  pressure  of  those  opposing  duties  upon 
his  attention,  would  set  almost  any  boy  a-thinking  ;  and  out 
of  Paul's  thinking  grew  his  ideals  and  plans  of  life. 

Before  his  mind,  as  he  grew  up,  there  lay  always  out- 
spread that  double  prospect — the  lofty,  stern  purity  of  the 

5 


66  /// 

true  Judaism  among  the  pagan  world,  and  the  danger  that 
the  Jews  might  slip  back  towards  the  pagan  level.  This 
last  was  a  real  danger  in  the  Jewish  colonies  of  Asia  Minor. 
Many  Jews  had  become  strongly  affected  by  pagan  sur- 
roundings ;  they  had  formed  eclectic  systems,  a  syncretism 
of  Jewish  and  pagan  elements,  sometimes  in  the  way  of 
philosophic  religion,  sometimes  in  mere  vulgar  magical  arts 
for  practising  on  the  superstition  and  emptying  the  pockets 
of  pagan  devotees  in  the  outer  fringe  of  "  the  devout,"  as  we 
see  at  Colossae,  Ephesus,  Thyatira  ;  they  intermarried  with 
the  pagans,  and  the  children  of  the  mixed  race,  sometimes 
at  least,  were  not  subject  to  the  Jewish  law,  as  at  Lystra ;  in 
the  words  of  the  Talmud,  "  the  baths  and  wines  of  Phrygia 
had  divided  the  Ten  Tribes  from  their  brethren  "} 

In  view  of  that  danger,  ever  present  before  his  eyes  in 
Tarsus,  a  danger  which  he  had  clearly  comprehended — as 
we  see  in  his  emphatic  warnings  to  the  congregations  in 
Galatia,  Corinth,  etc.,  who  were  exposed  to  it  as  much,  and 
in  the  same  way,  as  the  Jews — what  was  Paul  to  do  ?  How 
should  he  act  ?  What  was  the  remedy  which  he  must  press 
upon  the  minds  of  his  own  people,  as  the  great  prophets 
of  old  had  done  in  the  face  of  the  dangers  in  their  time? 
There  was  but  one  remedy.  Judaism  in  the  midst  of 
Roman  society  must  assimilate  that  society  and  raise  it  to 
a  higher  level,  or  it  must  perish.  Had  Judaism  been  perse- 
cuted, it  might  have  preserved  its  purity  by  remaining 
separate.  But  it  was  not  persecuted  ;  it  was  treated  fairly ; 
it  was  even  favoured  in  some  considerable  degree  by  the 
Imperial  policy.  The  temptations  for  Jews  to  assimilate 
themselves  to  the  society  of  the  cities  in  which  they  lived 

^  M.  Isidore  Levi  rejects  Neubauer's  translation  as  given  in  the  text. 
The  fact  remains,  whether  or  not  the  Talmud  states  it. 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  67 

were  irresistible  to  mere  human  nature,  for  the  most  brilh'ant 
prospects  were  open  to  them  if  they  did  so.  There  were, 
therefore,  only  two  alternatives  open  to  Judaism  in  the 
Empire :  either  it  must  conquer  the  Empire  or  be  conquered 
by  it;  either  it  must  be  a  power  to  raise  Graeco-Roman 
society  to  its  own  level,  or  it  must  sink  to  the  level  of  that 
society. 

We  can  see  that  clearly  now.  But  did  Paul  see  it  at 
the  time  ?  The  truth  is  that  at  that  time  it  was  far  clearer 
to  the  thinking  mind  than  it  is  now.  It  was  the  great  fact 
of  the  time  :  it  must  have  been  obvious  to  any  Jew  with 
insight  to  pierce  below  the  surface  of  things.  To  the 
prophet's  eye  the  situation  was  clear.  The  time  for  the 
Messiah  was  arrived.  It  was  impossible  that  God  should 
suffer  His  worship  to  perish.  That  worship  must  conquer 
the  Roman  world,  or  it  must  perish ;  but  victory  with  the 
Messiah  was  at  hand, 

IV 

At  a  certain  point  in  his  early  life  Paul  went  up  to 
Jerusalem  to  begin  the  proper  course  of  study  of  the  law, 
under  the  charge  of  one  of  the  greatest  and  most  famous 
Jewish  teachers,  Gamaliel.  Such  was  the  natural,  almost  the 
necessary,  course  for  a  Jew  who  felt  strongly  the  religious 
needs  and  prospects  of  his  nation. 

It  does  not,  however,  appear  that  he  went  to  Jerusalem 
very  young.  His  life  had  been  spent  at  Jerusalem  from  his 
youth  up ;  but  the  word  "  youth,"  in  the  strictest  Greek 
usage,  begins  about  twenty  and  ends  with  the  approach  of 
old  age  (Acts  xxvi.  4) ;  and  though  we  cannot  assert  that 
Paul  used  the  term  in  this  strict  sense,  yet  we  ought  not  to 
assume  that  he  meant  it  to  indicate  a  much  earlier  age  than 


68  /// 

twenty,  inasmuch  as  he  does  not  use  the  word  '*  childhood  ". 
He  distinctly  implies  that  his  conduct,  as  it  was  shown  at 
Jerusalem,  was  that  of  a  young  man,  not  of  a  child ;  and 
the  fair  interpretation  is  that  he  came  to  Jerusalem  after, 
not  before,  he  was  of  age  to  assume  the  toga  virilis^  which 
was  usually  in  the  fifteenth  year.  But  then  he  chose  the 
religious  life,  and  came  to  Jerusalem  over,  not  under,  the  age 
of  fifteen.  He  made  his  choice  at  a  comparatively  mature 
age ;  and  it  is  a  perfectly  legitimate  and  practically  certain 
inference  that  he  was  previously  brought  up  in  the  house  of 
a  Roman  citizen,  to  be  ready  to  take  his  place  in  the  world. 
We  know  that  he  could  use  the  Latin  language,  for  he  could 
claim  his  rights  as  a  citizen,  and  he  could  appeal  to  the 
Emperor  ;  and  it  is  certain  that  his  appeal  was  allowed  on 
the  ground  that  he  was  a  Roman  whose  life  was  endangered 
by  Jews. 

Another  consideration  points  to  the  same  conclusion. 
Paul  was  never  married ;  and  in  the  Apologia  pro  vita  sua, 
which  he  wrote  to  the  Corinthians,  when  they  suggested,  as 
a  cure  for  the  immorality  of  contemporary  society,  that  all 
Christians  ought  to  be  ordered  or  advised  to  marry,^  he 
makes  it  quite  clear  what  his  view  was.  There  were  some 
who  chose  the  Divine  life,  some  few  who  were  capable  of  it : 
these  would  probably  not  marry,  and  they  were  right.  A 
universal  rule,  such  as  the  Corinthian  philosophers  advo- 
cated, was  an  outrage  on  the  freedom  to  which  man  was 
heir. 

One  cannot  read  that  passage,  i  Corinthians  vii.  9, 
without  feeling  that  Paul  is  defending  himself  by  stating 
the  reasons  which  impelled  him  when  young  to  violate  the 

^  Expositor,  October,  1900. 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  69 

almost  universal  Jewish  custom  and  remain  unmarried.^ 
He  had  chosen  the  Divine  life ;  and  his  resolution  was  that 
expressed  afterwards  by  Rabbi  Asai,  who  took  no  wife : 
"  My  soul  cleaves  to  the  Law  :  let  others  see  to  the  up- 
building of  the  world  ". 

This  choice  points  to  an  age  beyond  mere  childhood. 
It  is  the  settled  resolution  of  a  man,  not  the  hasty,  imma- 
ture choice  of  a  boy.  Even  in  the  early  maturity  of  a 
southern  race,  we  must  suppose  that  Paul  made  his  choice 
over,  not  under,  his  fifteenth  year.  On  the  other  hand,  his 
choice  could  not  be  long  postponed  after  that  age.  A  Jew 
was  expected  to  marry  between  fourteen  and  twenty.  Paul 
chose  the  Divine  life  ;  and  forthwith  he  went  to  Jerusalem 
where  alone  the  proper  course  of  study  could  be  found. 

The  change  of  scene,  when  Paul  went  to  be  educated  in 
Jerusalem,  produced  no  essential  change  in  his  relation  to 
the  Roman  world,  and  is  unlikely  to  have  caused  any  change 
in  his  aims.  He  had  chosen  the  religious  life  in  preference 
to  the  worldly  life ;  and  many  years  of  study  in  Jerusalem 
were  needed  to  fit  him  for  his  career.  During  those  years 
Jesus  appeared,  and  died. 

To  a  Jew  who  saw  vividly  and  keenly  either  the  material 
or  the  spiritual  position  which  was  open  to  the  Jews  in  the 
Empire,  the  coming  of  the  Messiah  meant  the  realisation  of 
that  commanding  position  in  the  Roman  world,  of  which 
they  dreamed  and  to  which  they  looked  forward.  The 
Messiah  was  to  make  them  the  lords  over  their  conquerors. ^ 
To  all  such  Jews  the  death  of  Jesus  was  peculiarly  offensive. 

^I  may  be  permitted  to  refer  to  the  Expositor,  October,  igoo,  p.  298  if., 
where  (and  in  the  preceding  sections)  the  passage  in  question  is  very  fully 
treated. 

^  On  Paul's  interpretation  of  this  idea,  see  the  end  of  §  VI. 


70  /// 

That  death  turned  His  career  into  a  hateful  parody  of  their 
Messianic  hopes  :  a  Hfe  of  humility  and  poverty  extinguished 
in  ridicule  and  shame  was  set  before  them,  and  that  im- 
postor they  were  to  worship  as  the  King  of  the  Jews.  The 
more  eagerly  Paul  had  thought  about  the  glory  that  lay 
before  triumphant  Judaism  in  the  Empire,  the  more  intensely 
must  he  have  detested  the  impostor  who  had,  as  he  thought, 
degraded  before  the  Romans  the  Messiah  and  the  nation. 

The  intense  bitterness  with  which  Paul  pursued  the 
Christians  was,  therefore,  the  necessary  consequence  of  his 
anticipated  conquest  by  the  Jewish  religion  of  the  Roman 
Empire.  They  were  the  enemy:  they  degraded  his  ideal, 
they  made  a  mockery  and  a  farce  of  it :  they  must  be  de- 
stroyed, if  Judaism  was  to  reach  its  destined  glory  in  the 
world. 

In  the  midst  of  his  persecuting  career  came  the  event 
which  suddenly  transformed  his  whole  life.  It  did  not  alter 
his  ideal  and  his  anticipation.  He  was  as  true  and  as  en- 
thusiastic a  Jew  after  as  before.  He  still  longed  for,  and 
looked  forward  to,  Judaism  taking  its  true  position  in  the 
Roman  world.  But  the  way  in  which  Judaism  was  to  reach 
that  position  was  now  changed  in  his  thought. 

On  our  conception  of  that  epoch-making  event  depends 
our  whole  view  of  Paul's  life.  As  we  understand  that 
transforming  event,  so  do  we  understand,  or  fail  to  under- 
stand, the  man  and  his  work.  A  fashionable  misconception 
of  that  event  in  modern  writers  is  to  minimise  its  sudden- 
ness, to  represent  it  as  the  culmination  of  a  change  that 
had  been  gradually  working  itself  out  in  his  mind.  On 
that  view  his  old  ideas  had  been  slowly  loosening  and 
dissolving,  and  suddenly  they  assumed,  under  a  slight  im- 
pulse, a  new  form. 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  7 1 

But  he  himself  has  no  mercy  on  that  theory.  Nothing 
can  exceed  the  emphasis  with  which  he  declares  that  there 
was  no  antecedent  change  in  his  views :  he  was,  in  the 
madness  of  his  career,  carrying  the  war  into  foreign  cities, 
eager  to  force  the  Christians  to  rail  against  and  mock  the 
impostor.  But  Paul  had  a  clear  and  philosophic  mind.  He 
saw  clearly  his  own  position.  His  whole  mind  and  conduct 
was  based  on  the  certainty  that  the  impostor  was  dead.  If 
that  were  not  so,  the  foundation  crumbled  beneath  his  feet. 

Then  suddenly  he  saw  Jesus  before  him,  not  dead  but 
living.  He  could  not  disbelieve ;  he  saw ;  he  heard  ;  he 
knew.    He  says  to  the  Corinthians,  "  Have  I  not  seen  Jesus  ?  " 

To  examine  the  circumstances  of  that  wonderful  event 
in  a  satisfactory  way  would  need  a  long  special  article. 
But  fortunately,  v/e  need  not  here,  for  our  present  purpose, 
enter  on  the  somewhat  pedantic  discussion  of  the  more 
scholastic  critics,  who  prize  words  above  realities,  whether 
Paul's  vision  was  real  or  imagined.  It  is  sufficient  for  our 
purpose  that  to  Paul  himself  it  was  the  most  real  event  of 
his  whole  life.  All  else  was,  in  comparison,  shadow  and 
semblance.  There  he  had  enjoyed  a  brief  vision  of  the 
truth,  the  Divine  reality.  He  had  seen  God,  and  spoken 
with  Him.  His  earthly  self  had  been  permitted  for  a  brief 
space  to  become  aware  of  the  omnipresent  God,  who  is 
everywhere  around  us,  and  who  sometimes  permits  certain 
mortals  of  finer  mould  and  more  sentient  nature.  His  chosen 
prophets,  to  hear  His  voice,  like  Samuel  and  Elijah,  or  to 
see  Him,  like  Moses:  only  by  the  inadequate  and  imperfect 
way  of  the  senses  can  their  human  nature  become  cognisant 
of  the  Divine  nature.^ 

1  See  the  first  article  in  this  volume. 


72  /// 

What  is  certain  and  fundamental  is  this.  On  that 
vision  Paul's  future  life  and  work  were  built.  He  could 
not  disbelieve,  for  he  had  seen  and  known.  To  think  of 
disbelieving  was  to  deny  his  own  self,  his  mind,  his  ex- 
istence. He  had  no  room  in  his  nature  for  even  the 
thought  of  disbelieving  or  questioning.  He  had  seen  the 
Jesus  that  he  had  fancied  to  be  a  dead  impostor :  he  had 
recognised  that  He  was  living :  he  knew  that  He  was  God. 
There  was  no  more  to  be  said ;  what  remained  was — to  act. 

Further,  through  that  vision  the  civilised  world  was  con- 
quered, and  the  whole  history  of  the  world  was  changed. 
Those  who  think  that  the  world's  course  can  be  altered  by 
the  figment  of  a  diseased  brain  may  engage  in  the  purely 
academic  discussion  as  to  the  reality  of  Paul's  vision.  Those 
who  were  with  him  could  not  hear  or  see  what  he  heard  and 
saw.  That  only  proved  to  him  how  much  favoured  he  was, 
and  how  little  able  they  were  to  see  into  the  realities  of  the 
world. 

An  infinitely  more  important  question  is,  how  far  that 
vision  changed  Paul's  ideal  and  his  nature  ?  Our  view,  which 
is  set  forth  later  on  in  this  paper,  is  that  the  ultimate  result 
on  Paul's  mind  was  to  make  him  more  clearly  conscious  of 
the  true  nature  of  his  own  ideal.  The  vision  and  the  revela- 
tion removed,  as  it  were,  an  obstruction  from  the  channel  of 
his  life,  and  in  his  later  career  we  see  the  full  powers  of  his 
heart  and  mind  sweeping  down  in  free,  harmonious,  mighty, 
irresistible  course.  He  was  not,  in  his  later  life,  treading 
laboriously  in  a  path  marked  out  by  an  overruling  power, 
contrary  to  his  own  instincts.  He  was  enabled  to  use,  with 
perfect  mastery  and  absolute  concentration  of  mind,  the 
marvellous  faculties  and  ideals  with  which  nature  had  pro- 
vided him.     He  was  set  free  from  clogging  and  hampering 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  73 

associations,  which  would  have  made  his  success  impossible, 
and  with  which  he  must  inevitably  have  come  into  collision 
as  soon  as  he  really  began  to  work.  He  was  a  Pharisee ; 
but  he  had  so  much  clearer  and  wider  an  outlook  than  the 
Palestinian  Pharisees  that  he  could  never  have  acted  in 
agreement  with  them  except  in  the  destructive  effort  against 
the  Christians, 

V 

For  many  years  after  that  crisis,  it  would  almost  appear 
as  if  Paul  had  lost  hold  of  his  old  idea  and  really  turned 
away  from  it.  This  was,  for  several  reasons,  a  necessary 
step  in  his  development.  For  the  moment  he  had  lost  all 
confidence  in  his  own  aspirations.  He  would  not  confer 
with  flesh  and  blood,  if  we  may  turn  his  phrase  to  our  pur- 
poses. He  desired  only  to  do  what  was  set  before  him.  It 
seemed  to  him  that  his  experience  qualified  him  peculiarly 
well  to  appeal  to  the  Jews :  he  had  been  so  fanatical  an  op- 
ponent of  Jesus  that  his  witness  must  convince  them.  This 
work  seemed  to  be  given  him  to  do ;  and  to  that  he  devoted 
himself,  abandoning  his  old  dreams  and  plans. 

When  in  later  years  he  looked  back  on  that  epoch-making 
crisis,  he  recognised  that  the  Divine,  foreordained  purpose 
was  then  manifestly  revealed — that  he  should  go  to  the 
Nations.  But  at  the  time  he  did  not  clearly  recognise  it. 
It  was  not  so  explicit  as  to  compel  intelligence.  He  was 
commissioned  to  both  Jews  and  Greeks,  and  he  went  to  the 
Jews  of  Damascus,  of  Jerusalem,  of  Cilicia.  At  last — after 
twelve  years — in  Antioch,  under  the  guidance  of  Barnabas, 
and  following  the  previous  trend  of  events  there,  he  began 
to  address  the  Greeks,  but  as  yet  only  through  the  door  of 
the  synagogue. 


74  /// 

In  fact,  Paul  at  first  was  not  ready  to  go  direct  to  the 
Nations.  He  had  not  yet  fully  understood  his  position. 
He  could  not  speak  until  he  had  completely  assimilated 
and  formulated  his  ideas.  He  must  know  what  was  the 
Kingdom  of  God  as  a  Christian  ideal  before  he  could  make  it 
conceivable  to  the  Nations.  He  had  seen  with  his  own  eyes 
that  Jesus  was  living  ;  and  that  truth  he  had  preached  to  the 
Jews.  To  them  that  was  sufficient  for  a  message  of  con- 
version. They  denied  that  He  was  living,  and  the  denial 
was  necessary  for  their  position.  If  He  was  living,  then 
the  whole  fabric  of  their  religious  platform  fell  into  ruins. 
But  much  more  was  needed  to  make  a  message  intelligible 
to  the  Nations,  They  had  not  denied  that  Jesus  was  living. 
They  were  merely  indifferent.  Jesus  had  not  crossed  their 
horizon.  Whether  He  were  living  or  dead  mattered  nought 
to  them.  In  order  to  appeal  to  them,  Paul  must  know  how 
to  set  before  the  Nations,  in  a  form  intelligible  to  them,  the 
whole  truth,  of  which  part  was  learned  by  all  Jews  at  the 
feet  of  their  fathers,  in  the  family  life,  in  the  family  celebra- 
tion of  the  Passover. 

Then,  fourteen  years  after  the  first  revelation  of  the 
Divine  purpose,  Paul  became  aware  of  a  new  message,  in  a 
more  precise  and  definite  form,  when  he  was  in  Jerusalem  for 
the  second  time  since  his  conversion  :  "  Depart !  for  I  will 
send  thee  far  hence  to  the  Nations  ".  Doubt  and  disobedi- 
ence were  alike  impossible,  and  the  work  of  Paul's  life  now 
at  last  began. 

VI 

In  the  first  missionary  journey,  A.D.  47-49,  there  is  no 
clear  proof  that  Paul  had  already  consciously  in  his  mind  a 
purpose  affecting  the  Roman  world.     It  is  not  possible  to 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  75 


say  more  than  that  he  went  in  that  direction,  and,  after 
some  wavering  preh"minary  steps,  occupied  the  frontier  pro- 
vince of  Galatia,  and  thus  seized  on  the  first  great  step  in 
the  road  that  led  from  Syria  to  the  West.  But  the  bare 
narrative  in  Acts  does  not  reveal  any  consciousness  of  the 
nature  of  that  step ;  and  Paul's  own  words  seem  to  imply 
that  it  was  without  any  distinct  plan  in  his  own  mind  that 
he  planted  his  chief  work  in  Galatia.  In  truth,  the  sea 
route  along  the  coasts  of  Cyprus,  Pamphylia  and  Lycia 
seems  at  first  to  have  been  before  the  mind  of  himself  and 
Barnabas ;  and  they  were  led  out  of  it  and  set  on  the  land 
route  through  Southern  Galatia  by  unforeseen  and  incalcul- 
able events.  Still,  that  sea-road  also  led  to  the  West  and  to 
the  centre  of  the  Empire;  and  the  fact  that  Paul  at  first 
chose  the  sea-road  would  be  quite  consistent  with  an  ulti- 
mate Roman  purpose.  The  ordinary  way  by  which  travel- 
lers went  from  Syria  to  Rome  was  by  sea  ;  and  the  voyages 
of  that  period  were  coasting  voyages.  Hence,  if  Paul  had 
already  a  purpose  towards  Rome  vaguely  present  in  his 
mind,  he  would  think  first  of  the  coasts  along  which  such  a 
voyage  lay. 

It  seems,  in  truth,  rather  strange  at  first  sight,  that  the 
Lycian  and  Pamphylian  coasts  were  Christianised  only  slowly 
and  late.  Many  Christians  travelled  back  and  forwards  be- 
tween Syria  and  Rome  in  the  first  two  centuries ;  and  as 
the  prevalence  of  westerly  breezes  in  the  Levant  made  the 
voyage  very  slow  along  the  south  coast  of  Asia  Minor,  one 
might  have  expected  that  the  new  religion  would  have  spread 
rapidly  in  the  coast-lands.  But  in  those  coasting  voyages 
the  travellers  were  kept  close  to  the  ship  by  the  very  un- 
certainty of  the  wind.  It  was  never  possible  to  say  at  what 
moment  the  land  breeze  might  arise  by  whose  help  the  ship 


^6  III 

might  work  its  way  westwards ;  and  the  favourable  chance 
must  not  be  lost.  Those  who  were  not  on  the  ship  when 
the  wind  veered  lost  their  passage.  Such  was  once  my  own 
experience  in  a  voyage  along  the  ^olic  coast.  After  wait- 
ing for  hours  in  the  harbour  of  Phocaea,  hoping  for  a 
favourable  change  in  the  breeze,  as  the  universal  opinion  was 
that  the  wind  was  settled  for  the  day,  I  went,  after  midday, 
to  take  a  hasty  survey  of  a  reported  monument  about  half 
an  hour  distant.  When  I  returned,  after  two  hours  or  less, 
the  small  sailing  vessel  in  which  I  had  been  offered  a 
passage  had  gone.  The  wind  had  suddenly  changed  enough 
to  let  it  get  round  the  promontory ;  and  thus  I  missed  an 
opportunity  which  never  again  fell  to  my  lot.  But  it  was 
not  a  valueless  experience.  It  brought  vividly  home  to  one 
the  reason  why  the  land  roads  rather  than  the  coast  roads 
were  the  lines  by  which,  in  ancient  days,  new  thoughts  and 
new  religions  won  their  way.  Rome  was  Christianised  by 
sea-travellers,  but  the  intermediate  harbours  were  not  af- 
fected so  early  as  Rome  and  Puteoli  (where  the  Roman 
voyage  ended). 

The  one  exception  confirms  the  rule :  Crete  was  early 
Christianised,  and,  if  we  had  any  information,  we  should 
doubtless  find  that  the  new  religion  spread  first  on  the  south 
coast,  along  which  Rome-bound  vessels  were  constantly 
working  their  slow  course.  Crete  was  a  great  wintering 
place  for  those  vessels.  They  could  work  their  way  from 
point  to  point  thus  far  along  the  coast,  taking  advantage  of 
favourable  opportunities.  When  they  reached  the  harbour 
of  Phoenix,  however,  near  the  western  end  of  Crete,  they  had 
before  them  the  long  sea  course  over  the  Ionian  waters  (or, 
as  sailors  called  it,  Adria)  to  the  Italian  or  the  Sicilian  coast ; 
and,  if  it  were  late  in  the  season,  they  must  lay  up  there  for 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  yy 

the  winter.  Thus  passengers  bound  for  Rome  might  have 
four  months  sure  before  them  in  Phcenix,  while  they  never 
had  an  hour  sure  in  any  other  harbour  before  Puteoli. 

In  the  second  missionary  journey  Paul's  purpose  and  his 
method  are  clear.  The  first  stage  on  the  land  road  had 
been  previously  gained.  Paul  now  fixed  his  eye  on  Ephesus. 
That  great  scholar,  Dr.  Hort,  has  said  all  that  need  be  said 
on  this  point  in  his  Lectures  on  Ephesians  and  Colossians^ 
p.  82  :  "  On  his  second  journey  he  was  apparently  making  his 
way  to  the  province  Asia,  doubtless  specially  meaning  to 
preach  in  its  great  capital,  Ephesus,  when  he  received  a 
Divine  warning,"  which  diverted  him  temporarily  from  his 
Ephesian  purpose,  and  led  him  to  the  provinces  Macedonia 
and  Achaia.  But  "  on  his  return  to  the  East,  though  he  had 
little  time  to  spare,  it  would  seem  that  he  could  not  be 
satisfied  without  at  least  setting  foot  in  Ephesus  and  making 
some  small  beginning  of  preaching  in  person  there  ".  And 
then  "he  said  farewell,  with  a  promise  to  return  again, 
if  God  will  ".  Then,  in  the  third  journey  from  Syria,  once 
more  "he  followed  his  old  course  through  Southern  Asia 
Minor,  and  this  time  was  allowed  to  follow  it  right  on  to  its 
natural  goal,  Ephesus.  .  .  .  The  whole  story  gains  in  point 
and  clearness,  if  we  suppose  that  it  is  essentially  a  record  of 
the  steps  by  which  St.  Paul  was  enabled  to  carry  out  a 
cherished  desire,  to  be  himself  the  founder  of  a  Christian 
Church  in  that  great  metropolis  in  which  the  East  looked 
out  upon  the  West." 

Now,  Ephesus  was  not  a  greater  city  than  Alexandria, 
nor  a  city  so  full  of  intellectual  and  commercial  life  as  the 
rich  and  busy  Egyptian  metropolis,  seat  of  one  of  the  great- 
est universities  of  the  world.  What,  then,  did  Dr.  Hort  con- 
ceive to  be  the  reason  why  Paul  was  so  eager  to  occupy 


y^  III 

Ephesus  at  this  early  stage  of  his  work  ?  He  does  not 
expressly  state  any  reason — he  was  not  at  the  moment  in 
search  of  a  reason — but  it  lies  in  his  words  ready  to  our 
hand.  Ephesus  was  the  next  step  in  the  conquest  of  the 
Roman  Empire,  for  it  was  the  door  by  "  which  the  East 
looked  out  upon  the  West "  in  the  Roman  system  of  com- 
munication. With  Galatia  already  occupied,  Asia  and 
Ephesus  formed  the  next  stage.  We  have  a  right  to  quote 
Dr.  Hort  as  a  witness,  whether  consciously  or  unconsciously, 
that  already  in  the  plan  of  his  second  journey  Paul  was 
looking  forward  to  the  conquest  of  the  Empire. 

In  the  rest  of  Paul's  career,  both  in  the  organisation  and 
articulation  of  his  scattered  congregations  into  the  great 
unity  of  the  Church,  and  in  the  indications  given  of  his 
future  plans,  the  same  purpose  is  clear  and  (one  might 
almost  say)  unmistakable.  He  thinks,  as  it  were,  in  Roman 
provinces :  he  uses  names  for  the  provinces  which  were 
purely  Latin  and  never  employed  by  Greek  writers  of  his 
time,  though  later  Greek  writers  of  Roman  history  occasion- 
ally used  them.  As  the  Roman  fashion  of  naming  a  pro- 
vince changes,  he  too  changes  ;  and  whereas  in  his  earlier 
writing  he  speaks  of  Illyricum  (which  a  Greek  would  call 
Illyris),  in  a  later  letter  he  mentions  Dalmatia.  He  classi- 
fies his  newly  founded  churches  according  to  the  Imperial 
provinces.  He  estimates  his  progress  according  to  provinces 
— Syria  and  Cilicia,  Gajatia,  Asi^  Macedoijia,  Admia^ 
Illyricum — and  as  he  goes  forward  he  plants  his  steps  and 
his  institutions  in  their  capitals.  This  is  the  language,  these 
are  the  thoughts,  of  a  man  whose  aim  is  co-extensive  with 
the  Empire,  "  the  creation  of  a  unity  within  the  Church  as 
extensivelas  the  Imperial  organisation"  (to  quote  Mr.  Ren- 
dall's  words  in  the  article  already  mentioned). 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  79 

So,  too,  he  lays  his  plans  for  the  future.  He  will  go 
over  into  Macedonia.  He  "purposed  in  the  spirit,  when 
he  had  passed  through  Macedonia  and  Achaia,  to  go  to 
Jerusalem,  saying:  After  I  have  been  there,  I  must  also 
see  Rome".  But  Rome  was  already  occupied  by  other 
founders,  and  Paul  shrank  from  building  upon  another 
man's  foundation,  "wherefore  also,"  as  he  writes  to  the 
Romans,  "  I  was  hindered  these  many  times  from  coming 
to  you " ;  but  at  last,  having  established  the  Churches  of 
the  East,  he  resolves  to  occupy  Spain,  the  extreme  limit  of 
the  West,  the  remotest  province  of  the  Empire ;  and  on  the 
way  thither  he  will  visit  Rome,  "  for  I  hope  to  see  you  Romans 
in  my  journey,  and  to  be  brought  thitherward  by  you  ".  He 
was  eager  to  visit  the  capital  of  the  Empire,  and  to  achieve 
something  there,  yet  his  unwillingness  to  interpose  on  the 
work  of  others  made  him  always  shrink  from  his  longed-for 
goal,  until  the  opportunity  offered  itself  to  "  see  Rome  "  on 
his  way  to  Spain.  It  is  strange  that  this  careful  and  courteous 
apology  for  intruding  on  a  field  already  occupied  (by  an 
Apostle)  should  have  been  misunderstood  by  so  many  modern 
scholars,  who  have  actually  quoted  this  apology  as  a  proof 
that  the  Roman  field  was  unoccupied  when  Paul  went  there. 

The  eagerness  to  see  Rome,  the  design  of  going  to  the 
West  after  conquering  and  organising  the  East,  admit  of  no 
other  interpretation  except  through  the  fully  formed  plan  of 
conquering  the  Roman  world. 

Tradition  even  stretches  his  plans  into  Britain,  the 
northern  limit  of  the  Empire ;  but  it  is  too  uncertain  to  be 
used  as  evidence.  He  was,  however,  sending  his  subordin- 
ates at  least  as  far  as  Gaul  in  his  later  years  (if  Tischendorf 
is  right  in  accepting  the  reading  of  the  Sinaitic  Manuscript, 
''Gallia,"  in  2  Timothy  iv.  10). 


8o  /// 

To  follow  out  this  idea  in  detail  would  overstep  the  per- 
missible limits.  These  indications,  however,  may  be  enough 
to  show  that  there  lay  in  Paul's  mind  from  infancy,  implanted 
in  him  by  inheritance  from  his  Tarsian  Jewish  parents, 
nourished  by  the  surroundings  of  his  childhood,  modified 
and  redirected  by  the  marvellous  circumstances  of  his  con- 
version, the  central  and  guiding  and  impelling  thought  that 
the  religion  revealed  to  the  Hebrew  race  must  conquer  and 
must  govern  the  Roman  world  (which,  ultimately,  would 
mean  the  whole  world),  and  that  the  realisation  of  this  idea 
was  the  Kingdom  of  God. 

This  was  a  very  different  idea  from  the  idle  dream  of 
the  Palestinian  Pharisees  and  Zealots,  a  barren  fancy,  born 
of  ignorance  and  narrow-mindedness,  that  the  Messiah 
would  plant  their  foot  on  the  necks  of  their  enemies  and 
make  them  to  rule  over  their  Roman  conquerors.  Such  a 
thought  was  fruitless  and  useless.  The  man  who  could  give 
it  space  in  his  mind  was  never  chosen  by  the  Divine  over- 
ruling will  to  go  to  the  Nations.  We  see  in  Paul  a  totally 
different  conception  of  the  Messiah.  After  his  Christian 
days  began,  that  is,  of  course,  obvious.  But  even  from  his 
childhood  it  was  a  rich  and  great  idea — and  therefore  an 
idea  of  justice  and  freedom,  bringing  with  it  equality  of 
rights,  equality  of  citizenship,  free  participation  in  the  one 
conquering  religion.  To  prevent  the  Jews  from  sinking  to 
the  level  of  the  Nations,  among  whom  their  lot  was  cast,  the 
Nations  must  be  raised  to  the  level  of  the  Jews. 

Such  an  idea  naturally  developed  into  Christianity. 
The  man  who  entertained  it  was  really  quite  out  of  harmony 
with  the  narrow  Jewish  party,  and  after  a  time  he  must  dis- 
cover this  in  the  ruin  of  all  his  earlier  plans.  But  Nature 
and  the  Divine  purpose  were  inevitably  driving  him  towards 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul 


his  true  party  and  his  true  allies,  as  the  ox  is  driven  by  the 
pricks  of  its  driver's  goad;  and  though  Paul,  for  a  time, 
resisted  with  blind  fury,  the  power  of  Nature  was  too  strong, 
and  the  truth  was  presented  to  him  on  a  sudden  in  an  irre- 
sistible and  compelling  way,  which  seized  him  in  its  grasp 
and  dominated  his  entire  mind  and  being  ever  afterwards. 

The  Pauline  idea  of  the  Kingdom  of  God,  from  the 
religious  point  of  view,  is  admirably  treated  by  Professor 
Sanday  in  the  Journal  of  Theological  Studies,  i,,  48 1  ff.  To 
speak  in  Pauline  words,  "the  Kingdom  of  God,"  contem- 
plated in  its  absolute  reality,  apart  from  the  fetters  of  space 
and  time,  "  is  righteousness  and  peace  and  joy  "  ;  "  it  is  not 
in  word  but  in  power  ".  But  here,  at  present,  we  look  only 
at  the  external  side,  as  the  idea  develops  itself  in  existing 
society  and  political  circumstances,  constrained  by  the  con- 
ditions of  the  world  in  which  man  lives.  The  Kingdom  of 
God  had  to  unfold  itself  in  the  Roman  world,  province  by 
province,  in  the  cities  of  men,  in  parts  and  small  groups  of 
persons,  far  separated  from  one  another  by  sea  and  land,  by 
language  and  manners.  While  Paul  never  loses  sight  of  the 
eternal  and  absolute  idea,  he  is  generally  engrossed  with  the 
task  immediately  and  practically  before  him,  the  life  of  the 
Church  scattered  over  the  provinces  of  the  Empire,  "the 
elect  who  are  sojourners  of  the  dispersion  in  Pontus,  Galatia, 
etc.,"  the  Church  of  the  Diaspora. 

VII 

It  may  be  objected  to  the  interpretation  of  Paul's  aims 
which  was  stated  in  the  former  part  of  this  article,  that  some 
more  explicit  expression  of  his  intention  might  have  been 
expected  in  his  writings,  in  addition  to  the  obscure  indica- 


82  /// 

tions  of  which  some  instances  have  been  quoted  in  our  pages. 
But  this  objection  has  no  force  in  view  of  the  character  of 
his  writings. 

In  all  his  letters  which  have  been  preserved  to  us,  Paul 
is  absorbed  in  the  needs  of  the  moment,  eager  to  save  his 
readers  from  some  mistake  into  which  they  are  liable  to 
fall,  or  have  actually  fallen — anxious  to  strengthen  them 
and  to  move  their  minds — compelled  to  answer  accusations 
against  himself  and  misrepresentations  of  his  actions  which 
had  endangered  his  hold  on  the  hearts  of  his  correspondents. 
He  is  always,  as  it  were,  with  his  back  against  a  wall,  fight- 
ing for  life  against  principalities  and  powers,  men  and  sin. 
So  it  must  always  be  with  a  man  who  is  not  an  opportunist, 
but  aims  at  an  ideal.  His  life  must  be  one  long  fight,  which 
will  not  end  till  he  dies,  or  till  he  gives  up  his  ideal  and 
falls  back  into  despairing  acquiescence  in  the  existing  order. 
But  for  Paul  only  one  thing  was  possible.  He  could  not 
rest :  he  could  not  abandon  his  ideal :  he  must  fight  on  to 
the  end.  Accordingly,  when  we  are  on  the  outlook  for 
some  expression  on  the  external  side,  as  distinguished  from 
the  purely  religious  expression,  of  the  ideals  which  underlie 
and  give  unity  to  the  storm  and  stress  and  constant  fighting 
of  his  life,  the  letters,  controlled  as  they  are  by  consideration 
for  the  immediate  needs  of  others,  are  not  well  calculated  to 
help  us  in  our  search,  though,  as  a  whole,  they  become  far 
more  luminous  and  consistent  when  read  on  our  view. 

If  we  had  a  defence  pronounced  by  Paul  before  a  great 
tribunal,  where  sat  a  judge  of  the  type  of  Seneca  at  his  best, 
we  might  expect  to  find  in  it  a  survey  of  his  life  and  work 
rising  above  a  mere  reply  to  criticism,  and  expressing  his 
ideals  in  a  form  that  could  be  comprehended  by  the  judge. 
Before  a  judge  like  Felix  it  was  useless  to  pitch  his  defence 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  83 

on  a  higher  level  than  a  statement  showing  that  he  had  not 
done  the  particular  act  which  he  was  accused  of.  A  judge 
of  the  higher  type,  such  as  Rome  produced  in  unusual 
numbers,  would  have  sought  to  understand  the  deep-lying 
motives  which  had  brought  about  the  collision  between  Paul 
and  the  chiefs  of  his  people ;  and  Paul,  with  his  unerring 
instinct,  would  have  given  the  judge  what  he  desired.  What 
would  we  not  give  to  have  an  account  of  his  defence  before 
the  supreme  tribunal  of  the  Empire  in  Rome,  or  even  that 
in  Corinth  before  Gallio,  the  brother  of  Seneca  ? 

There  is  only  one  case  in  which  Paul's  appearance  before 
a  tribunal  of  a  higher  class  has  been  described  to  us,  viz., 
the  Council  in  Jerusalem.  Bitterly  prejudiced  as  the  Jewish 
Sanhedrin  was,  still  it  was  composed  of  the  leading  men  of 
the  nation,  men  of  experience  and  standing,  men  with  a 
certain  reputation  which  they  must  maintain,  even  though 
they  were  already  convinced  before  the  trial  began  that  the 
defendant  was  guilty,  men  who  were  accustomed  and  trained 
to  look  a  little  below  the  surface,  and  who  were  not  ready 
to  accept  a  mere  superficial  defence.  It  was  not  a  tribunal 
of  the  highest  kind,  but  it  was  the  great  Council  of  the 
Jewish  nation  ;  and  a  real  defence  of  his  life  might  have 
been  made  before  it ;  but  the  speech  was  interrupted  at  the 
outset.  Paul  saw  that  he  ought  to  begin  his  defence  with 
a  brief  and  pithy  sentence,  and  "  he  cried  out  in  the  Council : 
I  am  a  Pharisee,  a  son  of  Pharisees  :  touching  the  hope 
and  resurrection  of  the  dead  I  am  called  in  question  ".  That 
was  the  beginning  and  the  enforced  end  of  his  defence  in 
the  great  crisis  of  his  life.     What  can  we  make  of  it  ? 

That  is  one  of  the  greatest  scenes  of  Paul's  life.  On  our 
interpretation  of  his  aims,  those  few  words  addressed  to 
the  Sanhedrin  stand  forth  as  the  sharpest  and  most  com- 


84  /// 

prehensive  statement  that  has  come  down  to  us  from  him 
about  his  work  and  his  plans.  But  before  describing  the 
meaning  which  we  gather  from  those  words,  it  is  necessary 
to  state  briefly  the  meaning  which  is,  and  must  be,  taken 
from  them  on  the  ordinarily  accepted  view  of  Paul's  ideals 
— according  to  which  the  scene  sets  him  in  an  unfortunate 
and  disappointing  light. 

According  to  that  generally  accepted  view,  Paul  was 
snatching  a  momentary  victory  by  a  clever  stroke  of  policy, 
playing  on  the  passions  of  his  hearers  and  judges,  leading 
them  away  from  the  real  point  at  issue  and  directing  their 
attention  to  a  different  question  on  which  they  were  sure 
to  quarrel  with  one  another  and  forget  the  prisoner.  On 
that  view  he  had  been  a  Jew  and  a  law-abiding  Pharisee  of 
the  straitest  type,  brought  up  strictly  within  the  narrow 
Jewish  circle  of  thought  and  custom,  ignorant  of  the  teach- 
ing of  the  western  schools,  who,  however,  had  become  a 
Christian  and  was  being  tried  for  calumniating  and  bringing 
contempt  on  his  original  faith  :  in  claiming  to  be  a  Pharisee 
he  was  rather  unfairly  laying  claim  to  his  pre-Christian 
character,  and  in  saying  that  the  accusation  against  him 
turned  on  his  belief  in  the  resurrection  of  the  dead  he  was 
raising  an  unreal  issue,  with  barely  enough  of  justification 
to  save  him  from  falsehood. 

A  writer  to  whom  we  can  always  turn  for  a  clear  and 
sharp  presentation  of  accepted  views  in  their  most  reason- 
able form,  Canon  Farrar,  in  his  Life  of  St.  Paul,  finds  that 
"  we  cannot  defend  his  conduct  at  that  meeting,"  and  ex- 
plains his  action  on  the  ground  that  "he  was  a  little  unhinged, 
both  morally  and  spiritually,  by  the  wild  and  awful  trials  of 
the  day  before "  :  "  the  words  suggest  a  false  issue " :  they 
show   that    Paul    failed    in    that    "  scrupulously    inflexible 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  85 

straightforwardness  "  which  the  Canon  finds  to  be  character- 
istic of  "  the  English  in  particular ".  "  Yet,"  he  proceeds, 
"after  all  these  qualifications,"  after  making  "every  possible 
deduction  and  allowance  for  a  venial  infirmity,"  "  we  cannot 
in  this  matter  wholly  see  how  St.  Paul  could  say  without 
qualification  in  such  an  assembly, '  I  am  a  Pharisee '  ".  That 
conduct  "  was  hardly  worthy  of  St.  Paul  ".  "  Moreover,  the 
device,  besides  being  questionable,  was  not  even  politic.  It 
added  violence  to  a  yet  more  infuriated  reaction  in  men 
who  felt  that  they  had  been  the  victims  of  a  successful 
stratagem." 

On  our  part,  while  we  acknowledge  that  the  last  sentence 
which  we  have  quoted  describes  what  must  inevitably  have 
been  the  result,  if  Paul's  action  had  been  a  mere  crafty  trick, 
we  fail  to  see  any  proof  that  that  result  actually  occurred, 
and  that  the  sympathy  which  his  words  created  in  a  portion 
of  the  Sanhedrin  turned  immediately  or  at  all  into  redoubled 
fury.  The  Council,  certainly,  continued  to  be  bitterly 
hostile,  and  even  became  more  bitter,  but  it  was  dominated 
by  the  Sadducee  priests,  who  were  all  the  more  infuriated 
because  of  the  check  which  Paul's  bold  words  inflicted  on 
them  at  the  meeting. 

We  are,  in  truth,  very  imperfectly  informed  as  to  the 
attitude  of  the  Jews  towards  Paul.  Luke,  as  we  shall  see, 
was  strongly  prejudiced  against  the  Jews ;  and  yet  we 
gather  from  him  that  there  was  generally  an  appreciable 
minority  of  Jews  in  the  cities  of  the  East  who  were  favour- 
able to  Paul,  that  in  Beroea  a  majority  of  them  were  on  his 
side,  and  that  in  Rome  the  leading  Jews  adopted  a  guarded 
and  non-committal  attitude,  which  has  been  a  riddle  to 
modern  scholars,  but  which  seems  very  significant.  The 
Roman  Jews  were  well  aware  how  strong  was  the  opposition 


86  /// 

to  Paul  among  many  of  their  nation.  They  must  have  been 
well  aware  of  the  long  prosecution  to  which  he  had  been 
subjected  in  Palestine  ;  but  they  were  not  determined  against 
him ;  and  this  must  certainly  be  due  to  the  fact  that  a  min- 
ority of  the  Jews  regarded  his  policy  as  being  not  entirely 
wrong. 

Yet  it  seems  impossible  to  avoid  that  unfavourable  inter- 
pretation of  the  Council  scene  on  the  commonly  accepted 
view  of  Paul's  early  life.  If  he  had  been  only  the  narrow, 
hard,  bigoted  and  ignorant  Jew  whom  some  modern  writers 
describe,  he  undoubtedly  had  completely  changed  after  he 
became  a  Christian,  and  had  swung  round  to  the  opposite 
extreme.  Beginning,  as  they  say,  in  early  life  by  opposing 
and  hating  everything  that  was  not  pure  Jewish,  he  after- 
wards was  all  for  breaking  down  and  destroying  the  bar  of 
separation  between  the  Jews  and  "  the  Nations".  The  man 
whose  maturer  views  are  the  absolute  antithesis  of  his  youth- 
ful ideas  has  no  right,  when  he  is  challenged  in  the  Council 
of  his  people,  to  pretend  and  solemnly  assert  that  he  still 
holds  his  earlier  ideas. 

But  when  Paul  declared  in  that  great  crisis,  before  the 
elders  and  rulers  of  his  nation,  that  he  was  "  a  Pharisee,  son 
of  Pharisees,"  he  was  obviously  claiming  to  be  still  what  he 
had  been  born  and  bred :  he  was  asserting  the  continuity  of 
his  mental  development  from  first  to  last.  Nor  does  that 
assertion  stand  alone.  Paul  has  left  us  many  other  state- 
ments to  the  same  effect.  Sometimes  indeed  he  seems  to 
say  almost  the  opposite :  he  speaks  in  the  strongest  terms 
of  the  complete  revolution  in  his  life  that  was  made  by  his 
conversion  :  everything  was  changed  for  him :  he  passed 
from  death  to  life.  Nothing  can  be  more  emphatic  than 
his  expressions  in   some  places.     But  in  other  places  he 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  87 

sums  up  his  whole  Hfe  as  a  continuous  and  unbroken  pro- 
cess, describable  in  its  entirety  by  the  same  words ;  and  he 
studiously  avoids  anything  which  could  suggest  that  any 
revolution  or  serious  change  had  occurred  in  its  character. 
Thus,  for  example,  the  first  words  he  uttered  in  the  Council, 
as  he  began  his  defence,  before  the  High-priest  interrupted 
him  by  ordering  an  attendant  to  strike  him  on  the  mouth, 
were  these :  "  Brethren,  I  have  lived  before  God  in  all  good 
conscience  until  this  day".  The  description  is  not  restricted 
to  one  half  of  his  life.  Before  and  after  his  conversion  alike 
he  had  been  equally  zealous  to  serve  the  God  of  Israel. 
That  is  pretty  nearly  equivalent  to  his  statement,  made  a 
few  moments  later,  that  he  was  still  a  Pharisee.  So  again, 
he  claimed  in  his  defence  before  Felix,  a  few  days  later, 
that  as  a  Christian  he  was  "  serving  the  God  of  our  fathers, 
believing  all  things  that  are  according  to  the  Law  .  ,  . 
always  exercising  myself  to  have  a  conscience  void  of 
offence  towards  God  and  men".  His  defence  was  always 
the  same,  and  therefore  had  been  carefully  planned :  that 
his  life  had  been  consistently  directed  from  the  beginning 
towards  one  end,  the  glorification  of  the  God  of  Israel  by 
admitting  the  Nations  to  be  his  servants,  and  that  this  was 
true  Judaism  and  true  Phariseeism. 

Those  two  groups  of  statements  are  in  the  strongest  con- 
trast with  one  another.  But,  in  our  interpretation,  there  is 
no  contradiction  between  them.  Both  assertions  are  equally 
true.  His  life,  before  and  after,  was  the  same,  and  yet 
utterly  different.  The  difference  was  infinite,  yet  the  dif- 
ference was  slight.  The  whole  of  the  present  paper  is  an 
attempt  to  state  and  make  evident  the  meaning  of  this 
apparent  contradiction ;  but  to  carry  out  the  idea  properly 
requires  an  entire  study  of  Paul's  life.     Every  incident  in 


/// 


his  career  is  affected  by  this  view ;  some  are  seen  in  a  totally 
different  aspect. 

In  the  Council  scene,  then,  a  plain  issue  is  presented. 
On  the  one  hand,  we  find  that  his  claim  to  be  still  what  he 
had  been  from  the  beginning  is  simply  a  brief  statement  of 
the  view  which  we  have  been  stating  of  his  life  as  a  whole. 
On  the  other  hand,  those  who  take  the  common  view  are 
bound  to  hold  that  his  statement  before  the  Sanhedrin  came 
perilously  near  being  false ;  and  Canon  Farrar,  in  his  clear, 
narrow,  logical  way,  accepts  the  inevitable  inference ;  but 
others  try  to  palliate  Paul's  conduct,  and  go  to  far  greater 
extremes  than  Canon  Farrar  would  permit  in  making  ex- 
cuses for  it. 

It  may  be,  and  has  been,  urged  that,  when  a  prisoner  is, 
or  considers  that  he  is,  subjected  to  undeserved  trial  on  a 
trumped-up  charge,  he  may  justifiably  go  to  considerable 
lengths  in  evading  the  main  issue,  and  in  stirring  up  latent 
disagreement  among  his  judges.  But  that  question  of  casu- 
istry does  not  concern  us  here.  Paul  had  come  up  to  Jeru- 
salem well  aware  that  he  would  be  seized  and  accused  by 
the  Jews.  He  elected  to  take  this  risk,  because  his  scheme 
of  work  pointed  the  way  to  him ;  and  he  went  straight  on 
in  the  line  indicated.  In  his  trial  the  highest  interests  were 
involved ;  the  right  of  free  speech  and  of  liberty  to  preach 
hung  on  the  issue.  It  was  not  necessary  to  come  to  face  the 
trial ;  but  he  who  chooses  to  face  a  trial,  who  comes  voluntarily 
forward  to  speak  on  behalf  of  his  religion  and  his  co-religion- 
ists, falls  far  short  of  his  own  beginnings,  if,  in  the  crisis,  he 
tries  to  outwit  his  opponents  and  to  save  himself  by  a  clever 
trick.  Such  a  victory  is  not  a  real  victory.  It  would  not 
strengthen  the  cause  which  Paul  had  at  heart ;  and  it  would 
only  be  a  temporary  and  evanescent  advantage.     On  this 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  89 

occasion  Paul  was  bound  to  be  true  to  himself,  to  claim  the 
freedom  that  he  considered  was  his  right,  and  to  have  re- 
course to  no  subterfuge.  He  was,  however,  fully  justified  in 
putting  his  defence  in  the  form  which  would  be  most  effec- 
tive with  his  judges.  If  one  party  among  his  judges  was 
more  capable  of  being  brought  to  a  favourable  view  of  his 
claims  than  the  other,  he  would  naturally  and  justifiably  aim 
at  affecting  the  minds  of  the  more  hopeful  party.  But  he 
must  not  stoop  to  mere  trickery,  and  he  must  be  unswerv- 
ingly loyal  to  his  cause. 

Moreover,  it  cannot  reasonably  be  maintained  that  Paul's 
trial  was  undeserved,  and  that  the  charge  against  him  was 
trumped  up.  It  was  quite  fair  that  he  should  be  tried — pro- 
vided the  trial  was  justly  conducted.  It  was  the  best  thing 
for  him  that  he  should  have  the  opportunity  of  stating  his 
own  defence  before  the  rulers  of  his  people.  Considering 
what  Jewish  views  and  principles  were,  we  do  not  see  that 
the  Council  can  be  blamed  for  bringing  him  to  trial — pro- 
vided always  that  they  gave  him  a  fair  trial.  He  had,  un- 
doubtedly, done  harm  to  the  Judaism  which  they  represented. 
He  had  spoken  sharply  and  severely  against  it.  He  had 
drawn  away  from  it  many  of  its  admirers  and  benefactors 
in  many  cities  of  the  Empire ;  and  his  influence  was  calcu- 
lated to  lower  the  prestige  of  the  existing  Jewish  institutions 
among  "  the  Nations  ".  He,  on  his  side,  claimed  to  repre- 
sent the  true  line  of  development  in  which  Judaism  ought 
to  advance.  He  held  that  Judaism  was  sinking  below  its 
true  self  and  becoming  dead,  because  it  resisted  the  forces 
within  itself  that  were  impelling  it  to  advance.  It  was  right 
for  the  Council  to  bring  him  to  trial,  and  to  hear  his  defence. 
It  was  right  for  him  to  plead  his  cause  with  absolute  truth,  to 
refuse  to  sink  below  his  own  highest  level,  to  condescend  to 


90  /// 

no  tricks  or  stratagems.  On  the  one  side  there  must  be  a 
charge  stated  against  him  :  on  the  other  side,  there  must  be 
a  denial  of  the  charge,  and  an  argument  in  support  of  the 
denial.  Paul's  denial  is  couched  in  the  form  of  a  statement 
that  he  is  a  Pharisee.  The  right  criticism  of  the  proceedings 
is,  not  that  there  ought  to  have  been  no  trial,  but  that,  as  it 
was  conducted,  it  came  perilously  near  making  the  pro- 
secutors the  judges. 

VIII 

Now,  according  to  our  view,  Paul's  career  as  a  Christian 
was  not  the  negation,  but  the  completion,  of  his  early  ideals  ; 
it  turned  his  youthful  dreams  into  realities.  He  was  not 
less  of  a  Jew  after  he  became  a  Christian  :  he  only  came  to 
know  better  what  Judaism  really  was.  He  began,  at  his 
conversion,  to  obey  the  law  of  his  own  character,  inherent  in 
him  from  his  birth,  and  developed  by  his  education.  Hence- 
forth, he  recognised  and  obeyed  the  guidance  of  Nature,  or, 
as  he  would  say,  of  God,  which  previously  he  had  stupidly, 
blindly,  ignorantly  resisted.  But  he  lived  in  all  good  con- 
science before  the  God  of  Israel,  afterwards  as  before,  as  he 
had  just  a  moment  before  stated  to  the  Council.  If  he  was 
a  Pharisee  before,  he  still  remained  a  Pharisee ;  and  so  he 
now  declared  to  the  Council.  In  the  words  of  Goethe's  motto, 
W/iat  he  wished  in  youth,  he  had  in  age,  but  in  a  way  he  had 
not  dreamed  of. 

But  what  are  we  to  understand  when  he  calls  himself  a 
Pharisee?  What  meaning  did  this  carry  to  him?  In  es- 
timating this,  we  must  remember  what  was  the  circle  of 
ideas  within  which  the  trial  necessarily  moved.  It  turned 
on  questions  of  the  world  and  of  life,  not  on  philosophical 
theories. 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  91 

The  difference  between  Pharisee  and  Sadducee  may  be 
looked  at  from  several  different  points  of  view,  religious, 
philosophic,  moral  ;  but  in  the  practical  facts  of  politics  and 
society,  within  which  the  trial  moved,  the  relation  to  Rome 
was  the  critical  question.  The  Sadducees  were  in  favour  of 
compromise  and  agreement ;  the  Pharisees  were  the  national 
party,  who  stubbornly  resisted  Roman  encroachment,  both 
in  politics  and  in  life.  The  Sadducees  would  sacrifice  all 
those  facts  and  elements  in  their  religion  and  national  life 
that  tended  to  prevent  the  agreement  with  Rome  and  to 
impede  their  career  in  the  Roman  Empire,  whose  sway  they 
accepted.  The  Pharisees  would  not  sacrifice  one  jot  or  one 
tittle  of  the  law. 

Considering  Paul's  attitude  towards  the  Empire,  it  was 
inevitable  that  he  should  seem  to  the  Pharisees  to  be  as 
much  a  Sadducee  as  a  Christian.  He  accepted,  as  Jesus 
accepted,  the  practical  fact  of  Roman  rule.  The  common 
Pharisee  could  not  see  that  both  Jesus  and  Paul  accepted 
the  Roman  government  because,  spiritually,  it  had  no  reality 
and  no  importance.  Paul  would  concentrate  the  mind  upon 
spiritual  facts,  and  accept  the  merely  outward  and  evan- 
escent facts  of  the  world,  of  politics,  of  society.  The 
Sadducees  saw  nothing  more  real  than  the  Roman  govern- 
ment ;  Paul  saw  that  among  the  realities  of  life  the  outward 
form  of  conquering  rule  had  no  place.  The  present  form 
of  government  was  an  unreal  and  passing  phenomenon, 
which  never  touched  the  truth  and  reality  of  life.  Both  the 
Sadducees  and  Paul  recognised  that  they  should  accom- 
modate themselves  in  the  circumstances  of  life  to  the 
Roman  rule.  But  the  Sadducees  would  make  their  exist- 
ence in  the  Roman  Empire :  they  knew  no  higher  life : 
they   recognised    nothing   but    the   facts   of   worldly    and 


92 


/// 


material  prosperity.  Paul  would  live  a  life  above  the  level 
of  the  Roman  Empire. 

So  it  was  with  everything  that  was  distinctive  in  Judaism. 
The  Sadducees  would  level  down  to  the  Roman  standard. 
Paul  would  level  up  to  the  Jewish  standard.  The  Saddu- 
cees would  sacrifice  everything  that  was  inconvenient  for  the 
Roman  career.  Paul  would  not  sacrifice  one  jot  of  the 
truth  of  the  Law,  or  of  its  spiritual  value.  The  Sadducees 
recognised  no  spiritual  value  in  anything. 

But  these  differences,  infinitely  great  as  they  are,  were 
not  visible  to  the  multitude  ;  and  to  the  multitude  Paul 
necessarily  seemed  a  mere  Sadducee,  and  worse  than  a 
Sadducee,  for  he  was  said  to  despise  and  abolish  even  the 
externals  of  Judaic  ritual,  which  the  Sadducees  regarded. 

Our  contention  then  is  that,  amid  the  reports  and  the 
inaccurate  ideas  current  in  Jerusalem  about  Paul's  conduct 
and  opinions,  the  statement  which  he  made  in  that  great 
scene  was  the  best  way  of  placing  before  a  Jewish  audience 
in  a  single  introductory  sentence  his  position  and  views 
of  life.  It  is,  of  course,  impossible  to  put  one's  entire 
philosophy  and  ideal  of  life  into  a  score  of  words,  or  explain 
in  a  short  sentence  the  whole  of  a  complex  problem ;  but 
Paul  took  the  best  way  to  destroy  a  most  critical  and  funda- 
mental misconception  among  his  hearers.  If  the  Sadducees 
condemned  him  as  a  Christian,  the  Pharisees  condemned 
him  quite  as  much  for  being  a  Sadducee. 

The  crux  of  the  situation  lay  in  this.  Paul  stood  before 
the  more  patriotic  members  of  the  Council  as  the  worst  of 
Sadducees,  the  denier  of  principles  dear  to  the  Pharisees, 
the  corrupter  of  the  purity  of  the  Law,  the  breaker-down  of 
the  proud  Jewish  isolation  from  the  hateful  world.  His 
action  had  that  character  in  his  enemies'  eyes.     He  denies 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  93 

that  accusation  in  a  word  by  declaring  himself  a  Pharisee. 
The  accusation  is  nowhere  recorded  in  that  precise  form, 
for  we  are  very  inadequately  instructed  about  the  form  which 
popular  indignation  and  accusation  against  him  took.  But 
the  assertion  here  sufficiently  proves  the  form  of  a  common 
and  specially  dangerous  accusation.  So  also  he  assured 
Agrippa  that  he  had  lived  a  Pharisee,  and  in  a  passage 
addressed  to  the  Philippians  (which  has  most  obviously  the 
form  of  a  reply  to  stinging  accusations)  he  declares  that  he 
was  "  as  touching  the  Law,  a  Pharisee  ".  When  we  see  in 
his  writings  such  a  repeated  assertion,  we  recognise  in  it  the 
answer  to  an  accusation. 

But,  it  is  urged,  "the  Pharisaic  spirit  was  in  its  very 
essence  the  antithesis  of  the  Christian,"  and  Paul  was  "  in 
reality  at  variance  with  the  Pharisees  in  every  fundamental 
particular  of  their  system". 

Those  statements  are,  to  a  certain  degree,  true.  But  it 
was  rather  the  faults  of  the  Pharisees,  than  the  essence  of 
the  Pharisaic  ideals,  that  were  the  antithesis  of  the  Christian 
spirit.  It  is  too  easy  to  see  only  the  faults  of  the  Pharisees, 
and  to  forget  that  they  were  the  patriotic,  the  earnest,  the 
puritan  party  among  the  Jews.  Much  divided  the  Christian 
Paul  from  the  ordinary  Pharisees.  But  from  another  point 
of  view  it  is  true  that  he  was  still  a  Pharisee.  In  certain 
great  questions,  he  could  not  better  define  in  brief  his  posi- 
tion than  by  denying  that  he  was  a  Sadducee  and  asserting 
that  he  was  a  Pharisee,  Like  the  Pharisees  he  would  not 
concede  anything  of  Jewish  truth  to  the  Gentiles  ;  he  would 
keep  the  entire  Law,  But,  unlike  the  Pharisees,  he  would 
impose  on  the  Gentiles  only  the  spiritual  facts  and  not 
the  outward  and  unessential  ceremonies  of  the  Law.  So, 
too,  much   divided   the  Christian  Paul  from  the  ordinary 


94  /// 

Jews.  But  Paul  claimed  to  be  the  true  Jew  and  the  true 
Pharisee. 

Again,  the  Sadducees  recoc^^nised  no  spiritual  side  to  the 
Law,  no  spiritual  and  eternal  side  to  human  life.  Here  Paul 
was  entirely  the  Pharisee.  Belief  in  the  resurrection  of  the 
dead  was  the  briefest  declaration  of  his  position  in  this 
question. 

Nor  did  his  declaration  before  the  Council  draw  attention 
away  from  the  real  fact  that  Paul  was  on  trial  as  a  Christian. 
To  Paul  the  fact  that  Jesus  was  living  was  the  guarantee  of 
the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  and  to  him,  as  to  all  Jews,  the 
recognition  that  Jesus  was  living  implied  that  Jesus  was  the 
Christ.i 

Thus  Paul  s  declaration  to  the  Sanhedrin  is  found  to  be 
the  briefest  possible  way  of  bringing  home  to  the  patriotic 
party  among  his  judges  that,  though  his  acts  had  been 
directed  towards  establishing  an  agreement  between  the 
Jews  and  the  Roman  State  and  breaking  down  the  isolation 
of  the  Jews,  still  he  was  resolute  not  to  sacrifice  one  jot  of 
the  spiritual  law,  or  sink  in  the  smallest  degree  below  the 
loftiest  level  of  Judaism.  What  further  explanations  would 
have  been  made  in  the  course  of  his  speech  we  know  not, 
for  the  speech  was  interrupted  at  that  point. 

IX 

It  is  true  that  Luke's  account  of  the  scene  is  so  expressed 
as  to  lend  itself  readily  to  the  commonly  accepted  view.  It 
may  be  allowed  that  possibly  he  interpreted  the  scene  in 
that  way ;  but  that  is  far  from  certain.  It  is  quite  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  spirit  of  our  theory  to  say,  in  the  words 

1  On  this  see  §§  IV.,  V. 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  95 

of  Luke,  that  "  when  Paul  perceived  that  the  one  part  were 
Sadducees  and  the  other  Pharisees,  he  cried  out  in  the 
Council,  Brethren,  I  am  a  Pharisee,"  etc.  Let  us  conceive 
clearly  how  the  action  proceeded. 

Paul  opened  his  defence  before  the  Council  by  declaring 
that  he  had  lived  in  all  good  conscience  before  God  until 
that  day  :  he  began  by  maintaining  that  his  life  had  been 
spent  in  one  continuous  uninterrupted  strain  of  zealous 
obedience  to  the  God  of  Israel.  That,  as  we  have  seen,  is 
really  the  same  essential  truth  which  he  afterwards  expressed 
in  another  way. 

The  beginning  was  unfortunate.  It  offended  his  audience, 
instead  of  conciliating  it — a  serious  fault  in  a  speech  for  the 
defence,  and  one  that  Paul  was  seldom  guilty  of.  The  high- 
priest  rebuked  him  brutally,  and  roused  a  very  sharp  and 
bitter  retort.  Paul  had  not  known  the  high-priest,  who 
was  not  presiding  at  the  meeting,  but  was  merely  one  of  the 
general  body  of  the  Council.  The  Roman  tribune  had 
summoned  the  meeting,  and  necessarily  was  its  president. 
As  president,  he  brought  Paul  before  the  meeting  (as  Luke 
mentions),  which  was  one  of  the  recognised  forms  in  the 
Roman  theory  of  the  chairmanship :  Paul  could  not  speak 
at  such  a  meeting,  unless  the  president  introduced  him.^  In 
such  circumstances,  the  high-priest  would  appear  to  have 
avoided  wearing  his  official  dress ;  he  was  present,  as  it 
were,  only  unofficially.  Probably,  it  was  a  matter  of  usage 
that  the  high-priest  should  not  officially  occupy  a  subordin- 
ate place  in  the  assembly :  when  a  Roman  presided,  the 
high-priest  appeared  without  his  official  dress,  and  sat  as  an 
ordinary  member.  His  action  in  interrupting  Paul's  de- 
fence was,  therefore,  all  the  more  out  of  order  ;  and  Paul, 

^  Pvoduceve  was  the  technical  term  for  this  action  of  the  chairman. 


96  /// 

who  did  not  recognise  him,  retorted  sharply  on  his  conduct 
as  a  juror,  but  apologised  as  soon  as  he  learned  that  it  was 
the  high-priest  who  had  spoken. 

The  meeting,  however,  was  evidently  disturbed  through 
the  violent  feelings  aroused  by  this  unfortunate  incident. 
Some  discussion  took  place  before  Paul  was  again  allowed 
to  speak  ;  and  in  the  course  of  the  discussion  Paul  observed, 
as  Luke  says,  "  that  the  one  part  were  Sadducees  and  the 
other  Pharisees  ".  The  differences  between  the  two  parties 
were  so  strongly  accentuated  that  a  very  little  debate  would 
reveal  the  facts  to  him.  He  immediately  recognised  that 
he  might  gain  the  sympathy  of  the  Pharisees,  if  he  put  the 
plea,  which  he  had  previously  pitched  in  a  different  tone,  in 
a  way  that  would  appeal  to  them.  In  all  probability  we 
should  find,  if  any  information  had  come  down  to  us  on  the 
subject,  that  the  minority  favourable  to  Paul  among  the 
Jews,  which  (as  we  have  seen)  existed  in  most  of  their  towns 
and  colonies,  usually  consisted  of  Pharisees ;  and  thus  he 
knew  at  once  where  lay  his  chance  of  making  an  impression. 
But  he  did  not  alter  his  predetermined  line  of  defence  ;  he 
merely  changed  the  expression. 

Luke's  narrative  suits  this  interpretation  perfectly ;  and 
in  Paul's  next  defence — before  Felix — Luke  represents  him 
as  skilfully  introducing  the  same  plea  in  a  double  form : 
first,  declaring  that  his  life  had  been  one  of  continuous  con- 
scientious obedience  to  the  God  of  Israel,  in  conformity  with 
the  Law,  from  the  beginning  onwards,  and  afterwards  actu- 
ally quoting  part  of  the  controverted  expression  which  he 
had  given  to  the  same  fundamental  truth. 

But  we  are  not  concerned  to  maintain  that  Luke  fully 
understood  Paul's  intention  in  giving  this  turn  to  his  defence. 
Luke  disliked  the  Jews,  and  gives  us  a  prejudiced  picture  of 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  97 

them,  though  his  description  is  so  true  that  we  can  always 
see  the  real  facts  shining  through  his  account,  even  where 
we  find  it  prejudiced.  Much  as  we  must  admire  his  histori- 
cal genius,  we  must  also  recognise  the  limitations  imposed 
on  him  by  his  birth  and  training.  He  was  a  Greek,  and 
could  not  always  comprehend,  or  wish  to  comprehend, 
Jewish  nature.  The  racial  dislike  between  Greek  and  Jew 
has  always  been,  and  still  is,  deep  and  ineradicable. 

It  is  clear  in  Luke's  account  of  the  scene  in  the  Council 
that  he  was  filled  with  contempt  for  the  clamour  and  dissen- 
sion that  arose  in  the  court  as  the  result  of  Paul's  brief  de- 
fence. He  evidently  regards  the  members  of  the  court  as  a 
set  of  howling  fanatics,  and  mentally  contrasts  the  scene  with 
the  superior  order  and  propriety  that  would  prevail  in  the 
Senate  of  a  Greek  or  Roman  city.  Perhaps  he  was  not  able 
to  be  quite  fair  or  sympathetic  in  his  estimate  of  the  Jewish 
Council. 

We  are  here  tempted  to  draw  a  comparison  between 
Luke  and  Renan  in  this  respect.  No  one  has  been  more 
sympathetic  in  the  interpretation  of  Luke  than  the  great 
French  scholar.  No  one  has  been  more  generously  ap- 
preciative of  the  charm  of  Luke's  work.  His  sympathy 
has  led  Renan  first  to  the  right  conclusion  as  to  several  of 
the  incidents  in  which  Luke  was  concerned.  The  sympathy 
is  founded  on  real  similarity  of  nature.  Nowhere  is  the 
similarity  more  conspicuous  than  in  the  inability  of  both 
to  understand  the  nature  of  the  Jews.  We  take  as  an 
example  the  impression  which  Jerusalem  and  its  surround- 
ings left  on  their  minds. 

Luke  could  not  forget  his  first  view  of  Cyprus  rising 
out  of  the  sea ;  but  the  first  view  of  Jerusalem,  the  most 
marvellously   interesting   of  scenes  to  one   who  has   true 

7 


98  /// 

sympathy  for  Jewish  history  and  Jewish  religion,  has  left 
no  impression  on  his  book.  Again,  he  describes  vividly 
how  he  came  to  Rome,  crossing  first  the  distant  bounds  of 
the  Roman  land,  the  boundary  of  Rome  as  a  State,  far  in 
the  south  of  Latium,  then  traversing  the  parts  of  this  great 
Rome  by  the  Appian  Road,  then  entering  the  limits  of  the 
city  Rome  in  a  narrower  sense.  But,  though  he  tells  how 
he  made  the  journey  with  horses  from  Caesarea  to  Jerusa- 
lem, and  stayed  a  night  by  the  way  in  the  house  of  Mnason, 
one  of  the  earliest  Christians,  he  has  nothing  to  say  more 
than  that,  "  when  we  were  come  to  Jerusalem,  the  brethren 
received  us  gladly." 

And  now  see  what  sort  of  impression  the  view  of 
Jerusalem  made  on  Renan. 

"  The  parched  appearance  of  nature  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Jerusalem  must  have  added  to  the  dislike  Jesus 
had  for  the  place.  The  valleys  are  without  water  ;  the  soil 
arid  and  stony.  Looking  into  the  valley  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
the  view  is  somewhat  striking  ;  elsewhere  it  is  monotonous. 
The  hill  of  Mizpeh,  around  which  cluster  the  most  ancient 
historical  remembrances  of  Israel,  alone  relieves  the  eye." 

The  allusion  to  the  Dead  Sea  shows  that  Renan  is 
describing  the  view  from  the  Mount  of  Olives,  the  most 
entrancing  in  the  world  to  the  student  of  history.  But 
the  most  dull  and  ignorant  of  tourists  could  not  have  seen 
less  in  it  than  the  great  French  scholar  saw.  His  words 
are  a  perfect  proof  of  his  essential  lack  of  sympathy  with 
the  Hebrew  mind.  The  man  who  could  feel  and  speak 
thus  about  that  wonderful  scene  had  not  the  soul — with  all 
his  genius — to  understand  Judaism. 


The  Statesmanship  of  Paul  99 

X 

History  is  the  supreme  judge  of  all  ideas.  What  verdict 
has  it  pronounced  on  Paul's  idea?  We  do  not  ask  what 
verdict  it  has  pronounced  on  his  religion — the  question  is 
impertinent,  or  premature — but  on  the  new  idea  that  he 
threw  into  the  political  movements  of  his  time.  Has 
history  declared  that  his  idea  was  vital  and  real?  The 
reply  to  that  question  the  writer  has  already  attempted  to 
give  in  a  study  of  The  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire; 
and  here  we  may  sum  it  up  in  a  sentence  and  a  paragraph. 
The  age  was  ripe  for  Paul's  idea :  the  fulness  of  time  was 
come. 

In  the  mind  of  the  ancients  no  union  of  men,  small  or 
great,  good  or  bad,  humble  or  honourable,  was  conceivable 
without  a  religious  bond  to  hold  it  together.  The  Roman 
Empire,  if  it  was  to  become  an  organic  unity,  must  derive 
its  vitality  and  its  hold  on  men's  minds  from  some  religious 
bond.  Patriotism,  to  the  ancients,  was  adherence  to  a 
common  religion,  just  as  the  family  tie  was,  not  common 
blood,  but  communion  in  the  family  religion  (for  the 
adopted  son  was  as  real  a  member  as  the  son  by  nature). 
Accordingly,  when  Augustus  essayed  the  great  task  of  con- 
solidating the  loosely  aggregated  parts  of  the  vast  Empire, 
he  had  to  find  a  religion  to  consecrate  the  unity  by  a 
common  idea  and  sentiment.  The  existing  religions  were 
all  national,  while  the  Empire  (as  we  saw)  was  striving  to 
extirpate  the  national  divisions  and  create  a  supra-national 
unity.  A  new  religion  was  needed.  Partly  with  conscious 
intention,  partly  borne  unconsciously  on  the  tide  of  events, 
the  young  Empire  created  the  Imperial  religion,  the  worship 
of  an  idea — the  cult  of  the  Majesty  of  Rome  as  represented 


lOO  /// 

by  the  incarnate  deity  present  on  earth  in  the  person  of 
the  reigning  Emperor,  and  by  the  dead  gods,  his  deified 
predecessors  on  the  throne.  Except  for  the  slavish  adula- 
tion of  the  living  Emperor,  the  idea  was  not  devoid  of 
nobility  ;  but  it  was  incapable  of  life,  for  it  degraded  human 
nature,  and  was  founded  on  a  lie.  But  Paul  gave  the 
Empire  a  more  serviceable  idea.  He  made  possible  that 
unity  at  which  the  Imperial  policy  was  aiming.  The  true 
path  of  development  for  the  Empire  lay  in  allowing  free 
play  to  the  idea  which  Paul  offered,  and  strengthening 
itself  through  this  unifying  religion.  That  principle  of 
perfect  religious  freedom  (which  we  regard  as  Seneca's) 
directed  for  a  time  the  Imperial  policy,  and  caused  the 
acquittal  of  Paul  on  his  first  trial  in  Rome.  But  freedom 
was  soon  exchanged  for  the  policy  of  fire  and  sword.  The 
Imperial  gods  would  not  give  place  to  a  more  real  religion, 
and  fought  for  two  and  a  half  centuries  to  maintain  their 
sham  worship  against  it.  When  at  last  the  idea  of  Paul 
was,  even  reluctantly  and  imperfectly,  accepted  by  the 
Emperors,  no  longer  claiming  to  be  gods,  it  gave  new  life 
to  the  rapidly  perishing  organisation  of  the  Empire,  and 
conquered  the  triumphant  barbarian  enemy.  Had  it  not 
been  for  Paul — if  one  may  guess  at  what  might  have  been 
— no  man  would  now  remember  Roman  and  Greek  civilisa- 
tion. Barbarism  proved  too  powerful  for  the  Graeco-Roman 
civilisation  unaided  by  the  new  religious  bond  ;  and  every 
channel  through  which  that  civilisation  was  preserved,  or 
interest  in  it  maintained,  either  is  now  or  has  been  in  some 
essential  part  of  its  course  Christian  after  the  Pauline  form. 


(/ 


IV 


PAGAN    REVIVALISM    AND    THE    PER- 
SECUTIONS OF  THE  EARLY  CHURCH 


IV 

PAGAN  REVIVALISM  AND  THE  PERSECU- 
TIONS OF  THE  EARLY  CHURCH 

The  opinion  was  stated  by  Mommsen  in  his  epoch-making 
study  in  the  Historische  Zeitschrift,  1890,  pp.  389-429,  that 
the  Roman  Imperial  Government  during  the  first  two 
centuries  was  usually  unwilling  to  carry  into  effect  by  active 
measures  of  repression  the  deep-seated  and  unavoidable 
opposition  between  itself  and  the  Christians,  but  that  iso- 
lated outbreaks  of  repressive  activity  occurred  when  it 
was  forced  to  act  by  the  pressure  of  the  general  hatred 
which  was  felt  by  the  pagan  population  for  the  Christians. 
That  there  is  an  element  of  truth  in  this  view  is  acknow- 
ledged. That  it  is  not  complete  and  sufficient,  but  one- 
sided, the  present  writer  has  always  maintained.  The 
relation  between  the  popular  dislike  and  the  Imperial  dis- 
approval is  not  so  simple  as  Mommsen's  view  would  make 
it.  It  was  not  simply  a  case  in  which  the  one  pushed  and 
the  other  was  unwillingly  impelled. 

It  is  acknowledged  by  every  one  that  in  the  two  last 
great  persecutions  the  relation  changed.  The  Imperial 
Government  was  then  intensely  active,  and  probably  went 
far  beyond  public  sentiment.  At  the  beginning  of  the  period 
of  persecution,  also,  Tacitus  expressly  declares  that  Nero's 
action,  while  it  began  by  using  the  public  dislike  for  Im- 
perial purposes,  soon  went  far  beyond,  and  was  felt  as  an 

(103) 


I04  JV'  Pagan  Revivalism  and 


outrage  by,  popular  judgment.  In  the  account  which  is  given 
in  the  Apocalypse  of  Domitian's  persecution  the  same  im- 
pression is  conveyed.  The  Imperial  Government,  the  Beast 
that  appears  from  the  sea,  is  described  as  the  active  and 
directing  power,  the  great  implacable,  unwearied  enemy. 
Thus  alike  at  the  beginning  and  the  end  the  Imperial  policy 
is  seen  to  be  actively  stimulating,  instead  of  being  simply 
pushed  on  by,  popular  feeling. 

None  of  these  facts  are  denied.  All  are  admitted  uni- 
versally, except  that  the  historical  value  and  meaning  of  the 
evidence  contained  in  the  Apocalypse  might  be  contested 
by  some.  The  difference  of  opinion  is  with  regard  to  the 
intermediate  period.  It  is  admitted  on  all  hands  that  there 
was  a  middle  time,  lasting  at  least  from  Trajan  to  the 
accession  of  Decius,  in  which  persecution  was  intermittent 
and  fitful.  During  this  period  popular  feeling  was  more 
effective,  and  the  Imperial  Government  was  in  general  more 
inert ;  but  the  fits  of  activity  were  probably  very  much  of 
the  same  general  character  as  in  the  first  and  last  stages. 

The  difference,  then,  between  these  views  is  chiefly  a 
matter  of  degree,  and  not  of  essential  opposition.  In  such 
a  case  it  is  always  desirable  to  get  away  from  generalities 
and  come  to  individual  definite  facts.  Much  of  the  long 
controversy  about  the  nature  of  the  persecutions  has  been 
due  to  the  want  of  clear  facts,  and  the  restriction  of  the 
discussion  to  generalities.  The  narratives  of  martyrdoms 
furnished  the  whole  store  of  facts,  and  these  provoked 
almost  more  controversy  than  the  persecutions ;  they  were 
necessarily  one-sided  and  strongly  prejudiced  against  the 
Government ;  the  last  thought  of  the  writers  was  to  give  a 
fair  statement  of  the  views  entertained  by  the  Empire. 
Moreover,  their  date  and  credibility  was  often  very  doubt- 


the  Persecutions  of  the  Early  Church       105 

ful,  and  very  few  were  universally  admitted  to  be  documents 
contemporary  with  the  events  or  founded  on  contemporary 
documents. 

In  this  uncertainty  it  would  be  valuable  to  have  some 
evidence  giving  the  views  and  ideas  of  the  other  side,  the 
Government  and  the  common  people.  A  little  evidence  of 
this  kind  has  gradually  been  accumulating  during  the  last 
twenty  years,  and  it  is  well  to  bring  together  some  specimens 
of  it. 

If  the  question  be  asked  how  the  relation  between  the 
Imperial  Government  and  popular  opinion  was  made  opera- 
tive practically,  the  first  answer  that  suggested  itself  would 
probably  be  the  one  which  is  suggested  by  the  most  familiar 
and  universally  accepted  of  all  the  Acts  of  Martyrs,  the 
story  of  Polycarp — that  the  clamour  of  the  people  forced 
their  opinion  and  wish  on  the  attention  of  persons  in 
authority.  Attention  has  been  concentrated  on  this  almost 
exclusively,  and  the  restricted  view  has  inevitably  suggested 
that,  while  popular  opinion  by  its  clamour  influenced  the 
Emperors,  no  influence  was  exercised  by  the  Emperors  on 
popular  opinion. 

The  method  of  clamour  and  even  riot  was  certainly  used, 
but  it  could  never  be  so  effective  in  an  Empire  that  extended 
round  the  whole  Mediterranean  as  in  a  great  city  or  a  small 
compact  country.  It  was  not  the  only  method,  and  it  was 
not  the  telling  method.  There  was  a  way  in  which  the 
Imperial  Government  could  learn  almost  directly  the  wishes 
of  the  provinces  and  communicate  its  views  to  them.  This 
was  through  the  Assembly  or  Commune  of  the  Province,  a 
body  composed  of  representatives  of  the  cities  and  districts 
meeting  for  purposes  chiefly  religious ;  but  religion  was  not 
so  separate  from  social  and  political  life  then  as  it  is  now. 


io6  IV.  Pagan  Revivalism  and 

The  Commune  united  the  whole  province  in  the  State  re- 
h'gion,  and  was  the  concrete  expression  of  its  patriotism 
and  its  sense  of  the  Imperial  unity.^  The  Emperor,  as  the 
incarnate  god  in  whose  worship  and  service  the  Commune 
met,  was  the  head  of  the  religion  from  every  point  of  view  : 
he  was  the  present  god,  and  he  was  the  supreme  priest. 
The  ancient  mind  was  familiar  with  the  idea  that  the  god 
was  the  first  and  original  priest  of  his  own  religion,  for  the 
god  revealed  the  ritual  to  men  and  showed  them  how  to 
approach  him. 

Thus  the  Provincial  organisation  of  the  State  religion  was 
the  natural  medium  of  communication  between  the  Emperor 
and  the  popular  feeling.  The  feeling  found  expression  in 
and  through  the  Commune.  In  proportion  as  loyalty  (ac- 
cording to  the  accepted  idea  of  loyalty)  was  strong  among 
the  people  the  Commune  was  active  and  powerful,  because 
it  was  expressing  in  the  State  ritual  a  strong  popular  feeling. 
In  proportion  as  the  Emperor  was  in  harmony  with  the 
popular  feeling  was  the  sense  of  loyalty  intensified  in  the 
popular  mind. 

The  present  writer  has  tried  to  describe  '^  how  the  Com- 
mune of  Asia  worked  in  the  persecution  of  Domitian,  as 
that  persecution  is  described  in  detail  in  our  solitary  au- 
thority, the  Apocalypse,  and  the  agreement  of  the  picture 
set  before  us  in  that  book  with  the  procedure  of  the  last  per- 
secution, A.D.  303-311,  was  regarded  as  furnishing  a  com- 
plete proof  of  the  truth  and  trustworthiness  of  the  picture. 

The  writer's  view  is  that  a  pagan  revival  accompanied 
almost  every  persecution,  partly  arising  spontaneously  from 
popular  feeling,  but  partly  engineered  and  guided  by  Im- 
perial encouragement.     The  Empire  allied  itself  with  the  old 

^Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches,  p.  96.  "Ibid.,  97  ff.,  105  f. 


the  Persecutions  of  the  Early  Church       107 

religion,  and  especially  the  Asiatic  superstitions,  which  had 
a  strong  hold  on  their  devotees,  against  the  new  Faith.  In 
the  last  persecution  "  the  Christian  sacraments  and  institu- 
tions were  imitated ;  heathen  hierarchy  established  of  men 
of  high  rank.  For  the  mob  there  was  a  clever  winking 
Jove  ;  for  the  devout  a  daily  heathen  service."  ^  Divine 
names  were  commonly  taken  by  the  leaders  and  priests : 
Theoteknos,  God's  Child,  a  Neo-Platonist  philosopher,  was 
the  guiding  spirit  of  the  pagan  revival. 

Some  examples  will  now  be  quoted  of  these  pagan  re- 
vivals, not  with  any  intention  either  of  exhausting  the 
subject  or  of  drawing  any  inferences,  but  merely  to  direct 
attention  to  the  importance  of  collecting  and  studying  the 
facts  with  a  view  to  guiding  the  reasoning  and  opinion  of  all 
scholars  on  this  subject. 

I.  The  following  was  published  in  1877  by  MM.  Radet 
and  Paris  in  the  Bulletin  de  Correspondance  Hellmique,  xi., 
p.  6Tf,  Isauria,  but  its  real  character  was  not  recognised  : — 

Ma,  daughter  of  Pappas,^  virgin,  and  by  family  right  priestess 
of  the  goddess  and  the  saints,  restored  and  roofed  with 
tiles  the  temple  at  her  own  expense. 

The  criteria  of  the  reactionary  movement  are  all  evident 
here.  The  names  are  those  of  deities :  Ma  was  the  great 
Cappadocian  goddess,  Pappas  (or  Papas)  was  a  widely  spread 
name  of  the  supreme  god  as  the  "  Father  "  of  his  worshippers. 
The  institutions  and  terminology  of  the  Church  are  adopted, 
the  Virgins  and  the  Saints  (as  designation  of  the  congrega- 
tion of  believers).     So  marked  is  the  Christian  tone  that  for 

1  Rev.  H.  B.  Workman,  Persecution  in  the  Early  Church,  p.  280.  I 
received  this  book  through  the  author's  courtesy,  after  my  article  was  nearly 
finished,  and  extract  the  above  as  illustrating  the  subject  clearly. 

2  The  first  editors  read  M.  A.  Pappa  as  a  woman's  name. 


io8  IV.  Pagan  Revivalis7n  and 

long  I  regarded  the  inscription  as  Christian,  originating  from 
some  heretic  sect,  Ma,  priestess  of  the  Mother  of  God  (deou, 
abbreviation  of  6€{ot6k)ov),  having  renovated  the  local 
church.  But  on  that  theory  the  paganisation  of  the  Church 
is  so  strongly  marked  that  the  document  could  not  be  placed 
earlier  than  the  fifth  century,  whereas  it  is  almost  certainly 
not  later  than  the  third  century  or  the  beginning  of  the 
fourth.  Moreover,  the  pagan  revival  is  now  being  recog- 
nised much  more  widely  in  the  records  of  Asia  Minor,  and 
many  documents,  which  were  formerly  difficult  to  under- 
stand, fall  readily  into  their  proper  place  in  the  reaction  and 
revival. 

The  term  "  Parthenos  "  was  indeed  used  in  the  Anatolian 
religion  to  designate  the  female  slaves  of  the  sanctuary,  and 
it  implies  only  unwedded.  But  I  do  not  know  that  it  was 
ever  used  by  pagans  in  this  bare  and  simple  fashion  almost 
like  a  title  of  hieratic  rank :  when  it  occurs  in  pagan  docu- 
ments there  is  something  in  the  context  to  explain  the 
scope  and  sphere  of  the  allusion,  as,  e.g.,  in  the  inscription 
quoted  in  my  Historical  Commentary  on  Galatians,  p.  201. 
Hence  it  seems  practically  certain  that  the  term  as  applied 
to  Ma  here  proves  that  in  the  temple  which  she  restored 
there  existed  an  order  of  "  Virgins  "  similar  to  the  Christian. 

Still  more  clearly  of  Christian  origin  is  the  phrase 
"  priestess  of  the  Saints  ".  In  a  fourth  century  inscription  of 
Ancyra,  the  phrase  "  presbyter  of  the  Saints  "  occurs  {C.  I.  G., 
9258).  Generally  the  term  "Saints"  applied  to  the  con- 
gregation of  Christians  belongs  to  the  early  time,  but  the 
Ancyran  inscription  is  a  clear  proof  that  the  use  lasted  into 
the  fourth  century.  In  that  century  "presbyter  of  the  Holy 
Church"  took  its  place;  as  appears  in  many  inscriptions 
(examples  quoted  in  the  Expositor,  Dec,  1905,  p.  444). 


the  Persecutions  of  the  Early  Church        109 

It  is  highly  probable  that  the  inscription  belongs  to  the 
time  of  Decius,  This  country  was  very  thoroughly  Chris- 
tianised before  that  time.  The  old  pagan  temples  had  sunk 
into  decay  in  Isauria — ^just  as  Pliny  found  that  they  had 
in  Bithynia  in  A.D.  112,  when  he  interfered  to  stop  the 
Christian  propaganda,  and  soon  succeeded  in  having  the 
temples  restored  and  the  worship  reorganised, 

2.  A  little  epitaph  found  on  an  Imperial  estate  in  North 
Galatia  probably  belongs  to  this  class  : — 

Anna  was  set  up  in  honour  by  her  children  Am(m)on  and 
Apollo  and  Manes  and  Matar,  in  remembrance.^ 

The  designation  of  four  children  by  four  Divine  names 
is  quite  distinctive  of  the  pagan  revival.  The  old  Phrygian 
form  Matar  for  the  Mother-Goddess  is  a  peculiarly  interest- 
ing revivication  of  an  ancient  name.  Manes  is  known  only 
in  this  period  of  revival,  and  seems  likewise  to  be  an  old 
name  reintroduced  (see  below,  No.  4). 

3.  Another  example,  engraved  on  two  sides  of  a  small 
altar,  bearing  pagan  reliefs  more  or  less  defaced,  belongs  to 
Akmonia  in  Phrygia  ^ : — 

{a)  Good  Fortune.  Aurelius  Epitynchanos  and  Aurelius 
Epinikos,  along  with  their  mother  Tertulla,  consecrated 
their  father  Telesphoros,  (b)  in  the  year  334  (a.d.  249- 
250),  along  with  the  religious  society  of  which  he  was 
Hierophant, 

The  Fortunate  and  the  Conquering  were  the  sons  of 
Telesphoros,  who  bore  the  name  of  the  little  god  of  Perga- 
mum,  the   Consummator.       The   Divine   nomenclature    is 

1  Published  by  Mr,  J.  G.  C.  Anderson,  in  the  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies 
1899,  p.  84. 

^  It  was  published  by  the  writer  in  the  Revue  des  Etudes  Anciennes,  igoi, 
p.  275  ;  the  date  was  corrected  by  reading  A  for  A,  ibid.,  1902,  pp.  84,  269, 


no  IV.  Pagan  Revivalism  and 

evidently  carefully  selected.  The  word  Epit\'nchanos  is 
never  found  in  Greek  literature,  but  occasionally  in  late 
inscriptions :  it  is  a  false  formation  from  the  verb,  and  was 
probably  an  invention  of  this  late  period.  Telesphoros  was 
the  Hierophant,  the  displayer  of  the  sacred  objects  in  the 
mysteries  celebrated  by  the  religious  society  which  had 
been  formed  in  Akmonia. 

The  date,  which  is  fortunately  stated  in  this  inscription, 
is  peculiarly  important,  and  gives  the  positive  certainty  that 
this  revival  of  paganism  was  coincident  with  the  persecu- 
tion of  Decius.  The  society  was  apparently  a  private 
association ;  and  there  is  no  direct  proof  that  it  had  been 
encouraged  by  the  Imperial  Government  or  the  Commune. 
But  the  same  family  is  known  from  later  documents,  which 
show  that  it  enjoyed  Imperial  favour  later. 

4.  Found  near  Akmonia  in  1883:  the  stone  is  now  in 
Brussels,  as  Professor  F.  Cumont  informs  me.  There  are 
many  difficulties  in  the  language ;  and  the  construction  and 
meaning  are  in  some  places  very  obscure. 

{a)  In  the  year  398  (a.d.  313-314),  and  waiting  the  com- 
mands of  the  immortals,  and  I  that  speak  everything 
am  Athanatos  Epitynchanos  (Immortal  Fortunate),  in- 
itiated by  an  honourable  priestess  of  the  people  bear- 
ing an  honourable  name  Spatale,  whom  the  immortal 
gods  glorified  both  within  and  beyond  the  bounds  (of 
the  city-state  Akmonia),  for  she  redeemed  many  from 
evil  torments.  The  high-priest  Epitynchanos,  glorified 
by  the  immortal  gods,  was  consecrated  by  Diogas 
Epitynchanos  and  his  bride  Tation,  and  their  children 
Onesimos  and  Alexander  and  Asklas  and  Epityn- 
chanos. 

{b)  Athanatos  Epitynchanos,  son  of  Pius,  glorified  by 
Hekate  first,  secondly  by  Manes  Daos   Heliodromos 


the  Persecutions  of  the  Early  Church        1 1 1 

Zeus,  thirdly  Phoebus  Leader  and  Prophetic,  truly  I 
received  the  gift  prophetic  of  truth  in  my  own  city  .  .  . 
to  the  first  high-priest  Athanatos  Pius,  father  of 
honourable  sons,  and  to  my  mother  Tatis,  who  bore 
honourable  children,  an  honourable  name.  .  .  . 
ic)  The  Athanatoi  first  high-priests,  brothers,  Diogas  and 
Epitynchanos,  saviours  of  their  city,  lawgivers.^ 

This  inscription  belongs  to  the  last  stage  of  the  struggle 
against  Christianity,  under  Maximin,  and  entirely  confirms 
the  account  given  by  Eusebius  and  Lactantius  of  that 
Emperor's  action.  The  imitation  of  Christian  language 
(John  iv.  6)  and  Christian  zeal  for  conversion,  the  profusion 
of  Divine  names  and  epithets,  the  revival  of  old  cults,  the 
respect  for  prophecy,  and  the  confidence  in  Divine  favour 
and  guidance — all  are  characteristic  of  the  pagan  revival. 
The  use  of  the  term  high-priest  implies  Imperial  approval : 
it  cannot  be  doubted  that  in  the  pagan  hierarchy  the  con- 
sent of  the  Pontifex  Maximus  and  the  Commune  was  a 
necessary  condition  in  the  bestow^al  of  this  title.  Moreover, 
it  is  recorded  that  Maximin  sought  to  create  a  hierarchy 
opposed  to  the  Christian. 

5.  Epitynchanos  is  also  mentioned  in  an  inscription, 
which  belongs  either  to  the  Phrygian  city  Meiros  ("  beyond 
the  bounds  of  Akmonia  ")  or  to  the  Imperial  estate  Tembrion, 
as  an  astrologer,  astronomer  and  diviner,  honoured  with  the 
citizenship  of  many  cities,  and  leaving  sons  who  were  equally 
skilled  in  his  arts.  This  Epitynchanos  must  belong  to  the 
family  mentioned  in  Nos.  3,  4.  Now  it  was  pointed  out 
when  this  inscription  was  published  ^  that  Epitynchanos 
belonged  to  Akmonia,  and  flourished  about  A.D.  260  to  310. 

^  Cities  and  Bishoprics  of  Phrygia,  ii.,  pp.  566-568. 

"Ibid.,  ii.,  p.  790 :  A.  Souter,  in  the  Classical  Review,  1897. 


112  IV.  Pagan  Revivalism  and 

He  may  therefore  be  probably  regarded  either  as  the  son  of, 
or  as  identical  with,  Epitynchanos  son  of  Telesphoros,  and 
we  may  suppose  that  he  disused  the  commonplace  name 
Aurelius  (which  was  almost  universally  used  about  250,  and 
was  much  less  fashionable  about  313).  This  description  of 
the  character  of  Epitynchanos  as  astrologer  and  diviner 
completes  the  picture  given  in  3  and  agrees  exactly  with 
that  given  in  4. 

6.  The  most  important  evidence  bearing  on  this 
question  comes  from  the  fragmentary  Acta  of  a  society 
called  the  Tekmoreian  Guest-Friends  on  the  Imperial 
estates  near  Pisidian  Antioch.  The  constitution  of  this 
religious  association  is  uncertain  ;  but  it  seems  in  practice 
to  have  consisted  of  the  population  resident  on  the  Imperial 
estates  as  organised  for  religious  purposes  {plebs  collegii) 
together  with  various  strangers,  mainly  visitors  from  other 
Imperial  estates,  but  also  to  some  extent  persons  from  the 
Hellenic  cities,  who  were  falling  away  from  Hellenism  and 
relapsing  into  the  older  Orientalism  of  the  country  and 
deserting  the  Hellenic  cities  to  settle  in  the  villages  on  the 
Imperial  estates.  Numerous  questions  of  history  and  soci- 
ology are  roused  by  this  unique  series  of  documents  ;  these 
questions  are  indicated,  though  space  and  time  forbade  full 
treatment,  in  the  first  complete  publication  of  the  docu- 
ments, Studies  in  the  History  and  Aj-t  of  the  Eastern  Roman 
Provinces,  written  for  the  Aberdeen  Quatercentenary  and 
now  published  by  Messrs.  Hodder  &  Stoughton,  1906,  pp. 
305-377 ;  but  at  present  we  only  touch  on  the  one  subject 
of  immediate  interest. 

The  most  important  documents  found  in  this  locality  are 
(i)  lists  of  subscribers  with  the  amount  of  their  subscriptions  ; 
when  the  inscriptions  are  complete  at  the  top  there  is  a 


the  Persecutions  of  the  Early  Church        113 

preamble  describing  the  character  of  the  subscribers  and 
the  purpose  of  the  donations  ;  (2)  dedications  to  the  Goddess 
Artemis  or  to  the  God  Emperor  (once  the  Gods  Emperors) ; 
(3)  a  village  act,  dated  by  a  priest  (of  Artemis),  who  seems 
to  be  an  Imperial  procurator,  and  expressed  in  the  name 
of  the  village  people  and  a  slave  (of  the  Emperor),  who 
resided  on  the  estate  as  manager  and  member  of  the  village 
Assembly  (Gerousia) ;  (4)  the  epitaph  of  a  Roman,  appar- 
ently freedman  and  procurator  of  the  Emperor  Claudius, 
holding  the  priesthood  of  Artemis. 

The  subscribers  and  dedicators  are  repeatedly  called  the 
Tekmoreian  Guest-Friends. 

That  the  Guest-Friends  were  a  sort  of  secret  society,  so 
called  because  they  recognised  one  another  by  a  sign  or 
Tekmor,  was  suggested  in  my  Historical  Geography  of  Asia 
Miftor,  p.  411,  and  Cities  and  Bishoprics  of  Phrygia,  i.,  p. 
97 ;  ii.,  pp.  359,  630 ;  but  the  alternative  explanation  that 
the  epithet  was  local  and  derived  from  a  place  called  Tek- 
moreion,  was  preferred  by  the  only  American  and  German 
scholars  who  have  expressed  an  opinion.  The  connection 
with  the  old  epic  Greek  word  Tekmor  was  confirmed  in 
1905  by  the  discovery  of  a  list  in  which  the  verb  T6/c/xopevetv 
is  used.  The  name  given  to  the  members  of  the  society 
was  derived  from  the  performance  of  some  action  designated 
by  this  verb.  In  one  case  it  is  mentioned  that  the  act  is 
performed  for  the  second  time. 

Inasmuch  as  new  words  had  to  be  invented  for  the 
occasion  the  act  must  have  been  a  novel  one.  But  the 
society  was  religious,  uniting  the  old  Anatolian  ritual  with 
the  worship  of  the  Emperor ;  acts  of  the  old  ritual  had  old 
names ;  therefore,  the  act  which  required  a  newly  invented 

name  must  have  been  part  of  the  new  element  in  the  com- 

8 


114  J^^^'  ^(^gcin  Revivalism  and 

bined  religion,  i.e.,  it  was  connected  with  some  sign  of  loyalty 
and  devotion  to  the  Imperial  religion.  What  this  sign  was 
cannot  as  yet  be  determined  from  the  extant  evidence  ;  but 
every  one  must  involuntarily  think  of  "  them  that  had  re- 
ceived the  mark  of  the  Beast  and  them  that  worshipped  his 
image".  The  large  subscriptions  of  money  recorded  in  the 
Tekmoreian  lists  were  applied  to  the  making  of  statues  of 
the  Lord  Emperor  and  the  Good  Fortune  of  the  Emperors 
and  the  great  Goddess  Artemis,  together  with  various  im- 
plements of  the  ritual :  the  purpose  was  always  religious. 
The  society  was  the  expression  of  an  alliance  between  the 
Imperial  power  and  the  old  Anatolian  religious  authority; 
that  old  authority  seems  to  have  been  exercised  by  the 
Imperial  procurator,  who  represented  the  Emperor  and 
managed  his  interests.  The  only  two  priests  of  the  great 
Goddess  mentioned  in  the  documents  hitherto  discovered 
were  apparently  procurators  and  Imperial  freedmen  (though 
owing  to  the  circumstances  the  procuratorship  is  not  men- 
tioned). The  character  of  the  Imperial  system  was  to  main- 
tain as  far  as  possible  the  old  system  of  government  on  the 
estates,  and  this  could  be  most  conveniently  done  by  making 
the  procurator  hold  the  old  priesthood  with  all  the  power 
that  accompanied  the  office. 

It  is  true  that  the  anti-Christian  purpose  is  never  men- 
tioned in  the  inscriptions.  Even  if  we  possessed  much 
fuller  and  more  elaborate  copies  of  the  Tekmoreian  records, 
that  purpose  would  probably  not  be  alluded  to.  "  It  was 
apparently  a  fashion  and  an  affectation  among  a  certain 
class  of  Greek  men  of  letters  about  A.D.  160-240  to  ignore 
the  existence  of  the  Christians,  and  to  pretend  to  confuse 
them  with  the  Jews.  Those  high-souled  philosophic 
Greeks   would   not   even   know   the   name,   for   it   was    a 


the  Persecutions  of  the  Early  Church        1 1 5 

solecism  to  use  such  a  vulgar  and  barbarous  word."  ^  So 
I  wrote  ill  1892;  and  now  it  is  apparent  that  the  affecta- 
tion was  widely  spread  over  society  generally,  and  not 
confined  to  Greek  men  of  letters.  The  educated  Greeks 
were  not  unwilling  to  ally  themselves  with  the  uneducated 
Orientals  against  their  common  enemy ;  they  failed  to  see 
that  in  doing  so  they  were  working  out  the  ruin  of  Greek 
education.  In  allying  themselves  with  the  uneducated 
they  must  gradually  sink  to  the  lower  level ;  and  one  of 
the  many  remarkable  and  interesting  features  of  the 
Tekmoreian  lists  is  that  they  show  the  way  in  which 
individuals  were  leaving  the  Greek  city  life  and  going 
back  to  the  lower  educational  level  of  Oriental  peasant 
life.^  Christianity  was  the  religion  of  an  educated  people, 
and  the  last  and  worst  evil  of  the  long  struggle  was  that 
in  Diocletian's  persecution  the  more  cultured  section  of 
the  Church  was  to  a  large  extent  killed  out,  so  that  on 
both  sides  education  deteriorated  and  the  quality  of  society 
in  general  was  depreciated.^ 

Nor  is  any  allusion  ever  made  in  the  Tekmoreian 
documents  to  Imperial  suggestion  or  approval.  On  the 
contrary,  it  is  apparent  that  an  intentional  silence  is  pre- 
served with  regard  to  the  action  of  Imperial  officials.  In 
the  Tekmoreian  lists,  only  village  officers  as  a  rule  are 
mentioned.  Even  the  priest  does  not  appear  in  them, 
because  the  priesthood  was  held  by  the  procurator.  As 
is  pointed  out  in  the  publication  of  the  documents,*  there 
is  no  other  explanation  possible  of  this  peculiar  fact  except 

^  The  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire,  p.  264. 

^Studies  in  the  History  and  Art  of  the  Eastern  Provinces,  p.  357. 

2  Cities  and  Bishoprics  of  Phrygia,  ii.,  p.  509. 

*  Studies,  etc.,  p.  313. 


ii6  IV.  Pagan  Revivalism  and 

that  "the  intention  was  to  show  the  spontaneous  nature 
of  the  movement  ".  The  procurator  and  managers  {adores) 
took  no  direct  part ;  and  the  acta  emanate  directly  from  the 
populace.  Yet  this  semblance  conceals  what  must  have 
been  the  real  facts.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  popu- 
lation on  the  Imperial  estates  were  in  a  different  position 
from  the  rest  of  the  population  of  the  provinces.  The 
Emperor  was  their  lord ;  they  were  his  immediate  subjects. 
He  was  the  heir  to  the  personal  authority  over  them,  which 
had  once  belonged  to  the  deity,  whose  servants  they  were ; 
and  his  procurator  was  the  priest  of  the  deity,  and  exercised 
that  authority  on  the  Emperor's  behalf.  Although  there  is 
no  proof  that  the  constitution  of  this  society  was  approved 
by  the  Emperor,  I  do  not  see  how  this  can  be  doubted. 
The  society  aimed  only  at  pleasing  the  Emperor ;  it  acted 
in  loyal  and  eager  devotion  ;  it  lived  for  the  Emperor  and 
the  great  Goddess  Artemis.  That  it  had  reason  to  believe 
that  its  action  was  approved  by  the  Emperor  is  beyond 
doubt ;  it  is  a  fundamental  and  inevitable  part  of  the 
situation. 

Here  then  we  have  clear  proof  of  a  considerable  or- 
ganisation, emanating  from  the  Antiochian  Imperial  estates, 
and  embracing  members  from  many  Asian  Imperial  estates, 
working  for  the  revival  of  the  old  Anatolian  religion  in 
association  with  the  Imperial  worship.  What  is  the  date 
of  formation  ?  It  is  pointed  out  in  the  already  quoted 
publication,  p.  350  ff.,  that  the  Tekmoreian  lists  fall  into 
two  groups  separated  by  an  interval  of  about  a  generation 
(somewhere  about  twenty  to  forty  years).  The  later  group 
mentions  a  single  Emperor  and  cannot  therefore  have  been 
composed  under  Diocletian  (except  in  the  first  year  of  his 
reign).      While   certainty   is   not   attainable   until   further 


the  Persecutions  of  the  Early  Church        1 1 7 

documents  are  found,  the  probability  is  that  the  earHer 
group  belongs  to  the  time  about  A.D.  215-225  and  the  later 
about  245-255.  Thus,  perhaps  as  early  as  the  first  quarter 
of  the  third  century,  certainly  not  later  than  about  the 
middle,  we  have  proof  of  the  existence  of  this  great  re- 
ligious association  springing  from  a  pagan  revival,  lasting 
for  at  least  about  thirty  years,  and  countenanced  by  the 
Imperial  authority.  "  We  can  hardly  be  mistaken  in 
connecting  this  institution  with  the  greatest  political  fact 
of  the  third  century,  the  war  between  the  State  and  the 
Christian  faith.  The  critical  and  determining  question 
about  each  successive  Emperor  at  that  time  turns  on  his 
attitude  to  the  Christians  ;  and  the  test  of  the  real  import 
of  every  event  then  is  its  bearing  on  the  relation  between 
the  Christians  and  the  State.  The  history  of  the  Empire 
requires  to  be  rewritten  from  a  more  statesmanlike  point 
of  view,  viz.^  how  the  great  struggle  of  religions  and  the 
social  systems  which  they  implied  was  fought  out  on  the 
field  of  the  Roman  world."  ^ 

This  dating  would  well  explain  the  origin  of  the  move- 
ment. The  alliance  of  philosophy  with  a  revived  paganism 
(studiously  ignoring  Christianity)  is  the  guiding  and  origin- 
ating thought  in  Philostratus'  Life  of  Apollonius  of  Tyana, 
an  imaginative  work  which  was  suggested  in  court  circles 
and  composed  in  Rome  about  A.D.  210-220.  Philosophy 
is  in  this  work  the  criterion  of  the  good  and  virtuous  man ; 
and  the  good  man  is  he  who  worships  the  gods  within 
the  earth,  the  wicked  man  he  who  despises  them.^  The 
Tekmoreian  society  shows  the  same  idea,  spreading  in 
humbler  circles  from  a  court  origin. 

'  Studies  in  the  History  and  Art  of  the  Eastern  Provinces,  p.  347. 
2  See,  e.g.,  ii.,  39. 


ii8  IV.  Papuan  Revivalism  and 


^^> 


A  conjecture  about  the  Tekmor  may  be  added  here. 
From  the  words  of  Basil,  Epist.  igi}  it  appears  that  there 
was  an  old  custom  (apparently  no  longer  practised  in  his 
time),  "  which  was  once  the  boast  of  the  Church.  Brothers 
from  each  church,  travelling  from  one  end  of  the  world  to 
the  other,  were  provided  with  little  tokens  {Symbola),  and 
found  all  men  fathers  and  brothers," 

In  Epist.  203  he  again  alludes  to  the  same  ancient 
Christian  custom,  now  quite  obsolete :  "  We,  the  sons  of 
fathers  who  made  the  law  that  by  brief  notes  the  proofs  of 
communion  {av/x^oXa  eirlixL^ia^)  should  be  carried  about 
from  one  end  of  the  earth  to  the  other,  and  that  all  should 
be  citizens  and  familiars  with  all,  now  sever  ourselves  from 
the  whole  world  ". 

These  two  letters  were  written  about  A.D.  374-375  ;  and 
the  custom  to  which  they  allude  evidently  belongs  to  the 
pre-Constantine  period  :  it  was  one  of  the  devices  for  main- 
taining the  unity  of  the  early  Church. 

The  Tekmoreian  society  may  have  been  formed  on  the 
analogy  of  the  Church,  separated  in  its  parts  but  united  by 
constant  intercourse  and  hospitality.  Members  of  the 
society,  on  this  view,  would  come  from  many  parts  of 
Phrygia  and  Pisidia  to  share  in  the  worship  of  Artemis  of 
the  Lakes  (just  as  the  Christians  still  come  to  the  Panegyris 
of  the  Virgin-Mother  of  the  Lakes  from  great  distances) ; 
and  displayed  in  the  celebration  of  the  Mysteries  their 
Symbolon,  as  a  proof  of  their  participation  in  the  resistance 
to  the  common  enemy. 

7.  At  Temenenothyrae  (Ushak)  occurs  a  very  brief 
epitaph  {C.  I.  G.,  3865  ;  Studies  in  the  History,  etc.,  of  the 
Eastern  Provinces,  p.  25): — 

*  Quoted  more  fully  in  this  volume,  Art.  XV. 


the  Pei^sectUions  of  the  Early  Church        119 

(the  tomb)  of  Marcus,  citizen, ^  philosopher,  friend  of  all. 

In  these  five  words  is  summed  up  the  Hellenic  reaction. 
The  citizenship  is  emphasised,  because  the  unwillingness  of 
Christians  to  perform  the  duties  of  citizenship  was  always 
an  offence  to  the  Hellenes.  Philosophy  is  the  religion  and 
the  guiding  principle  of  Marcus's  life.  The  last  phrase  is 
peculiarly  characteristic.  The  Christians  had  made  charity 
and  kindness  to  others  a  prime  duty ;  and  the  phrase  "  friend 
of  all "  (TrdvTcov  ^iXo<i)  in  an  epitaph  was  almost  a  proof  of 
Christianity.  At  Nova  Isaura  the  epitaph  of  the  Blessed 
Papas  applies  this  phrase  to  him  in  the  third  century.^  At 
Ancyra  in  the  fourth  century,  we  find  the  epitaph  already 
quoted  from  C.  I.  G.,  9258  : — 

Here  lies  the  slave  of  God  Theodore,  presbyter  of  the 
saints  and  silver-worker,^  the  friend  of  all.  He  was 
perfected  on  November  15,  Ind.  5. 

While  it  is  difificult  to  judge  about  such  a  short  docu- 
ment, the  epitaph  of  Marcus  seems  to  be  earlier  than  Dio- 
cletian ;  and  some  may  consider  it  to  prove  that  pagans 
used  the  formula  "friend  of  all,"  and  that  the  Christians 
adopted  this,  as  they  did  many  other  pagan  customs  and 
expressions.  But,  while  not  disposed  to  maintain  that  the 
Christians  invented  the  formula  and  quite  ready  to  admit 
that  they  took  it  from  pagan  usage,  I  feel  convinced  that 
Marcus  of  Temenenothyrae  belonged  to  the  popular  philoso- 
phic reaction  against  the  new  religion,  and  that  his  epitaph 

1  The  word  ttoXititov  is  better  taken  as  a  common  noun  in  Ionic  form  ; 
but  some  may  prefer  to  render  "  Marcus  Polietes".  Poetic  and  Epic  forms 
are  not  rare  in  the  Greek  of  Central  Asia  Minor  about  a.d.  200-400. 

^Studies  in  the  History  of  the  Eastern  Provinces,  p.  22. 

3  See  Art.  XV.  of  this  volume. 


I20  IV.  Paoan  Revivalism  and 

o 

emphasised  the  points  in  which  he  (or  his  friends  for  him  ^) 
gloried  in  surpassing  the  Christians. 

8,  Mr.  J.  G.  C.  Anderson  considers  (in  all  probability 
justly)  that  the  few  markedly  and  obtrusively  pagan  inscrip- 
tions found  on  the  Imperial  estate  of  Tembrion  are  connected 
with  this  "  awakening  of  pagan  devotion  towards  the  end  of 
the  third  century  ".^     One  of  these  is  inscribed  on  an  altar.^ 

Erected  by  Symmachos,  son  of  Antyllos,  and  his  sons 
Antyllos,  Alexander  and  Symmachos,  to  Apollo  of 
Klaros  in  accordance  with  an  oracle. 

Stablish  me  in  this  land  an  altar  of  fragrant  incense  *  look- 
ing towards  the  rays  of  the  far-seeing  sun  ;  and  holy 
sacrifices  offer  thereon  every  month,  so  that  I  be  your 
helper  and  make  your  fruits  grow  in  their  season.  For 
I  am  he  that  provideth  the  fruits  for  mortal  men,  whom 
I  wish  to  preserve  and  whom  I  know  how  to  glorify. 

The  proper  names  are  commonplace  and  not  divine,  so 
that  one  sign  of  the  pagan  revival  is  missing.  But  we  have 
here  the  establishment  of  a  new  cult  in  a  district  where 
Christian  inscriptions  abound.  It  is  quite  probable  that  the 
new  cult  and  the  oracle  originated  from  Epitynchanos,  whose 
influence  in  this  neighbourhood  we  saw  to  have  been  active 
in  the  second  half  of  the  third  century.  The  persons  men- 
tioned are  the  ordinary  people  of  the  district,  the  devotees  and 
perhaps  the  dupes  of  the  astrologer.  Hence  they  do  not 
bear  divine  names  :  it  was  the  leaders  that  took  such  names. 

1  He  probably  prepared  his  own  grave,  a  common  Phrygian  custom. 
The  possibiHty,  however,  remains  that  his  friends  composed  his  epitaph  after 
his  death ;  but,  if  so,  they  certainly  composed  it  in  his  spirit  and  tone. 

^Studies  in  the  History  and  Art  of  the  Eastern  Roman  Provinces,  ed.  by 
W.  M.  Ramsay  (Hodder  &  Stoughton,  1906,  p.  12S),  p.  200. 

^Ibid.,  p.  128. 

*The  word  is  iroc^ijea  (otherwise  unknown)  whose  meaning  is  doubtful : 
perhaps  "conspicuous  ". 


the  Persecutions  of  the  Early  Church        121 

In  general,  when  one  finds  late  inscriptions  showing 
strong  pagan  sentiment  in  a  district  where  Christian  inscrip- 
tions of  early  period  abound,  one  is  justified  in  suspecting 
that  they  belong  to  the  pagan  reaction  ;  but  all  or  most  of 
the  criteria  described  in  Nos.  1-5  must  be  united  before  the 
suspicion  can  be  strengthened  into  certainty. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  so  many  of  the  inscriptions 
bearing  on  this  subject  are  connected  with  Imperial  estates. 
Besides  the  whole  group  of  Tekmoreian  lists,  Nos.  2  and 
5  and  8  come  from  Imperial  estates,  and  3  and  4  refer 
either  to  the  same  person  as  5  or  to  his  family,  and  were 
found  on  the  fringe  of  the  same  estate.  It  is  not  impossible 
that  even  4  may  originally  have  been  actually  erected  on 
that  estate ;  and  in  fact  it  was  found  within  the  limits  (as 
I  have  placed  them)  of  the  estate ;  but  the  term  high-priest 
seems  more  favourable  to  the  origin  from  a  city  such  as 
Akmonia,  and  3  was  found  in  the  territory  of  that  city, 
which  was  conterminous  with  the  estate.  A  wider  survey 
of  the  documents  of  this  class  would  probably  confirm  the 
principle  that  the  Imperial  estates  were  the  centres  of  the 
anti-Christian  movement  and  of  the  pagan  revivals;  but 
further  exploration  is  needed  and  the  discovery  of  more 
documents  may  be  confidently  expected.  What  is  certain 
is  that  the  connection  between  the  Emperor  and  the  popu- 
lation of  his  estates  was  close  and  direct,  that  the  cultivators 
of  his  soil  were  under  his  almost  direct  superintendence 
through  his  procurator,  and  that  personal  loyalty  to  him 
was  peculiarly  strong  among  them.  Nowhere  in  Asia,  and 
especially  Phrygia,  should  we  expect  that  the  Imperial  in- 
stitutions and  religion  would  be  so  strong  as  on  the  Imperial 
estates  in  Asia  and  in  Galatic  Phrygia ;  and  the  inscriptions 
found  on  the  enormous  Ormelian  and  Antiochian  estates 


122  IV.  Pagan  Revivalism 

confirm  this  expectation.  On  the  other  hand,  on  the  estate 
of  Tembrion  Christianity  was  remarkably  strong  in  the 
third  century,  though  far  from  universally  triumphant.  But 
such  are  the  anomalies  that  mark  the  spread  of  the  new  faith. 
It  is  well  known  that  "  the  household  of  Caesar  "  was  one  of 
the  earliest  strongholds  of  Christianity  in  Rome;  and  the 
Tembrian  estates  of  Caesar  form  an  exception  to  the  rule 
that  the  Imperial  estates  were  the  strongholds  of  paganism 
in  Asia  Minor.^ 

Note. — As  my  wife  reminds  me,  the  use  of  symbola  to 
rouse  religious  feeling  against  an  enemy  (in  the  way  supposed 
on  p.  II 8)  is  well  known  in  Asiatic  history.  As  an  example 
she  quotes  the  cakes  (chupatties)  which  were  passed  round 
as  a  preliminary  to  the  Indian  Mutiny,  and  were  sometimes 
carried  long  distances ;  and  this  example  recalls  the  sugges- 
tion which  I  have  made  about  the  nature  of  the  Tekmor  in 
Studies  in  the  Histoiy  and  Art  of  the  Eastern  Provinces^ 

P-  349- 

1  studies  in  the  History  of  the  Eastern  Provinces,  pp.  312  f.,  348  ff.,  358. 


V 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  VIRGIN  MARY 
AT  EPHESUS 


The  Panagia  Kapulu  and  the  Plain  of  Ephesus. 


V 


THE  WORSHIP  OF  THE  VIRGIN   MARY  AT 

EPHESUS 

I.  The  House  of  the  Virgin 

The  recent  discovery  of  the  so-called  House  of  the  Virgin 
at  Ephesus,  where  the  mother  of  the  Saviour  spent  the 
latter  part  of  her  life,  and  where  she  died  and  was  buried, 
forms  a  curious  and  interesting  episode  in  the  history  of 
religion — not  indeed  the  history  of  the  Christian  religion, 
for  it  hardly  touches  even  the  fringe  thereof,  but  certainly 
the  history  of  Anatolian  religion  or  religiosity.  Briefly  put, 
the  story  is  that  an  uneducated  woman  in  a  German  con- 
vent saw  in  a  vision  the  place  in  the  hills  south  of  Ephesus 
where  the  Virgin  Mary  had  lived,  and  described  it  in  detail, 
immediately  after  she  had  the  vision;  that  her  vision  was 
printed  and  published  in  Germany ;  that  after  the  lapse  of 
fifty  years  the  book  came  in  1 890  into  the  hands  of  some 
Roman  Catholics  in  Smyrna,  by  whom  the  trustworthiness 
of  the  vision  was  keenly  discussed  ;  that  a  priest  in  Smyrna, 
who  took  a  leading  part  in  controverting  the  authority  of  the 
vision,  made  a  journey  into  the  mountains  in  order  to  prove 
by  actual  exploration  that  no  such  House  existed  ;  that  on 
the  third  day  of  continuous  search  in  the  rugged  unknown 
mountains,  on  Wednesday,  29th  July,  1891  (the  Feast  of  St. 
Martha),  he  found  the  House  exactly  as  it  was  described 

(125) 


126  V.    The   Worship  of 

in  the  published  account  of  the  vision,  some  miles  south  of 
Ephesus,  amid  surroundings  which  were  also  accurately  de- 
scribed therein  ;  and  that  he  returned  to  Smyrna  convinced 
of  the  truth  against  his  previous  judgment.  A  Roman 
Catholic  festival  has  since  the  discovery  been  arranged  and 
celebrated  annually  at  the  holy  spot.  Though  the  justifi- 
ability of  this  festival  is  warmly  disputed  by  other  Catholics 
outside  of  the  neighbourhood  of  Smyrna  and  Ephesus,  it 
may  perhaps  gradually  make  its  way  to  general  recognition 
and  ultimately  receive  official  authorisation. 

What  seems  to  be  the  most  real  point  of  interest  in 
this  story  is  that  through  this  strange  and  roundabout 
method  the  permanence  of  Anatolian  religion  has  asserted 
itself.  Those  Catholics  who  maintain  that  this  is  the  House 
of  the  Virgin  have  really  restored  the  sanctity  of  a  locality 
where  the  Virgin  Mother  was  worshipped  thousands  of 
years  before  the  Christian  era,  and  have  worked  out  in  per- 
fection a  chapter  in  the  localisation  of  Anatolian  religion. 
We  do  not  mean  by  this  that  there  has  been  any  deception 
in  the  gradual  evolution  of  the  "discovery".  When  the 
story  was  first  told  to  the  present  writer  at  Smyrna  in 
1901,  the  highest  character  was  attributed  by  quite  trust- 
worthy and  unprejudiced  informants  to  the  Catholic  priest 
who  finally  made  the  discovery  of  the  House.  He  was 
described  as  an  engineer,  a  man  of  science  and  education, 
who  had  entered  the  priesthood  in  mature  years  after  a  life 
of  activity  and  experience,  and  also  as  a  man  of  honour 
and  unimpeachable  veracity;  and  his  original  attitude  of 
scepticism  and  strong  disapproval  in  face  of  the  state- 
ments narrated  in  the  vision,  at  the  time  when  the  book  first 
became  known  in  Smyrna,  was  said  to  have  been  a  public 
and  well-authenticated  fact.     There  seems  to  be  no  reason 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  127 

(apart  from  the  fixed  resolve  to  disbelieve)  for  doubting  his 
good  faith  and  his  change  of  opinion  when  he  went  and  saw 
for  himself. 

Equally  improbable  is  it  to  suppose  that  there  can  be 
any  bad  faith  or  deception  in  the  earliest  stages  of  the 
evolution  of  this  modern  legend.  The  earliest  publication 
of  the  visions  of  the  German  nun,  Anne  Catharine  Emme- 
rich, is  not  accessible  to  the  present  writer,  and  Professor 
A.  Souter  finds  that  it  is  not  in  the  Bodleian  Library ;  but 
a  translation  in  English  was  published  long  before  the  actual 
discovery  took  place ;  and  any  person  may  with  a  little 
trouble  satisfy  himself  of  the  existence  of  the  printed  record 
of  this  and  other  visions  in  the  first  half  of  the  nineteenth 
century.^ 

Nor  is  it  a  reasonable  supposition  that  Anne  Catharine 
Emmerich  had  access  to  any  careful  description  of  the 
localities  south  of  Ephesus.  Those  hills  have  been  un- 
explored and  unknown.  Although  the  sacred  place  is  not 
far  from  the  site  of  the  ancient  city,  yet  the  scanty  popula- 
tion of  the  modern  village  Ayassoluk  (Hagios  Theologos, 
St.  John)  have  no  interest  or  knowledge  in  such  matters ; 
and  western  explorers  had  never  penetrated  into  the  hill 

^The  fundamental  authority  seems  to  be  the  pubhcation  of  C.  Brentano 
on  the  hife  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  founded  on  the  Visions  of  A.  C.  Emmerich 
(Cotta,  Stuttgart,  1841).  See  also  the  Life  of  A.  C.  E.  by  Helen  Ram 
(London,  Burns  &  Gates,  1874) ;  and  also  various  works  published  after 
the  "  discovery,"  Panaghia-Capouli,  ou  Maison  de  la  Sainte  Vierge  pres 
d'Ephese  (Oudin,  Paris  and  Poitiers,  i8g6) ;  Ephese  on  jferiisalem  Tombeau 
de  la  Sainte  Vierge  (id.,  ib.,  1897)  >  ^^^  Death  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary 
and  her  Assumption  into  Heaven,  from  the  Meditations  of  A.  C.  E. :  trans- 
lated from  the  French  by  Geo.  Richardson  (Duffy  &  Co.,  Dublin,  1897). 
I  have  seen  only  the  third  and  fourth  of  these  five  books ;  also  a  Greek 
counterblast  by  Archdeacon  Chrysostomos,  printed  at  Athens  and  published 
at  Smyrna  in  1896,  under  the  title  of  KairovX^^-Xlavayia.  I  have  visited 
Ephesus  with  a  French  translation  of  the  first  in  my  hands. 


128  V.    The   Worship  of 

country,  which  was  extremely  dangerous  as  a  resort  of 
brigands  until  a  quite  recent  date.  Moreover,  the  nun  is 
described  as  having  had  little  education :  she  was  the 
daughter  of  poor  peasants  of  Westphalia,  who  is  said  to 
have  had  an  aversion  to  reading,  and  rarely  to  have 
touched  a  book.  Her  visions,  so  far  as  we  know  them, 
confirm  this  account.  They  are  the  imaginings  of  a  simple 
mind,  trained  in  the  popular  Roman  Catholic  ideas  and 
traditions  about  the  Saints,  Anna,  Joachim,  and  the  rest, 
and  weaving  slightly  elaborated  forms  of  the  ordinary  tales. 
There  are  also  some  evident  traces  of  information  gained 
from  reading  or  hearing  descriptions  of  Ephesus  (as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  hills  south  of  Ephesus),  and  this  in- 
formation is  not  always  accurately  worked  up  in  the  details. 
One  who  was  bent  on  finding  deception  in  the  incidents 
would  seize  on  the  circumstances  in  which  the  visions 
were  committed  to  writing.  The  nun's  fame  came  to  the 
knowledge  of  the  world  when  there  appeared  marks  on  her 
body  like  those  on  the  body  of  the  Saviour ;  and  medical 
and  ecclesiastical  examination  vindicated  her  personal 
character.  Count  Stolberg's  letter  to  a  friend,  describing 
his  visit  to  her,  was  printed,  and  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  poet  Brentano.  The  latter  went  to  see  her  for  the 
first  time  on  24th  September,  18 18;  and  in  subsequent 
visits  he  wrote  down  her  visions,  which  he  afterwards 
published.  Probably  the  literary  power  of  the  amanuensis 
improved  the  literary  quality  of  the  visions ;  but  we  may 
justifiably  refuse  to  think  that  Brentano  invented  anything, 
or  made  pure  additions  to  the  words  of  Anne.  It  is,  how- 
ever, true  that  a  considerable  interval  elapsed  between  his 
hearing  the  visions  from  Anne  and  his  publication  of  them. 
Anne  died  in  1824,  and  Brentano's  book  appeared  only  in 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  129 

1 84 1.  But  even  those  who  would  maintain  that  the  visions 
are  the  highly  idealised  memory  or  the  invention  of  Brentano, 
and  not  the  imaginings  of  Anne,  only  put  the  difficulty  one 
step  away.  They  explain  nothing.  There  is  no  reason  to 
think  that  Brentano  could  have  had  access  to  any  peculiar 
source  of  knowledge  of  Ephesian  localities  and  mountains, 
from  which  he  could  learn  anything  important  about  the 
history  of  that  nook  among  the  hills  during  the  Middle 
Ages. 

The  remarkable  fact,  quite  inexplicable  by  the  hypo- 
thesis of  fraud  or  deliberate  invention,  remains  that  there 
is  a  sacred  place  where  the  House  was  discovered :  it  has 
been  a  sacred  place,  to  which  the  Orthodox  Greek  peasants 
went  on  pilgrimage,  throughout  later  Christian  times :  in 
the  present  article  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  prove  that 
it  was  a  sacred  place  in  the  remote  pre-Christian  times. 
It  seems  a  more  credible  thing  that  the  vision  of  a  secluded 
and  imaginative  maiden  should  have  suggested  the  search 
and  the  discovery  of  this  obscure  locality  than  that  the 
fanciful  invention  of  a  German  poet  should  do  so. 

But  it  is  really  an  unimportant  detail  whether  the  nun 
saw  in  her  ecstatic  meditation  the  House  among  the  Ephe- 
sian hills  (as  it  seems  to  us  most  probable  that  she  did), 
or  the  poet  invented  the  description  by  reconstructing  into 
a  poetic  picture  with  happy  power  the  elements  which  he 
had  gained  from  reading  and  study.  Either  of  these  theories 
is  almost  equally  remote  from  the  one  practical  fact,  viz.^ 
the  process  whereby  the  unity  of  Ephesian  religion  worked 
itself  out,  turning  to  its  own  purposes  certain  Christian 
names  and  forms,  and  trampling  under  foot  all  the  spirit 
of  Christianity. 

The  brief  reference  to  this  subject  in  the  present  writer's 

9 


130  V.    The   Worship  of 

Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches  of  Asia^  p.  218,  has  caused 
some  inquiries,  and  this  episode  in  the  history  of  rehgion 
seems  worthy  of  more  careful  and  detailed  study. 

II.  The  Survival  of  Pagan  Cults 

The  fundamental  fact,  viz.^  the  continuity  of  religious 
history  in  Asia  Minor,  is  one  which  there  is  no  need  to 
prove.  Yet  it  forms  so  remarkable  a  chapter  in  the  history 
of  religious  ideas,  that  we  may  profitably  give  a  sketch  of 
the  prominent  facts. 

The  introduction  of  Christianity  into  the  country  broke 
the  continuity  for  the  moment.  But  the  old  religious  feel- 
ing was  not  extirpated :  it  soon  revived,  and  took  up  the 
struggle  once  more  against  its  new  rival.  Step  by  step  it 
conquered,  and  gradually  destroyed  the  real  quality  of 
Christianity.  The  old  local  cults  took  on  new  and  out- 
wardly Christianised  forms ;  names  were  changed,  and 
outward  appearance;  a  show  of  Christian  character  was 
assumed.  The  Iconoclasts  resisted  the  revival  for  a  time, 
but  the  new  paganism  was  too  strong  for  them.  The  deep- 
seated  passion  for  art  and  beauty  was  entirely  on  the  side  of 
that  Christianised  paganism,  into  which  the  so-called  Ortho- 
dox Church  had  degenerated  ;  and  architecture  together 
with  the  painting  of  images  (though  not  sculpture)  was  its 
chosen  servant.  Whereas  the  rhetorician  Aristides  in  the 
second  century  had  invoked  in  his  sickness  the  guidance 
and  healing  power  of  Asklepios  of  Smyrna,  the  emperor 
John  Vatatzes,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  when  he  was 
afflicted  by  disease,  went  to  invoke  the  Christ  of  Smyrna.^ 

^"Oitus  rif:  eKeTffe  irpoffKvvfjcTri  Xpiarcfi,  Acrop.,  p.  91.  See  Histor.  Geogr. 
of  Asia  Minor,  p.  116,  Church  in  R.  Emi>.,  p.  466.  I  know  no  other  case  in 
which  the  person  of  Christ  is  degraded  into  a  mere  local  deity.    As  a  general 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  131 

The  old  Greek  sailors  and  Roman  merchants,  when  voyaging 
or  about  to  voyage  in  the  changeable  weather  of  the  Black 
Sea  (where  dangerous  and  sudden  storms  might  occur  at 
almost  any  season  of  the  year  and  where  there  was  no  sure 
season  of  fair  weather,  such  as  could  be  calculated  on  with 
confidence  in  the  Aegean  or  the  Mediterranean),  had  ap- 
pealed to  Achilles  Pontarches,  the  Lord  of  the  Sea  (Pontus), 
to  protect  and  guide  them.  The  sailors  of  the  Christian 
period  appealed  to  St.  Phocas  of  Sinope  for  aid.  Similarly 
the  sailors  of  the  Levant,  who  had  formerly  prayed  to  the 
Poseidon  of  Myra,  afterwards  invoked  St.  Nicholas  of  Myra,^ 
There  is  little  essential  difference  in  religious  feeling  between 
the  older  practice  and  the  new  :  paganism  is  only  slightly 
disguised  in  these  outwardly  Christianised  cults. 

Examples  might  be  multiplied.  They  occur  in  all  parts 
of  the  country,  as  exploration  enables  us  to  gather  some 
idea  of  the  religious  history  of  the  different  districts. 
Local  variety  is  inevitably  hostile  to  the  Christian  spirit, 
because  Christianity  is  unity,  and  its  essence  lies  in  the 
common  brotherly  feeling  of  the  scattered  parts  of  a  great 
single  whole.  In  the  centre  of  Cappadocia  one  of  the 
greatest  sanctuaries  of  the  land  was  that  of  Zeus  of  Venasa 
(where   the  name   Zeus  is  the   Hellenisation    of  a   native 

rule,  some  saint  takes  the  place  of  the  old  local  impersonation  of  Divine 
power,  and  the  figure  of  the  Saviour  stands  apart  on  a  higher  plane ;  but 
here  (and  perhaps  in  other  cases  unobserved  by  me)  the  analogy  of  Asklepios 
the  Saviour  has  been  seductive.  Zeus  the  Saviour  would  also  be  a  tempting 
analogy. 

^St.  Paul  the  Traveller  (1895),  p.  298.  Add  to  the  remarks  there  given 
a  reference  to  Melanges  Perrot  (1902),  p.  25,  where  M.  Bourguet  remarks 
that  the  existence  of  a  Church  of  St.  Nicholas  at  Castri,  the  ancient  Delphi, 
would  alone  have  been  a  sufficient  proof  that  Poseidon  had  a  worship  there 
in  old  time,  but  that  now  epigraphic  proof  has  been  discovered  of  the  exist- 
ence of  a  shrine  of  Poseidon  called  Poteidanion. 


132  V.    The  Worship  of 

Cappadocian  divine  idea) ;  his  annual  progress  through  his 
own  country  was  one  of  the  greatest  festivals  of  the  year ; 
and  it  may  be  taken  for  granted  that  in  the  usual  Anato- 
lian style  the  chief  priest  wore  the  dress  and  even  bore  the 
name  of  the  god.  In  the  fourth  century,  when  we  find 
that  a  Christian  deacon  at  Venasa  takes  the  leading  part  in 
a  festival  of  somewhat  orgiastic  character  accompanied  by 
a  dancing  chorus  of  women  celebrants,  and  that  this  leader 
does  not  appear  in  his  own  character,  but  wears  the  dress 
and  plays  the  part  of  the  Patriarch,  we  recognise  the  old 
pagan  elements  in  a  slightly  varied  garb.  This  particular 
manifestation  of  the  reviving  paganism  was  put  down  by 
the  strict  puritan  spirit  of  Basil  the  Great ;  but  it  was  rare 
that  such  tendencies,  which  broke  out  broadcast  over  the 
land,  found  a  champion  of  Christian  purity  to  resist  them. 
The  feeling  of  the  mass  of  the  Cappadocian  Christians 
seems  rather  to  have  been  against  Basil  in  this  case,  though 
his  energy  and  intense  fervour  of  belief,  combined  with  his 
authority  as  supreme  bishop  of  the  province,  swept  away 
all  opposition,  and  converted  lukewarm  friends  or  even 
opponents  into  his  agents  and  servants  in  resisting  the  new 
paganism.^ 

On  the  frontier  of  Pisidia  and  Phrygia  there  is  a  fine 
fountain  of  cold  water  beside  the  village  of  Yassi-Euren. 
The  village  is  purely  Mohammedan ;  but  the  Christians 
once  a  year  come  on  pilgrimage  to  it  as  a  sacred  fountain, 
or  Ayasma,  and  this  Christian  name  is  applied  to  it  even 
by  the  Mohammedan  villagers.  Finding  there  a  Latin 
inscription  dedicated  to  Hercules  Restitutor,  we  cannot 
doubt  that   Hercules  (who  is  often  known  as  the  god  of 

1  On  the  whole  episode  see  The  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire,  chap, 
xviii.,  p.  443  ff. 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  133 

medicinal,  and  especially  of  hot,  springs)  was  regarded  as 
the  Divine  power  who  restored  health  to  the  sick  by  means 
of  this  healing  spring,  Hercules  being,  of  course,  merely  a 
Latinised  expression  for  the  native  Anatolian  god  of  the 
healing  power.     Article  VI.  gives  other  cases. 

Frequently  the  same  saint  is,  through  some  natural  and 
obvious  association,  selected  in  widely  different  localities 
to  be  the  Christian  embodiment  of  a  pagan  deity.  The 
choice  of  St.  Nicholas  at  Delphi,  already  quoted,  may 
be  a  case  of  transference  and  imitation.  But  the  choice  of 
St.  Demetrios  in  place  of  the  goddess  Demeter  in  various 
parts  of  Greece  was  probably  suggested  separately  and  in- 
dependently in  several  different  places ;  and  the  cause  must 
have  been  pure  resemblance  of  name,  since  the  sex  differs 
and  there  is  no  other  apparent  correspondence.  Moreover, 
in  Anatolia,  the  Great  Mother,  the  Meter,  experiences  the 
same  transformation,  and,  beyond  all  doubt,  the  same 
reason  caused  the  selection  of  this  particular  Christian 
substitute ;  thus,  for  example,  the  holy  Phrygian  city. 
Metropolis,!  the  city  of  the  Mother  goddess,  was  transformed 
into  the  Christian  Demetrioupolis. 

For  a  totally  different  reason  the  correspondence  of  the 
goddess  Artemis  to  the  Virgin  Mary  was  equally  striking 
and  widely  recognised.  In  both  cases  the  virgin  nature 
was  a  fundamental  principle  in  the  cult,  and  yet  in  both 
cases  motherhood  was  an  equally,  if  not  more,  deep-seated 
element  of  the  worship  on  its  mystic  side.     For  reasons 

1  The  proof  seems  now  fairly  complete  and  convincing  that  the  site  of 
this  MetropoHs  was  a  few  miles  farther  north  than  I  formerly  placed  it. 
It  was  the  city  centre  of  the  territory  in  which  were  the  great  monuments  erf 
early  Phrygia,  the  tombs  of  Midas  and  the  other  kings  of  the  archaic 
dynasty,  the  true  metropolis  of  early  Phrygia. 


134  ^'    ^^^  Worship  of 

that  have  been  fully  explained  often  elsewhere  ^  the  Virgin 
Artemis  was  the  divine  mother  and  teacher  and  guide  of 
her  people.  It  will  not  be  difficult  to  show  that  there  was 
a  similar  thought  underlying  the  worship  of  the  Virgin  in 
Anatolia. 

The  best  authority  for  the  early  stage  of  the  worship 
of  the  Virgin  Mother  of  God  at  Ephesus  is  the  Acts  of 
the  Council  held  there  in  A.D.  431  (on  which  see  below, 
§  iii.).  A  sermon  delivered  in  A.D.  429  by  Proclus,  Bishop 
of  Cyzicus,  apparently  at  Constantinople,  forms  a  sort  of 
introduction  to  the  Acts  of  the  Council.  The  occasion  and 
sacred  ceremony  at  which  the  sermon  was  delivered  is 
there  formally  entitled  "  The  Panegyris  of  the  Virgin " 
{irapdeviKrj  Travtjyvpa). 

The  subject  of  the  sermon  is  "  celebrating  the  glorifica- 
tion of  the  race  of  women  "  ;  it  is  "  the  glory  of  the  Female,"^ 
due  to  her  "  who  was  in  due  time  Mother  and  Virgin ". 
"  Earth  and  Sea  ^  do  honour  to  the  Virgin."  "  Let  Nature 
skip  in  exultation :  women  are  honoured.  Let  Humanity 
dance  in  chorus :  virgins  are  glorified.  The  sacred  Mother 
of  God,  Mary,  has  brought  us  here  together."  She  is  called, 
in  terms  hardly  distinguishable  from  the  language  of  pagan- 
ism, "  the  fleece  very  pure,  moist  from  the  rain  of  heaven, 
through  whose  agency  the  Shepherd  put  on  Him  (the  form 
and  nature  of)  the  sheep,^  she  who  is  slave  and  mother,  virgin 
and  heaven,  the  sole  bridge  by  which  God  passes  to  men." 

^  E.g.,  Hastings'  Dictionary,  art.  "  Diana,"  and  "  Religion  of  Greece  and 
Asia  Minor  ". 

^Tov  yeyovs  r5>v  yvvaiKwv  Kav^rifia  rb  re\oi/xfvov  and    5<^|o  rov  d'ffKeos. 

'■>  Capitals  are  needed  here  to  express  the  strong  personification,  which 
approximates  to  the  pagan  conception  of  Gaia  and  Thalassa  as  deities. 

■*  'O  Tov  i^  oiipavu/v  veTOv  KaBapuTaros  irdKos,  ^{  ou  6  Tloifiijy  rb  Trp6fia.rov 
ivfSvffOTO. 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  135 

It  seems  impossible  to  mistake  or  to  deny  the  meaning 
implied  in  this  language.  The  Anatolian  religious  feeling 
desiderated  some  more  clear  and  definite  expression  of  an 
idea  dear  to  it,  beyond  the  expression  which  was  otherwise 
contained  in  the  rites  and  language  of  Christianity.  That 
idea  was  the  honour,  the  influence,  the  inevitableness  in 
the  world,  of  the  female  element  in  its  double  aspect  of 
purity  and  motherhood.  "  Purity  is  the  material,"  ^  but 
purity  that  is  perfected  in  maternity.  The  Virgin,  the 
Mother,  the  purity  of  motherhood,  was  to  the  popular 
Anatolian  religious  sentiment  the  indispensable  crown  of 
the  religious  idea.  This  beautiful  and  remarkable  senti- 
ment shows  on  what  a  real  and  strong  foundation  the 
worship  of  the  Virgin  in  Anatolia  rested,  and  how  the 
Iconoclast  movement  was  weakened  by  its  opposition  to  a 
deep-seated  Anatolian  sentiment.  Perhaps  in  the  West 
the  worship  of  the  Virgin  rests  on  a  different  basis.  So 
far  as  I  am  aware  her  character  has  been  regarded  in  the 
West  rather  as  a  mere  adjunct  or  preparation  for  the  Divine 
nature  of  her  Son,  while  in  the  Anatolian  cult  (if  I  am 
right)  it  has  been  looked  at  and  glorified  for  its  own  sake 
and  as  an  end  in  itself,  as  the  Divine  prototype  of  the 
nature  and  duty  of  womanhood  in  its  most  etherealised 
form. 

It  would  be  an  interesting  and  useful  task  to  investigate 
how  far  the  view  which  was  taken  in  the  West  can  be 
traced  as  guiding  the  writings  of  the  great  writers  and 
theologians  who  championed  the  worship  of  the  Virgin  in 
the  Eastern  Church.  There  was,  certainly,  a  marked 
diversity  in  the  East  between  the  popular  view  and  what 
may  be  called  the  sacerdotal  view,  held  by  the  educated 


136  V.   The  Worship  of 

theologians.  The  former  was  much  more  frankly  pagan. 
The  latter  took  on  a  superficial  adaptation  to  Christian 
doctrine,  and  for  this  purpose  the  person  of  Christ  had  to 
be  made  the  central,  governing  thought  and  the  Mother 
must  be  regarded  only  as  subsidiary.  But  this  subject  lies 
outside  the  scope  of  this  article,  and  beyond  the  powers  and 
knowledge  of  the  present  writer.  It  may  be  added,  how- 
ever, that  the  divergence  can  probably  be  traced  down  to 
the  present  day  in  the  cult  of  the  Virgin  Mother  at  Ephesus. 
The  Greek  sacerdotal  view  seems  never  to  have  been  that 
the  Virgin  Mary  lived  or  died  at  Ephesus,  though  it  recog- 
nised the  holiness  of  the  sacred  place  and  regarded  it  as 
specially  devoted  to  the  person  of  the  Virgin  and  as  a 
special  abode  of  her  power.  The  popular  view  desired  her 
personal  presence  there  during  her  life,  and  maintained  in  a 
half-articulate  fashion  the  idea  that  she  came  to  Ephesus 
and  lived  there  and  died  there.  The  sacerdotal  expression 
seems  in  some  cases  to  have  shrunk  from  a  frank  and 
pointed  contradiction  of  the  popular  view,  while  it  could 
not  formally  declare  it  in  its  thoroughgoing  form.  In  the 
Acts  of  the  Council  of  Ephesus  this  intermediate  form  of 
expression  seems  to  rule.  As  we  shall  see  in  §  iii.  there  is 
nothing  said  there  which  can  be  taken  as  proving  that  the 
belief  in  the  real  living  presence  of  the  Virgin  Mary  at 
Ephesus  was  held.  But  the  champions  of  Mariolatry  relied 
on  the  popular  support;  and,  in  the  Council  which  was 
called  to  judge  and  condemn  the  views  of  Nestorius,  the 
opponent  of  Mariolatry,  they  were  unwilling  to  say  anything 
that  could  be  seized  on  by  him  and  his  followers  as  telling 
against  the  worship  of  Mary,  or  that  might  tend  to  alienate 
popular  feeling. 

It  is  equally  impossible  to  overlook  the  fact  that  some- 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  137 

thing  approximating  to  that  idea  of  the  sanctity  and  Divine 
authority  of  the  maternal  and  the  feminine  element  was 
pecuharly  characteristic  of  Anatolian  religion  and  society 
in  all  ages  and  variations  of  the  common  general  type. 
The  idea  was  not  so  beautifully  expressed  in  the  older 
religion ;  the  ritual  form  was  frequently  allied  to  much 
that  was  ugly  and  repulsive;  it  was  often  perverted  into 
a  mere  distortion  of  its  original  self.  But  in  many  cases 
these  perversions  allow  the  originally  beautiful  idea  to  shine 
through  the  ugliness  that  has  enveloped  it,  and  we  can 
detect  with  considerable  probability  that  the  ugliness  is 
due,  at  least  in  part,  to  degradation  and  degeneration.  The 
article  "  Diana  of  the  Ephesians,"  in  Hastings'  Dictionary 
of  the  Bible,  suffers  from  the  failure  to  distinguish  between 
earlier  and  later  elements  in  the  Anatolian  ritual ;  the 
writer  attained  to  a  clearer  conception  of  the  subject  in 
preparing  the  article  in  the  same  work  on  the  "  Religion  of 
Greece  and  Asia  Minor,"  though  even  there  it  is  not  ex- 
pressed with  sufficient  precision  and  definiteness. 

Closely  connected  with  this  fundamental  characteristic 
in  Anatolian  religion  is  the  remarkable  prominence  of  the 
female  in  the  political  and  social  life  of  the  country.  Many 
of  the  best  attested  cases  of  Mutter-recht  in  ancient  history 
belong  to  Asia  Minor.  Even  under  the  Roman  rule  (when 
Western  ideas,  springing  from  war,  conquest,  and  the  reign 
of  violence  and  brute  strength  were  dominant),  the  large 
number  of  women  mentioned  as  magistrates  and  officials, 
even  in  the  most  Hellenised  and  Romanised  cities  of  the 
whole  country,  strikes  every  student  of  the  ancient  monu- 
ments as  an  unusual  feature.  It  can  hardly  be  explained 
except  through  the  power  of  that  old  native  belief  and 
respect   for   the   mother    and   the   teacher.     The   Mother- 


138  V.    The   Worship  of 

Goddess  was  merely  the  religious  prototype  and  guarantee 
and  enforcement  of  the  social  custom.^ 

An  indubitable  example  of  the  Virgin  Artemis  trans- 
formed into  the  Christian  Mother  of  God  is  found  at  the 
northern  end  of  the  great  double  lake,  called  Limnai  in 
ancient  times,  and  now  known  by  two  names  for  the  two 
parts,  Hoiran-Gol  and  Egerdir-Gol.  Near  the  north-eastern 
corner  of  the  lakes  there  is  still  said  to  be  a  sacred  place  of 
the  Christians,  to  which  they  come  on  pilgrimage  from  a 
distance,  though  there  is  no  Christian  settled  population 
nearer  than  Olu-Borlu  (the  ancient  Apollonia).  A  large 
body  of  inscriptions  has  been  collected  from  the  neighbour- 
hood, showing  that  there  was  here  a  peculiar  worship  of  the 
goddess  Artemis,  which  preserved  the  native  Anatolian 
character  unimpaired  through  the  Greek  and  Roman  periods, 
and  to  which  strangers  came  from  great  distances. 

Our  view  is  that  the  similar  Virgin  Artemis  of  Ephesus, 
who  in  the  mystic  ritual  was  set  before  her  worshippers  as 
the  mother,  nurse,  governor  and  leader  of  her  swarming 
people,  the  great  Queen-Bee,  was  transformed  into  the 
Ephesian  Mother  of  God  ;  and  that  the  same  change  was 
made  independently  all  over  the  Anatolian  land.  She  is 
shown  in  Greek  and  Anatolian  ideals  on  and  facing  p.  1 60. 

But  the  question  may  be  asked  whether  the  view  advo- 
cated in  this  article  is  not  prejudiced  and  one-sided.  Are 
we  not  advocating  too  strongly  the  Anatolian  element  and 
neglecting  the  possibility  of  development  within  the  bounds 

^  A  young  French  scholar,  who  collected  with  much  diligence  from 
inscriptions  examples  of  the  custom  surviving  in  the  Roman  time,  advanced 
the  theory  as  an  explanation  that  these  magistrates  were  rich  women  whom 
the  people  wanted  to  wheedle  out  of  their  money  ;  P.  Paris  Quatenusfeminae 
in  Asia  Minore  r.  p.  attigerint: 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  139 

of  Christianity?  The  dogmatic  side  may  safely  be  left  to 
others.  There  are  plenty  of  able  advocates  always  ready  to 
discuss  matters  of  dogma  and  systematic  theology,  and  the 
present  writer  never  has  presumed  to  state  an  opinion  on 
such  lofty  matters.  But  there  are  some  historical  points 
which  may  be  briefly  noticed  in  the  following  §  iii. 

As  I  sit  writing  these  lines  and  looking  out  over  the  site 
of  the  Temple  of  the  Ephesian  goddess,  I  have  before  me 
a  small  terra-cotta  image  which  was  found  in  the  excava- 
tions now  going  on  amid  the  ruins  of  that  famous  Temple. 
This  statuette,  which  is  given  below,  p.  160,  represents  the 
goddess  sitting  and  holding  an  infant  in  her  arms.  This 
rather  rudely  formed  expression  of  popular  belief  was  taken 
at  the  first  moment  of  discovery  by  some  of  those  who  saw 
it  as  a  mediaeval  image  of  the  Madonna  and  Child,  though 
more  careful  contemplation  showed  that  it  must  have  been 
made  several  centuries  before  the  time  of  Christ.  It  is  a 
complete  proof,  in  its  startling  resemblance  to  the  later 
Christian  representation,  of  the  perfect  continuity  of  Ana- 
tolian religious  sentiment  amid  outward  differences. 

There  is,  therefore,  in  this  popular  tendency  a  real  cause, 
continuously  and  effectively  operative,  in  many,  doubtless 
in  all,  parts  of  the  Anatolian  country.  It  was  strenuously 
opposed  by  a  party  in  the  Church.  The  conflict  between 
the  two  opinions  lasted  for  many  centuries  ;  but  finally  the 
popular  opinion  was  victorious  and  established  itself  as  the 
"  Orthodox "  principle,  while  the  more  purely  Christian 
opinion  became  the  "  heretical "  view  and  its  supporters 
were  proscribed  and  persecuted  ;  and  the  division  seriously 
weakened  the  Christian  Empire  in  its  struggle  against 
Mohammedanism. 

The  view  which  this  paper  is  intended  to  support  is  that 


140  V,    The  Worship  of 

the  establishment  of  the  cult  of  the  Virgin  Mother  of  God 
at  Ephesus  is  a  critical,  epoch-making  date  in  the  develop- 
ment of  Byzantine  government  and  religion.  The  whole 
process  by  which  it  was  established  is  an  important  page  in 
the  history  of  the  Empire.  Ephesus,  which  had  long  been 
the  champion  of  a  purer  faith  ^  and  the  touchstone  of  error, 
as  both  John  and  Ignatius  emphatically  declare,  was  now 
made  the  stronghold  of  an  Anatolian  development,  a  re- 
crudescence of  the  old  religion  of  the  Divine  Mother. 

III.  Early  Worship  of  the  Mother  of  God  in 
Ephesus 2 

The  Ephesian  tradition  has  all  the  appearance  of  being 
a  popular  growth,  frowned  on  at  first  by  the  Church,  and 
never  fully  and  cordially  accepted,  but  only  permitted  as 
a  concession  to  popular  feeling.  The  Orthodox  Church 
gained  the  general  support  of  the  populace  in  the  fifth 
century  by  tacitly  (or  even  sometimes  openly)  permitting 
the  reinvigoration  of  the  old  paganism  under  outwardly 
Christianised  forms,  freed  from  the  most  debasing  elements 
and  accretions  which  were  formerly  attached  to  it.  The 
views  of  the  people  about  the  world  and  the  life  of  man  and 
the  constitution  of  society  were  dominated  by  certain  ideas 
and  principles,  which  had  been  wrought  into  form  by  the 
experience  of  many  generations  and  thus  had  sunk  deep 
into,  and  almost  constituted  the  fabric  of,  their  minds.  In 
the  old  pagan  religion  those  ideas  were  envisaged  and  ex- 

'  Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches,  pp.  239-242. 

2  I  am  indebted  to  my  friend  and  old  pupil,  Professor  A.  Souter  of  Mans- 
field College,  for  much  help  and  all  the  quotations  which  are  here  printed. 
The  article  had  to  be  written  far  from  books  during  the  journey,  in  the  course 
of  which  I  visited  Ephesus  at  the  beginning  of  May,  1905. 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  141 

pressed  to  them  as  gods  and  guides  of  their  life ;  and  the 
Christianised  people  began  to  long  once  more  for  Divine 
figures  which  might  impersonate  to  them  those  ideas.  The 
Divine  Mother,  the  God-Son,  were  ideas  that  came  close  to 
the  popular  nature  and  lay  deep  in  the  popular  heart,  and 
the  purely  Christian  theology  and  ethics  were  too  remote 
and  incomprehensible  to  insufficiently  educated  minds.  The 
old  paganism,  amid  much  that  was  ugly  and  hateful,  had 
contained  in  its  hieratic  forms  much  of  the  gradually 
elaborated  wisdom  of  the  race.  The  rules  of  worship  and 
ritual  were  the  rules  of  useful  practical  life  and  conduct  in 
the  family  and  society.  The  ugliest  part  was  due  to  de- 
generation and  degradation.^  The  earlier  steps  in  this 
recrudescence  of  pagan  ideas  in  the  Christian  Church  of 
Asia  (a  growth  which  was  vainly,  and  not  always  wisely, 
resisted  by  the  various  Iconoclastic  ^  sects)  cannot  now  be 
traced.  In  the  fifth  century  the  traces  become  clear  and 
evident :  in  the  fourth  century  they  can  be  guessed. 

The  oldest  allusion  to  the  worship  of  the  Virgin  Mary 
at  Ephesus  as  already  a  popular  cult  (perhaps  the  earliest  ^ 
in  the  whole  of  Anatolia)  is  contained  in  the  Acts  of  the 
Council  or  Synod  which  met  at  Ephesus  in  A.D,  431.^  The 
sermon,  which  had  been  preached  by  Proclus,  Bishop   of 

^  This  is  a  brief,  and  therefore  too  dogmatic  and  harsh,  resume  of  the 
thesis  which  was  gradually  worked  out  in  the  process  of  writing  the  article 
on  "  Religion  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor  "  in  Hastings'  Dictionary,  vol.  v. 

2  The  term  "  Iconoclastic  "  is  used  here  generically. 

3  The  allusion  in  the  epitaph  of  Avircius  Marcellus  (St.  Abercius),  c.  a.d. 
192,  shows  great  respect  for  her,  and  places  her  relation  to  Jesus  among  the 
most  sacred  and  fundamental  articles  of  the  Christian  faith,  without  the 
slightest  trace  of  worship ;  but  that  stage  is  already  clearly  marked  in  the 
letters  of  Ignatius. 

■*  Several  extracts  from  the  exordium  of  this  sermon  have  been  quoted  on 
page  134  f. ;  for  the  complete  sermon,  see  Migne,  P.  G.,  Ixv.,  p.  680  ff. 


142  V.    The   Worship  of 

Cyzicus,  in  429,  is  incorporated  in  the  record  of  the  Council  ; 
and  this  fact  seems  to  show  that  the  proceedings  and  the 
sermon  must  be  read  in  the  light  which  each  throws  on  the 
other.  The  sermon  was  considered  to  be  a  fair  statement 
of  the  view  which  the  Council  regarded  as  right  ;  and  thus 
we  must  interpret  the  formal  business  of  the  Synod,  which 
was  really  a  protest  by  the  "Orthodox"  party  against  the 
depreciation  of  the  worship  of  the  Virgin  Mother  of  God  by 
Nestorius  and  his  followers.  The  circumstances  in  which 
the  Synod  was  called  are  as  follows : — 

Theodosius  II.  had  summoned  Nestorius  from  Syrian 
Antioch  to  be  patriarch  of  Constantinople ;  and  he  brought 
with  him  Anastasius,  a  presbyter  of  Antioch.  The  latter 
in  a  sermon  had  declared  that  the  title  "  Mother  of  God  " 
ought  not  to  be  applied  to  Mary,  inasmuch  as  God  cannot 
be  born  of  woman ;  Mary  was  the  mother  only  of  the  man 
Jesus,  while  the  Divine  Jesus  was  the  Son  of  God  alone. 
Mary,  as  he  said,  was  only  the  mother  of  Christ,  not  Mother 
of  God  (Christotokos,  not  Theotokos).  The  orthodox  ma- 
jority of  the  Church  rose  in  horror  against  this  duplication 
of  the  person  of  Christ,  and  condemned  the  authors  at  the 
Council  of  Ephesus.  Along  with  this  condemnation  it  was 
inevitable  that  the  actual  worship  of  the  Virgin  Mother  of 
God  (as  she  was  henceforward  officially  called)  received  new 
strength  in  the  popular  mind,  as  if  it  had  been  now  formally 
sanctioned. 

The  Council  assembled  at  Ephesus  "  in  the  most  holy 
church  which  is  called  Maria".  The  very  existence  of  a 
church  bearing  such  a  name  is  in  itself  proof  that  a  strong 
idea  of  the  divinity  of  the  Virgin  Mother  of  the  Saviour 
had  already  fixed  itself  in  the  popular  mind  at  Ephesus. 

The  name  applied   to  the  church  called   "  Maria "  was 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  143 

apparently  popular  rather  than  official.  The  expression 
used  strongly  indicates  this ;  ^  and  no  other  origin  for  the 
name  seems  possible.  The  church  was  in  A.D.  431  not 
"  the  church  of  Maria,"  or  "  the  church  dedicated  to 
Maria";  it  was  "the  church  called  Maria".  Probably  the 
full  expression  of  the  meaning  of  the  Greek  would  be  "  the 
most  holy  church  (of  God),  which  bears  the  name  Maria". 
Popular  feeling  gave  the  name,  and  attached  its  own  char- 
acter to  the  worship ;  but  the  official  or  sacerdotal  view  did 
not  formally  approve  this,  though  it  went  a  long  way  in 
making  concession  to  it,  and  in  practice  apparently  gave 
almost  full  freedom  to  it.  Where  a  strong  popular  feeling 
is  concerned,  the  Council  which  condemned  the  one  great 
opponent  of  that  feeling,  and  formally  authorised,  as  binding 
on  all  Christians,  one  expression  of  that  feeling  {viz.,  the 
expression  "  Mother  of  God  ")  must  be  regarded  as  tacitly 
permitting  those  other  expressions,  public  at  the  time,  which 
it  did  not  condemn.  It  is  of  course  certain  that  afterwards 
the  dedication  to  the  Virgin  Mary  of  this  and  other  churches 
was  fully  accepted  by  the  priesthood  and  by  most  of  the 
Church  leaders. 

The  opinion  has  been  expressed  by  the  present  writer  in 
an  article  on  Ephesus  (Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible, 
vol.  i.)  that  the  "  church  called  Maria"  was  the  double  church 
whose  remains  must  be  familiar  to  all  visitors  to  the  ruins, 
as  they  form  one  of  the  loftiest  and  most  imposing  buildings 
on  the  site.  The  recent  Austrian  excavations  have  con- 
firmed this  opinion.  The  eastern  church  in  this  connected 
pair,  which  is  the  later  of  the  two,  has  been  found  to  be  of 
the  age  of  Justinian  ;  the  older  western  half  was  almost 
certainly  in  existence   before  431,  and  was   dedicated    to 


144  ^'    ^^^   Worship  of 

the  Virgin,  and  Mr.  Heberdey,  the  distinguished  director 
of  the  Austrian  enterprise,  considers  it  to  be  the  church  in 
which  the  Council  was  held.  It  remains  uncertain  as  yet 
whether  the  eastern  church  also  was  dedicated  to  her. 

It  was  only  during  the  fourth  century  that  the  leaders  or 
the  great  writers  of  the  Christian  Church  seem  to  have 
begun  to  interest  themselves  in  the  story  of  the  life  of  the 
Virgin  Mary  for  her  own  sake.  Epiphanius  about  A.D.  375 
remarks  that  the  Scriptures  say  nothing  about  the  death  of 
the  Virgin,  whether  she  died  or  not,  whether  she  was  buried 
or  not,  and  that  in  the  Scriptures  there  is  no  authority  for 
the  opinion  that  when  John  went  away  into  (the  Province) 
Asia,  he  took  her  with  him.^ 

But  from  these  words  of  Epiphanius  it  seems  clear  and 
certain  that  popular  tradition  had  already  before  his  time 
been  busy  with  her  later  life.  Starting  from  the  one  re- 
corded fact  that  she  remained  until  her  death  under  the 
care  and  keeping  of  St.  John,  it  had  woven  into  this  some- 
thing in  the  way  of  an  account  of  her  death,  and  the  circum- 
stances connected  with  it  and  with  the  burial.  Doubtless  it 
had  interwoven  some  marvellous  incidents  in  the  story; 
and  it  would  be  possible  to  guess  how  these  originated  and 
were  gradually  elaborated.  But  the  one  thing  that  concerns 
our  purpose  is  that  Epiphanius  must  have  known  of  the 
story  that  the  Virgin  had  gone  with  St.  John  to  Ephesus  ; 
otherwise  he  would  not  have  taken  the  trouble  to  deny  that 
it  rested  on  any  Scriptural  foundation. 

1  Epiph.  adv.  Haer.  III.,  i,  haer.  78,  §  11  (Migne,  P.  G.,  xlii.,  7i6b)  :  'AWa 
Koi  el  SoKovffl  Ttves  iffcpdhOai,  (rjT'fia-ciKn  to.  ix"'"!  '''"''  yp<^'l>'^''>  '^"^  fvpaxriv  hv  o6re 
Oavarov  Mapias,  oirt  el  Tedvrjxev,  o(ne  el  fj.^  reOvijKev,  odre  el  TtOairrat,  ovre  el  fii) 
rfdawrai.  Kalroi  ye  rov  'Iwavfov  irepl  tt/i'  'Acrlav  ivareiKafjievov  ri)v  iropeiav,  Kal 
ovSafiov  Keyei  '6ti  eTTTfydyeTO  fied'  eavTOv  t))v  ayiav  trapdevov  k.t.\. 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  145 

The  popular  tradition  in  Asia  is  therefore  as  old  at  least 
as  the  middle  of  the  fourth  century.  And,  whereas  in  the 
fifth  century  the  Church  leaders  (as  we  have  already  seen) 
in  the  time  of  the  Council  of  Ephesus,  A.D.  431,  refrained 
from  either  contradicting  or  confirming  expressly  the  popular 
Ephesian  belief,  Epiphanius  in  the  fourth  century  points  out 
that  this  and  all  other  stories  about  her  death  and  burial 
were  devoid  of  authoritative  foundation.  We  are  in  presence 
of  a  popular  belief,  disclaimed  and  set  aside  as  valueless  in 
the  fourth  century,  but  treated  with  more  careful  respect, 
though  not  confirmed,  in  the  fifth  century.  The  sacerdotal 
teaching  could  not  admit  the  popular  belief  as  authoritative, 
but  it  tacitly  permitted  the  belief  to  reign  in  the  popular 
mind,  and  to  govern  popular  action  and  religion,  in  the  same 
way  as  it  gradually  came  to  acquiesce,  without  either  affirma- 
tion or  denial,  in  most  of  the  popular  local  cults  of  saints. 

This  Ephesian  tradition  has  continued  in  effective  opera- 
tion to  the  present  day.  When  the  Roman  Catholic  dis- 
coverers of  the  "  House "  of  the  Virgin  began  to  inquire 
into  the  situation,  they  found  that  the  Greeks  of  Kirkindje, 
a  village  among  the  hills  south-east  of  Ephesus,  to  which 
the  remnants  of  the  Christian  population  are  said  to  have 
retired  in  the  middle  ages,  regarded  the  place  as  sacred, 
called  it  Panagia  Kapulu,^  "  the  All  Holy  (Virgin)  of  the 
Door,"  and  held  certain  annual  ceremonies  there.  Since 
the  Catholics  made  the  discovery,  they  have  bought  a  large 
tract  of  ground  round  the  ruin ;  and  the  Greeks  have  in 
some  degree  lost  their  devotion  to  the  spot.  An  English 
lady,  however,  who  speaks  Greek  as  fluently  as  she  does 
English,  told  me  that  she  asked  the  Greek  servant  who 
guided  her  to  the  Panagia  Kapulu  whether  the  Orthodox 

1  Kapulu  is  a  Turkish  word,  "  possessed  of  or  connected  with  a  door  ". 

10 


146  V.    The   Worship  of 

Christians  ^  held  a  Panegyris  at  this  place.  He  replied  that 
they  had  no  Panegyris  there,  but  only  a  Litourgia ;  and 
that  in  case  of  trouble  or  sickness  it  was  customary  to  take  a 
priest  to  the  place  and  perform  service  and  offer  prayers  there. 
The  annual  ceremony,  therefore,  seems  to  have  been  aban- 
doned, though  popular  belief  still  clings  to  the  holy  place, 
and  attracts  to  it  those  who  are  in  trouble.  But  the  Greek 
priests  appear  not  to  have  held,  and  certainly  now  they 
utterly  disclaim,  the  belief  that  the  Panagia  herself  ever  was 
there  ;  and  they  maintain  that  this  House  is  only  a  ruined 
little  church  dedicated  to  her. 

As  to  the  ruins,  the  photographs  show  clearly  a  small 
mediaeval  building,  with  an  apse.  One  would  unhesitatingly 
set  it  down  as  a  mediaeval  church,  for  the  religious  needs  of 
the  population  of  the  secluded  glen  in  which  it  is  situated. 

By  an  unfortunate  accident  at  Ephesus  I  was  prevented 
from  visiting  the  Panagia  Kapulu  after  all  arrangements  had 
been  made ;  and,  while  my  son  went,  I  had  to  rest  in  the 
house  for  two  days.  But,  as  I  understand,  a  friend  of 
trained  and  practised  experience  in  archaeological  research 
considers  that  part  of  the  building  is  older  than  the  walls 
generally,  and  might  date  from  as  early  as  the  first  century. 

The  glen  in  which  the  building  is  situated  is  divided 
from  the  city  of  Ephesus  by  a  high,  jagged  ridge  of  moun- 
tain, along  the  crest  of  which  ran  the  south  wall  of  the 
Grecian  city,  built  by  Lysimachus  about  B.C.  280.  This 
part  of  the  wall  is  still  fairly  well  preserved  :  its  lofty  position 
and  remoteness  from  the  haunts  of  men  have  saved  it  from 
destruction  at  the  hands  of  mediaeval  or  modern  builders. 

1  In  strict  Greek  expression  "  Christians  "  are  the  Orthodox  alone  ;  other 
sects  are  Catholics,  Protestants,  Armenians,  etc.,  but  none  of  these  are  in 
popular  phraseology  denominated  Christians. 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  147 

IV.  The  Vision  of  Anne  Catharine  Emmerich 

Now  arises  the  question  how  far  any  value  as  evidence 
can  be  set  on  the  vision  of  the  German  nun,  Anne  Catharine 
Emmerich.  In  the  first  place,  I  should  repeat  what  was 
already  stated  in  Section  I.  of  this  article,  that  it  seems  un- 
justifiable to  throw  doubt  on  the  honest  intentions  both  of 
the  seer  and  of  the  reporter,  the  poet  Brentano.  After  fully 
weighing  all  the  evidence,  I  do  not  entertain  the  smallest 
doubt  that  she  saw  those  visions  or  dreams,  and  that  they 
have  been  faithfully  reported  to  us.  The  visions  are  exactly 
what  a  nun  in  such  surroundings  as  Anne  Catharine's  would 
think,  and  ought  to  think.  But  they  lie  almost  wholly  within 
the  narrowest  circle  of  commonplace  mediaeval  pseudo- 
legend,  hardly  worthy  to  be  called  legendary,  because  it  is 
all  so  artificial. 

The  experience  of  a  foreign  friend,  whose  name  (if  I  were 
free  to  mention  it)  would  be  a  certificate  of  wide  reading 
and  literary  power,  illustrates  the  probable  bent  of  Anne 
Catharine's  mind.  His  family  travelled  for  some  time  in  the 
company  of  a  lady  educated  in  a  convent :  her  conversation 
generally  showed  quite  remarkable  lack  of  knowledge  or 
interest,  but  in  picture-galleries  she  displayed  an  equally 
remarkable  familiarity  with  lives  of  the  saints,  identifying  at 
a  glance  every  picture  relating  to  them,  telling  the  story 
connected  with  each  sacred  picture  in  the  fullest  detail, 
and  explaining  numerous  little  points  about  the  symbolism, 
which  might  escape  even  fairly  well-informed  observers. 

In  hurriedly  reading  over  the  visions  about  the  life  of 
the  Virgin  in  a  French  translation,  while  I  was  visiting 
Ephesus  in  the  beginning  of  May,  1905,  I  have  observed 
only  two  points  which  seem  to  lie  outside  of  this  narrow  circle. 


148  V.    The   Worship  of 

One  of  these  is  the  date  of  the  birth  of  Christ.  It  is  not 
fixed  at  Christmas,  but  on  the  24th  November.  I  do  not 
know  how  far  this  divergence  may  be  connected  with  any 
stories  or  legends  Hkely  to  be  within  the  ordinary  circle  of 
knowledge  of  a  German  nun,  of  humble  origin  and  without 
any  special  education,  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  But  it  seems  not  at  all  impossible  or  improbable 
that  she  may  have  come  in  contact  with  educated  persons, 
or  may  have  learned  in  other  ways  so  much  of  the  results  of 
historical  investigation  as  to  hear  that  there  is  no  substantial 
foundation  for  the  common  ceremonial  practice  of  celebrating 
the  birth  of  Christ  at  the  end  of  December. 

The  other  and  by  far  the  most  interesting  passage  in  the 
whole  book  is  the  minutely  detailed  account  of  the  home  of 
the  Virgin  and  the  small  Christian  settlement  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Ephesus.     It  is  worth  quotation  in  full. 

"  After  the  Ascension  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  Mary 
lived  three  years  on  Sion,  three  years  at  Bethany,  and  nine 
years  at  Ephesus,  to  which  place  John  had  conducted  her 
shortly  after  the  Jews  had  exposed  Lazarus  and  his  sisters 
on  the  sea. 

"  Mary  did  not  live  exactly  at  Ephesus,  but  in  the 
environs,  where  were  settled  already  many  women  who 
were  her  friends.  Her  dwelling  was  situated  three  leagues 
and  a  half  from  Ephesus,  on  a  mountain  which  was  seen 
to  the  left  in  coming  from  Jerusalem,  and  which  rapidly 
descended  towards  Ephesus — coming  from  the  south-east 
the  city  was  seen  as  if  altogether  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain, 
but  it  is  seen  to  extend  all  round  as  you  continue  to  advance. 
Near  Ephesus  there  are  grand  avenues  of  trees,  under  which 
the  yellow  fruits  are  lying  on  the  ground,  A  little  to  the 
south,  narrow  paths  lead  to  an  eminence  covered  with  wild 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  149 

plants.  There  is  seen  an  undulating  plain  covered  with 
vegetation,  which  has  a  circuit  of  half  a  league  ;  it  is  there 
that  this  settlement  was  made.  It  is  a  solitary  country, 
with  many  small,  agreeable  and  fertile  elevations,  and  some 
grottoes  hollowed  in  the  rock,  in  the  midst  of  little  sandy 
places.  The  country  is  rough  without  being  barren  ;  there 
are  here  and  there  a  number  of  trees  of  pyramidal  form 
with  smooth  trunks,  whose  branches  overshadow  a  large 
space. 

"  When  St.  John  conducted  to  this  spot  the  Blessed 
Virgin,  for  whom  he  had  already  erected  a  house,  some 
Christian  families  and  many  holy  women  were  already 
residing  in  this  country.  They  were  living,  some  under 
tents,  others  in  caves,  which  they  had  rendered  habitable 
by  the  aid  of  carpentry  and  wainscoting.  They  had  come 
here  before  the  persecution  had  burst  forth  with  full  force. 
As  they  took  advantage  of  the  caves  which  they  found 
there,  and  of  the  facilities  which  the  nature  of  the  places 
offered,  their  dwellings  were  real  hermitages,  often  separ- 
ated a  quarter  of  a  league  from  each  other ;  and  this  kind 
of  colony  presented  the  appearance  of  a  village  with  its 
houses  scattered  at  a  considerable  distance  from  each  other. 
Mary's  house  stood  by  itself,  and  was  constructed  of  stone. 
At  some  distance  behind  the  house  the  land  rises  and  pro- 
ceeds across  the  rocks  to  the  highest  point  of  the  mountain, 
from  the  top  of  which,  over  the  small  elevations  and  trees, 
the  city  of  Ephesus  is  visible,  [and  the  sea]  with  its  numerous 
islands.  The  place  is  nearer  the  sea  than  Ephesus  itself, 
which  lies  at  some  distance.  The  country  is  solitary  and 
little  frequented.  In  the  neighbourhood  was  a  castle,  oc- 
cupied, if  I  mistake  not,  by  a  deposed  king.  St.  John 
visited    him    frequently,  and   converted   him.     This   place 


150  V.    The   Worship  of 

became,  later  on,  a  bishopric.  Between  this  dwelling  of  the 
Blessed  Virgin  and  Ephesus  a  river  flowed,  winding  in  and 
out  with  innumerable  turnings."  ^ 

What  value  can  be  set  upon  this  extremely  interesting 
passage  ? 

It  is  unnecessary  to  do  more  than  mention  the  im- 
possibility of  the  assumption  made  in  the  vision  that  St.  John, 
going  to  Ephesus  in  the  sixth  year  after  the  Crucifixion, 
could  have  found  there  already  a  Christian  community. 
This  is  as  absurd  as  the  statement  (made  at  a  later  point  in 
the  book)  that  before  the  Virgin's  death,  less  than  fifteen 
years  after  the  Crucifixion,  Thomas  had  already  evangelised 
India  and  Bactria,  Philip  Egypt,  James  Spain,  etc.  But  it 
might  quite  fairly  and  reasonably  be  argued  by  any  defender 
of  the  general  trustworthiness  of  the  nun's  visions,  that,  in 
regard  to  numbers  and  estimates  of  time  and  distance,  her 
evidence  stands  on  a  less  satisfactory  basis  than  in  other 
more  important  respects.  Her  statements  of  distance 
would  be  regarded  by  such  a  champion  as  only  conjectural 
estimates  according  to  the  appearance  presented  in  her 
vision,  and  therefore  standing,  so  to  say,  outside  the  vision, 
as  her  own  opinion  about  what  she  saw.  The  lapse  of  years 
was  expressed  as  part  of  the  visions :  she  saw  the  numbers 

1  The  Death  of  the  Blessed  Mary,  and  Her  Assumption  into  Heaven,  con- 
taining a  Description  of  Her  House  at  Ephesus,  recently  discovered.  From 
the  Meditations  of  Anne  Catharine  Emmerich.  Translated  from  the  French. 
By  George  Richardson  (Dublin  :  Duffy  &  Co.,  1897),  pp.  1-4.  When  I  read 
over  this  extract  from  the  English  translation,  as  it  was  inserted  in  the 
proof  sheets  by  the  care  of  Mr.  Souter,  I  feel  that  it  gives  a  different  im- 
pression from  the  French  translation,  which  I  read  at  Ephesus.  I  have  not 
the  opportunity  of  comparing  the  two  ;  but  the  English  (published  after  the 
discovery  of  the  House)  strikes  me  as  perhaps  more  in  accordance  with  the 
localities  than  the  French  (published  before)  seemed  to  be  when  I  was  read- 
ing it  at  Ephesus  ;  but  I  may  be  wronging  the  translator. 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  151 

of  years  presented  to  her  eyes  in  Roman  figures,^  and  in 
relating  what  she  had  seen  she  stated  that  she  saw  a  V  with 
a  I  beside  it  which  she  understood  to  mean  six,  viz.,  the 
number  of  years  that  the  Virgin  remained  in  (or  near) 
Jerusalem  after  the  Crucifixion.  Such  a  defender  might 
point  out  that  the  Virgin  is  described  as  being  in  extreme 
old  age,  and  yet  the  years  of  her  life  are  stated  as  sixty- 
four  ;  and  he  might  fairly  argue  that  a  healthy  Jewess  of 
sixty  has  not  the  appearance  or  feebleness  of  extreme  age, 
and  that  the  numbers  must  therefore  be  regarded  on  a 
secondary  plane,  so  that  St.  John's  journey  to  Ephesus  with 
her  can  be  placed  at  a  reasonable  and  possible  date,  later  than 
the  formation  of  a  Christian  Church  in  Ephesus,  and  prob- 
ably even  later  than  the  death  of  St.  Paul,  when  the  Virgin 
Mary  was  a  very  old  woman,  over  ninety  years  of  age. 

That  seems  a  quite  fair  method  of  interpretation ;  but 
though  it  avoids  chronological  difficulties,  it  leaves  others 
untouched.  The  idyllic  picture  of  the  Christians  living  in 
a  little  community  of  their  own  away  from  the  city,  apart 
from  the  ways  of  men,  separate  from  their  pagan  fellow- 
townsmen,  is  the  dream  that  springs  from  a  mind  moulded 
by  monastic  habits  and  ideas,  but  is  as  unlike  as  can  be  to 
the  historic  facts.  Had  Christianity  begun  by  retiring  out 
of  the  world,  it  would  never  have  conquered  the  world. 
Every  inquirer  into  history  knows  that  the  Christians  of 
that  first  period  were  involved  in  the  most  strenuous  and 
crowded  struggle  of  life.     The  nun's  vision  is  a  picture  of 

1  The  editor  of  the  French  translation  mentions  this  in  a  footnote,  and 
explains  the  discrepancy  between  two  statements  about  the  time  of  the 
Virgin's  residence  at  Jerusalem  (which  is  given  as  four  years  in  one  passage, 
and  six  in  another)  as  due  to  Anne  Catharine's  unfamiliarity  with  Roman 
symbols,  which  caused  her  to  confuse  between  iv.  and  vi. 


152  V.    The  Worship  of 

quiet  seclusion  and  peace.  This  alone  is  sufficient  to  show 
that  the  vision  has  a  purely  subjective  origin. 

Still  more  evident  is  the  nature  of  the  vision,  when  we 
consider  the  localities  described.  The  minuteness  of  detail 
with  which  the  description  is  given  stands  in  remarkable 
contrast  to  the  rest  of  the  book.  There  is  a  clear  concep- 
tion of  the  approach  from  Jerusalem  (through  the  Maeander 
valley  and)  across  the  mountains,  so  as  to  approach  Ephesus 
from  the  south-east.  The  view  of  the  city,  as  one  comes 
near  it,  is  very  beautiful ;  and  the  description  given  in  the 
vision,  though  rather  general  in  its  character,  is  quite  good, 
except  in  three  important  respects.^ 

In  the  first  place,  at  a  distance  of  three  leagues  and  a 
half  no  view  of  the  city  can  possibly  be  got ;  the  road  at 
that  point  is  still  entirely  secluded  among  the  mountains  : 
only  when  one  comes  within  about  two  or  three  miles  of 
the  south-eastern  gate  of  Ephesus,  the  Magnesian  Gate,  does 
the  city  come  into  view. 

In  the  second  place,  there  is  not  at  any  point  on  the  road, 
or  near  it  on  the  left,  this  complete  view  of  the  city  as  a 
whole.  From  any  such  point  considerable  part  of  the  city 
is  hidden  behind  Mount  Pion.  This  complete  view  can  be 
obtained  only  by  approaching  from  the  north,  as  modern 
travellers  and  tourists  do  in  almost  every  case. 

In  the  third  place,  a  winding  river  is  described  as  run- 
ning between  the  approaching  travellers  and  the  city.  This 
winding  river  is  the  Cayster,  now  called  the  Menderez  (z>., 
Maeander).  Its  course  is  quite  as  circuitous  and  tortuous  as 
the  vision  represents  it ;  but  it  is  hardly  visible  from  the 
south-eastern  road,  or  from  a  point  on  the  left  hand  of  that 

^  The  plan  of  Ephesus  in  the  writer's  Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches  is 
compared  with  a  map  of  Kapulu  Panagia  on  p.  124. 


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the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephestis  153 

road.  It  is  only  as  one  comes  from  the  north  that  this  river 
and  its  wanderings  form  so  striking  a  part  of  the  scene ;  and 
further,  one  must  come  over  the  higher  ground  in  order  to 
get  the  view  perfectly.  Moreover,  this  maeandering  river 
runs  on  the  north  side  of  the  city  ;  so  that  only  to  the  traveller 
coming  from  the  north  does  it  flow  between  him  and  the 
city. 

In  the  fourth  place  there  are  not  at  the  present  day 
numerous  islands  ^  visible  from  the  peak  above  Kapulu 
Panagia.  Samos  shuts  out  the  view  of  those  beyond  it. 
But  in  ancient  times  there  were  several  islets  in  the  gulf  of 
Ephesus  (which  is  now  silted  up  and  converted  into  solid 
land  or  marsh),  so  that  the  ancient  state  of  things  was  less 
unfavourable  to  the  nun's  description  than  the  modern  state 
is.  It  is  however  uncertain  whether  the  islets  in  the  gulf 
would  be  visible  from  the  peak  :  this  point  has  never  been 
investigated. 

It  seemed  beyond  doubt  or  question  to  me,  as  I  sat  in 
the  Ephesian  plain  and  read  the  description,  that  the  whole 
has  taken  its  origin  from  a  description  given  by  some 
traveller  or  tourist  of  his  approach  to  Ephesus.  How  this 
came  to  Anne  Catharine's  knowledge  is  uncertain  ;  but 
there  seems  no  difficulty  in  supposing  that  some  traveller 
or  some  reader  of  a  printed  description  had  talked  to  her 
(she  is  said  not  to  have  been  a  reader) ;  and  the  narrative 
had  sunk  into  her  mind  and  moulded  quite  unconsciously 
the  vision  that  she  saw.  Only  the  appearance  from  a 
rising-ground  on  the  north  is  inaccurately  represented  as 
seen  by  the  traveller  coming  from  the  south-east.  There 
is,  thus,  a  curious  mixture  of  accuracy  and  inaccuracy.  St. 
John  approaches,  as  he  would  in  fact  do,  from  the  south- 

1  The  expression  in  the  French  translation,  I  think,  is  innombrables. 


154  ^-    The  Worship  of 

east;  but  he  sees  the  view  that  would  be  presented  to  a 
traveller  coming  from  the  north,  if  he  diverged  a  little  from 
the  low  road  to  a  rising-ground,  or  if  he  approached  by  a 
short  path  across  the  hills. 

Again,  it  is  a  detail  which  at  first  sight  seems  very  im- 
pressive that  the  travellers  approaching  from  the  south-east 
diverged  a  little  from  the  road  towards  the  left  and  there 
found  the  small  Christian  community.  In  such  a  situation, 
some  miles  off  to  the  left  of  that  road,  the  so-called  "  House 
of  the  Virgin  "  was  found  by  the  Catholic  explorers.  This 
House  lies  among  the  mountains  in  a  secluded  glen,  divided 
by  the  high  ridge  of  Mount  Coressus  from  the  city ;  and 
beyond  doubt  no  modern  traveller  had  ever  penetrated  into 
those  mountains  away  from  the  regular  paths,  until  the 
Catholic  explorers  went  to  seek  for  the  House  and  found  it 
beside  the  spring. 

It  is  also  a  striking  point  that  there  is  a  peak  over  the 
House,  and  that  this  peak  is  nearer  the  sea  than  Ephesus 
is,  just  as  the  vision  has  it ;  but  from  the  peak  one  sees  (as 
I  am  informed  by  several  visitors)  only  the  site  of  the  temple 
of  Diana  outside  the  city,  together  with  the  Magnesian  Gate 
and  the  walls  on  the  highest  ridge  of  Coressus,  while  the 
city  as  a  whole  is  hidden  behind  Coressus. 

In  short,  the  view  of  the  city  which  is  described  in  the 
vision  is  plainly  and  certainly  the  view  got  from  a  ledge  or 
shelf  on  the  hills  that  bound  the  valley,  where  they  slope 
down  towards  the  city  and  the  plain,  and  not  from  a  point 
shut  off  from  most  of  the  plain  by  a  lofty  ridge  of  mountains. 
A  continuous  slope  with  an  uninterrupted  view  down  over 
the  city  is  described  in  the  vision  ;  and  one  could  almost  look 
to  identify  the  shelf  that  is  described,  were  it  not  that  such 
a  feature  can  be  found  in  almost  any  similar  sloping  hillside. 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  155 

It  is  needless  to  touch  on  the  supposed  correspondence 
between  the  shape  and  interior  arrangements  of  the 
"  House "  and  those  described  in  the  vision.  To  the  nun 
it  seemed  clear  that  the  Virgin  must  have  lived  and  died 
in  a  building  of  the  nature  and  shape  of  a  church,  having  an 
apse :  she  had  acquired  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  form  of 
the  Eastern  churches.  It  is  certain  that  the  mind  of  the 
person  who  saw  those  visions  was  fixed  steadily  on  those 
subjects ;  and  I  cannot  but  think  that  she  must  have  often 
conversed  and  asked  about  Eastern  places  and  things,  and 
that  from  the  little  knowledge  she  thus  acquired,  combined 
with  her  training  in  the  mediaeval  Western  legends  of  the 
saints  and  the  Holy  Family,  the  visions  gradually  took 
their  form  without  conscious  effort  on  her  part.  But  she 
had  heard  two  descriptions  of  Ephesus,  one  as  the  city  first 
appears  to  the  tourist  (who  always  approaches  it  from  the 
north,  as  Smyrna  is  the  harbour  from  which  Ephesus  is 
easily  accessible)  beyond  a  winding  river,  the  other  stating 
its  relation  to  the  road  that  comes  from  Jerusalem;  and 
these  two  descriptions  have  unconsciously  welded  themselves 
together  in  her  fancy  into  a  single  picture. 

V.  Conclusion 

We  have  thus  arrived  at  the  result,  first,  that  the  Ephe- 
sian  belief  as  to  the  residence  of  the  Virgin  Mary  in  their 
city,  though  existing  at  least  as  early  as  the  fourth  century, 
rests  on  no  recorded  authority,  but  was  a  purely  popular 
growth,  and  is  therefore  possessed  of  no  more  credibility 
than  belongs  to  the  numberless  popular  legends,  which  every- 
where grow  up  in  similar  circumstances ;  and,  secondly,  that 
the  nun's  vision,  interesting  as  it  is,  furnishes  no  real  evidence. 


156  V.    The   Worship  of 

The  Roman  Catholic  writer  ^  of  a  book  already  quoted, 
Panaghia-Capouli,  p.  90,  while  fully  admitting  that  the 
entire  body  of  Greek  clerical  opinion  has  been  against  that 
Ephesian  tradition,  argues  that  a  tradition  which  persists 
in  the  popular  mind  through  the  centuries,  in  spite  of  the 
contrary  teaching  of  the  clergy,  is  likely  to  rest  on  a  real 
foundation. 

We  can  only  repeat  what  has  been  shown  in  detail  in 
Section  II.,  that  numberless  examples  can  be  quoted  of  the 
growth  of  such  popular  beliefs  without  any  historical  founda- 
tion. They  spring  from  the  nature  of  the  human  mind  ;  and 
they  prove  only  the  vitality  of  the  old  religious  ideas.  Take 
an  example  which  came  to  my  knowledge  after  the  former 
part  of  this  paper  was  printed.  Three  or  four  miles  south 
of  Pisidian  Antioch  we  found  in  a  village  cemetery  an  altar 
dedicated  to  the  god  Hermes.  On  the  top  of  the  altar 
there  is  a  shallow  circular  depression,  which  must  prob- 
ably have  been  intended  to  hold  liquid  offerings  poured 
on  the  altar,  and  which  was  evidently  made  when  the  altar 
was  constructed  and  dedicated.  A  native  of  the  village, 
who  was  standing  by  as  we  copied  the  inscription,  told  us 
that  the  stone  was  possessed  of  power,  and  that  if  any  one 
who  was  sick  came  to  it  and  drank  of  the  water  that 
gathered  in  the  cup,  he  was  cured  forthwith  of  his  sickness. 
This  belief  has  lasted  through  the  centuries ;  it  has  with- 
stood the  teaching  and  denunciation  of  Christians  and  Mo- 
hammedans alike ;  but  it  is  not  therefore  possessed  of  any 
real  foundation.     It  springs  from  the  superstitious  nature  of 

^Though  it  has  no  bearing  on  the  question  of  credibihty,  it  is  right  to 
guard  against  the  impression  that  general  Roman  Catholic  opinion  is  in 
favour  of  the  Ephesian  tradition.  The  ruling  opinion  in  Roman  Catholic 
circles  is  against  it ;  but  as  a  rule  the  Catholics  of  the  Smyrna  district 
favour  it. 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  157 

the  popular  mind,  and  the  stubborn  persistence  of  the  old 
beliefs.  You  may  in  outward  appearance  convert  a  people 
to  a  new  and  higher  faith ;  but  if  they  are  not  educated  up 
to  the  level  of  intellectual  and  moral  power  which  that 
higher  faith  requires,  the  old  ideas  will  persist  in  the  popular 
mind,  all  the  stronger  in  proportion  to  the  ignorance  of 
each  individual ;  and  those  ideas  will  seize  on  and  move  the 
people  especially  in  cases  of  trouble  and  sickness  and  the 
presence  or  dread  of  death. 

Such  is  the  nature  of  the  Ephesian  tradition.  The 
Virgin  Mother  in  Ephesus  had  been  worshipped  from  time 
immemorial ;  and  the  people  could  not  permanently  give  her 
up.  They  required  a  substitute  for  her,  and  the  Christian 
Mother  of  God  took  her  place,  and  dwelt  beside  her  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people.  This  belief  soon  created  a  locality  for 
itself,  for  the  Anatolian  religion  always  found  a  local  home. 
The  home  was  marked  out  at  Ortygia  in  the  mountains  on 
the  south  of  the  Ephesian  valley,  where  the  pagan  Virgin 
Artemis  was  born,  and  where  probably  her  original  home 
had  been,  until  she  as  the  great  Queen-bee  led  her  mourning 
people  to  their  new  home  in  the  valley  by  the  shore  of  the 
sea^  and  became  the  "goddess  and  mother  and  queen"  of 
Ephesus.  The  Christian  worship  of  the  Virgin  Mother 
seems  to  have  originated  at  so  early  a  period  that  it  could 
not  establish  itself  directly  on  the  home  of  the  older  Virgin 
Artemis.  It  could  only  seek  a  neighbouring  home  in  the 
same  hilly  country  a  little  farther  eastwards.  When  this 
home  was  found  for  the  new  belief,  a  sacred  legend  inevit- 

^  Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches,  p.  217.  On  the  map  there  Ortygia,  which 
lies  really  outside  of  the  limits  of  the  map,  is  indicated  wrongly.  It  was 
necessary  to  put  in  the  name,  but  the  actual  locality  is  a  little  south-east 
of  the  place  where  the  name  stands. 


158  V.    The   Worship  of 

ably  grew  up  around  it  according  to  the  usual  process  in  the 
popular  religion  of  antiquity.  The  legend  had  to  be  adapted 
to  the  Christian  history.  It  could  not  imitate  exactly  the 
pagan  legend  that  the  Virgin  was  born  at  Ortygia ;  but  the 
belief  that  the  Mother  of  God  had  lived  in  old  age  and  died 
there,  grew  up  and  could  readily  be  adapted  to  the  record. 

It  will  always  remain  a  question,  as  to  which  opinions 
will  differ  widely,  how  far  it  is  right  or  permissible  to  make 
concessions  to  so  deep-seated  a  feeling  as  that  belief  must 
have  been.  On  the  one  hand,  a  concession  which  takes  the 
form  of  an  unhistorical  legend  and  a  ceremonial  attached 
to  a  false  locality  will  meet  with  general  disapproval.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  seems  certain  that  injudicious  proselytising 
combined  with  wholesale  condemnation  and  uprooting  of 
popular  beliefs  has  often  done  much  harm  in  the  history 
of  Christianity.  The  growing  experience  and  wisdom  of 
primitive  races  wrought  out  certain  rules  of  life,  of  sanita- 
tion, purity,  consideration  for  the  community,  and  many 
other  steps  in  civilisation  ;  and  these  rules  were  placed  under 
the  Divine  guardianship,  because  there  was  no  other  way  of 
enforcing  them  on  all.  Practical  household  wisdom  was 
expressed  in  the  form  of  a  system  of  household  religious 
rites.  It  is  true  that  these  rules  were  often  widened  by 
false  analogy,  and  applied  in  ways  that  were  needless  and 
useless  ;  but  there  remained  in  them  the  residuum  of  wisdom 
and  usefulness.^  It  has  often  been  an  unwise  and  almost 
fatal  error  of  Christian  missionaries  (an  error  recognised  and 
regretted  by  many  of  them  in  recent  time)  to  treat  all  these 
rules  as  superstitious  and  try  to  eradicate  them  before  any 

^  See  "  Religion  of  Greece  and  Asia  Minor  "  in  Dr.  Hastings'  Dictionary 
of  the  Bible,  v.,  133  and/>asj»M.  The  process  of  degradation  constantly  came 
in  to  make  these  rules  deteriorate,  as  is  shown  in  that  article. 


the  Virgin  Mary  at  Ephesus  159 

system  of  habitual  good  conduct  in  society  and  ordinary  life 
had  been  settled  and  rooted  in  the  minds  of  proselytes. 

That  the  belief  in  the  Mother,  and  especially  the  Virgin 
Mother,  as  the  teacher,  guide  and  nourisher  of  her  people, 
was  capable  of  infinite  expansion  as  a  purifying  and  elevating 
principle,  has  been  shown  in  Section  I.  That  it  has  been  of 
immense  influence  on  Asia  Minor  is  patent  in  the  history  of 
the  country ;  even  Turkish  Conquest,  though  it  attained  its 
purposes  by  general  massacre,  especially  of  the  male  popula- 
tion, has  not  wholly  eradicated  it.  That  it  is  a  principle 
which  belongs  to  a  settled  and  peaceful  age  and  state  of 
society,  and  that  it  must  be  weakened  in  a  state  of  war  and 
disorder,  is  evident  in  itself,  and  has  been  shown  in  detail 
elsewhere.^ 

The  vision  of  the  nun  in  Westphalia  and  the  rediscovery 
of  the  House  of  the  Virgin  form  simply  an  episode  in  the 
history  of  that  religious  principle  and  a  proof  of  its  vitality. 

^  See  the  article  quoted  in  the  preceding  footnote. 


3  4 

The  Hellenic  Virgin  Goddess  of  Ephesus  and  the  Anatolian  Mother  of 

Ephesus,  the  Queen-Bee. 


5  6 

The  Anatolian  Mother  of  Ephesus,  half  anthropomorphized. 


PLATE  II. 


Fig.  2. — The  Mother-Goddess  of  Ephesus  Anthropomorphized 

(Mr.  A.  E.  Henderson). 

To  face  p.  i6o.  See  p.  159. 


VI 


THE  PERMANENCE  OF  RELIGION  AT 
HOLY  PLACES  IN  WESTERN  ASIA 


II 


AY  P  A  O  M  N  A  l\W"|llli|l  TA  Y  K  YTATH  N  0  Y  TAT  EPAAlCNGNK  OYGA  N 
TT  APG6  NJGlAKAl4>lA€PriA    AYPOPe  CTl  A  NO  C  K  Y  PO  Y  OTfATH  P 


iMx 


/)^ 


Tomb  of  a  Christian  Virgin  of  the  Third  Century  (see  p.  298). 


VI 

THE  PERMANENCE  OF  RELIGION  AT  HOLY 
PLACES  IN  WESTERN  ASIA 

In  the  preceding  article  in  this  volume,  describing  the  origin 
of  the  Ephesian  cult  of  the  Mother  of  God,  the  permanent 
attachment  of  religious  awe  to  special  localities  was  briefly 
mentioned.  In  that  cult  we  found  a  survival  or  revival  of  the 
old  paganism  of  Ephesus,  viz.,  the  worship  of  the  Virgin 
Mother  of  Artemis.  The  persistence  of  those  ancient  be- 
liefs and  rites  at  the  chief  centres  of  paganism  exercised  so  pro- 
found an  influence  on  the  history  of  Christianity  in  Asia 
Minor,  that  it  is  well  to  give  a  more  detailed  account  of  the 
facts,  though  even  this  account  can  only  be  a  brief  survey  of 
a  few  examples  selected  almost  by  chance  out  of  the  in- 
numerable cases  which  occur  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  I 
shall  take  as  the  foundation  of  this  article  a  paper  read  to  the 
Oriental  Congress  held  at  London  in  autumn,  1902,  and 
buried  in  the  Transactions  of  the  Congress,  developing  and 
improving  the  ideas  expressed  in  that  paper,  and  enlarging 
the  number  of  examples. 

The  strength  of  the  old  pagan  beliefs  did  not  escape  the 
attention  of  the  Apostle  Paul ;  and  his  views  on  the  subject 
affected  his  action  as  a  missionary  in  the  cities  of  Asia 
Minor,  and  can  be  traced  in  his  letters.  On  the  one  hand, 
as  the  present  writer  has  several  times  tried  to  prove,  he  re- 
garded the  Anatolian  superstition  as  a  more   direct   and 

(163) 


164         VI.    The  Permanence  of  Religion  at 

dangerous  enemy  than  the  Greek.  Amid  the  many  enemies 
against  which  he  had  to  contend,  some  were  less  dangerous 
than  others,  Sophia,  the  Greek  philosophy,  seemed  to  Paul 
much  less  dangerous  than  Greek  religion ;  it  was  rather,  in 
a  way,  a  rival  erring  on  false  lines  than  an  enemy ;  and  at 
first  the  outer  world  regarded  the  doctrine  of  Paul  as  simply 
one  form  of  Graeco-Oriental  philosophy,  and  listened  to  it 
with  a  certain  degree  of  tolerance  on  that  understanding. 
Greek  religion,  in  its  turn,  hateful  as  was  its  careless  poly- 
theism, was  not  nearly  so  dangerous  as  the  Phrygian  de- 
votion and  enthusiasm. 

On  the  other  hand,  Paul  saw  also  that  there  was,  or 
rather  had  originally  been,  an  element  of  truth  and  real 
perception  of  the  Divine  nature.  The  view  which  he  enter- 
tained, and  states  clearly  in  his  letter  to  the  Romans,  is  that 
there  existed  originally  in  the  world  a  certain  degree  of 
knowledge  about  God  and  His  character  and  His  relation 
to  mankind ;  but  the  deliberate  action  of  man  had  vitiated 
this  fair  beginning ;  and  the  reason  lay  in  idolatry.  This 
cause  obscures  the  first  good  ideas  as  to  the  nature  of  God  ; 
and  thus  the  Divine  Being  is  assimilated  to  and  represented 
by  images  in  the  shape  of  man  who  is  mortal,  and  birds  and 
quadrupeds  and  reptiles.  In  idolatrous  worship  a  necessary 
and  invariable  accompaniment  was  immorality,  which  goes 
on  increasing  from  bad  to  worse  in  physical  passions,  and 
thus  corrupts  the  whole  nature  and  character  of  man 
(Rom.  i.  19  ff.). 

But  men  are  never  so  utterly  corrupt  that  a  return  to 
truth  is  impossible.  If  they  only  wish  it,  they  can  choose 
the  good  and  refuse  the  evil  (Rom.  ii.  14  f.).  The  Gentiles 
have  not  the  Law  revealed  to  the  Jews,  but  some  of  them 
through  their  better  nature  act  naturally  according  to  the 


Holy  Places  in   Western  Asia  165 

Law,  and  are  a  Law  unto  themselves :  the  practical  effect 
of  the  Law  is  seen  in  their  life,  because  it  has  been  by  nature 
written  in  their  hearts  and  they  have  a  natural  sense  of  the 
distinction  between  right  and  wrong,  between  good  and  evil ; 
and  their  conscience  works  in  harmony  with  this  natural  Law 
in  their  hearts,  prompting  them  to  choose  the  right  action 
and  making  them  conscious  of  wrong  if  they  choose  wrong 
action.  This  beginning  of  right  never  fails  utterly  in  human 
nature,  but  it  is  made  faint  and  obscure  by  wrong-doing, 
when  men  deliberately  choose  the  evil  and  will  not  listen  to 
the  voice  of  God  in  their  hearts. 

Yet  even  at  the  worst  there  remains  in  the  most  cor- 
rupted man  a  sense  that  out  of  this  evil  good  will  come. 
We  all  are  in  some  degree  aware  that  evil  is  wrong,  because 
it  is  painful,  and  the  pain  is  the  preparation  for  the  birth  of 
better  things  (Rom.  viii.  19-22).  The  eager  watching  ex- 
pectancy of  the  universe  [man  and  nature  alike,  as  of  a 
runner  with  his  eye  fixed  on  the  goal],  waits  for  the  reveal- 
ing of  the  sons  of  God.  For  the  creation  was  subjected  to 
vanity,  not  of  its  own  will,  but  by  reason  of  man  who  sub- 
jected it,  and  in  this  subjection  there  arises  a  hope  that  the 
creation  itself  also  shall  be  delivered  from  the  bondage  of 
corruption,  so  as  to  attain  unto  the  liberty  of  the  glory  of 
the  children  of  God.  For  we  know  that  the  whole  creation 
in  all  its  parts  is  groaning  in  the  birth-pangs  from  which 
shall  emerge  a  better  condition,  and  we  also  who  are  Chris- 
tians and  have  already  within  ourselves  the  first  practical 
effects  of  the  Spirit's  action,  are  still  in  the  pain  and  hope  of 
the  nascent  redemption. 

This  remarkable  philosophic  theory  of  Paul's  bursts  the 
bonds  of  the  narrower  Judaism.  It  is  not  inconsistent  with 
the  best  side  of  Hebrew  thought  and  prophecy ;  but  it  was 


1 66         VI.    The  Permanence  of  Religion  at 

utterly  and  absolutely  inconsistent  with  the  practical  facts  of 
the  narrower  Judaism  in  his  time.  The  man  who  thought 
thus  could  not  remain  in  permanent  harmony  with  the  party 
in  Jerusalem  which  was  inexorably  opposed  to  the  early 
followers  of  Christ,  It  was  only  in  maturer  years  that  Paul 
became  fully  and  clearly  conscious  of  this  truth ;  but  as  he 
became  able  to  express  it  clearly  to  himself  and  to  others, 
he  also  became  conscious  that  it  had  been  implicit  from  the 
beginning  in  his  early  thought.  He  had  it  in  his  nature  from 
birth.  It  was  fostered  and  kept  alive  by  the  circumstances  of 
his  childhood.  He  had  come  in  contact  with  pagans,  and 
knew  that  they  were  not  monsters  (as  they  seemed  to  the 
Palestinian  zealots),  but  human  beings.  He  had  been  in 
such  relations  with  them,  that  he  felt  it  a  duty  to  go  and  tell 
them  of  the  truth  which  had  been  revealed  (Rom.  i.  14). 
He  had  learned  by  experience  of  the  promptings  to  good,  of 
the  preference  for  the  right,  of  self-blame  for  wrong-doing, 
which  were  clearly  manifest  in  their  nature.  Doubtless,  he 
had  also  been  aware  of  that  deep  and  eager  longing  for  the 
coming  of  something  better,  of  a  new  era,  of  a  Saviour,  of 
God  incarnate  in  human  form  on  the  earth,  which  was  so 
remarkable  a  feature  in  Roman  life  before  and  after  his 
birth.  1 

Before  glancing  at  the  effect  of  the  old  paganism  on  the 
development  of  the  Christian  Church,  it  is  well  to  point  out 
that  the  influence  is  still  effective  down  to  the  present  day. 
The  spirit  of  Mohammedanism  is  quite  as  inconsistent  with 
and  hostile  to  the  pagan  localisation  of  the  Divine  nature 
at  particular  places  as  Christianity  is  ;  but  still  it  has  been 
in  practice  very  strongly  influenced  by  that  idea,  and  the 
ignorant  Moslem    peasantry  are   full  of  awe   and    respect 

'  Virgil,  Eclogue  4. 


Holy  Places  in   Western  Asia  167 

both  for  Christian  and  for  ancient  pagan  superstitions.  A 
brief  outline  of  the  most  striking  classes  of  facts  observable 
at  the  present  day  will  set  in  a  clearer  light  the  strong 
pressure  which  popular  ideas  were  continually  exerting  on 
the  early  Christian  Church.  In  giving  such  an  outline 
I  know  that  it  is  dangerous  for  one  who  is  not  an  Orientalist 
to  write  on  the  subject.  I  can  merely  set  down  what  I 
have  seen  and  heard  among  the  peasantry,  and  describe  the 
impression  made  on  me  by  their  own  statement  of  their 
vague  ideas. 

In  regard  to  their  religious  ideas,  we  begin  by  setting 
aside  all  that  belongs  strictly  to  Mohammedanism,  all  that 
necessarily  arises  from  the  fact  that  a  number  of  Moham- 
medans, who  live  together  in  a  particular  town  or  village, 
are  bound  to  carry  out  in  common  the  ritual  of  their  religion, 
i.e.,  to  erect  a  proper  building,  and  to  perform  certain  acts 
and  prayers  at  regular  intervals.  Anything  that  can  be 
sufficiently  accounted  for  on  that  ground  has  no  bearing  on 
the  present  purpose.  All  that  is  beyond  this  is,  strictly 
speaking,  a  deviation  from,  and  even  a  violation  of,  the 
Mohammedan  religion  ;  and  therein  lies  its  interest  for  us. 
Mohammedanism  admits  only  a  very  few  sacred  localities 
— Mecca,  Medina,  Jerusalem.  Possibly  even  the  Sunni 
Mohammedans  may  allow  one  or  two  others,  as  the  Shiya 
do,  but  I  do  not  remember  to  have  heard  of  them.  But  the 
actual  belief  of  the  peasantry  of  Asia  Minor  attaches  sanctity 
to  a  vast  number  of  localities,  and  to  these  our  attention  is 
now  directed.  Without  laying  down  any  universal  prin- 
ciple, it  will  appear  easily  that  in  many  cases  the  attachment 
of  religious  veneration  to  particular  localities  in  Asia  Minor 
has  continued  through  all  changes  in  the  dominant  religion 
of  the  country. 


1 68         VI.    The  Permanence  of  Religion  at 

In  the  cases  where  this  permanence  of  religious  awe  is 
certain,  the  sanctity  has,  of  course,  taken  at  the  present  day 
some  new  form,  or  been  transferred  from  its  original  bearer 
to  some  Mohammedan  or  Turkish  personage.  Four  kinds 
of  cases  may  be  distinguished. 

I .  The  sanctity  and  awe  gather  round  the  person  of  some 
real  character  of  Mohammedan  history  earlier  than  the 
Turkish  period.  The  typical  example  is  Seidi  Ghazi  (the 
Arab  general  Abd-AUah  al  Sayyid  al  Battal  al  Ghazi,  the 
Lord  the  Wicked  the  Conqueror^),  who  was  slain  in  the 
battle  of  Acroenos  in  A.D.  739,  the  first  great  victory  which 
cheered  the  Byzantine  Emperors  in  their  attempt  to  stem 
the  tide  of  Arab  conquest.  How  this  defeated  Arab  should 
have  become  the  Turkish  hero  of  the  conquest  of  Asia 
Minor,  after  the  country  had  for  two  centuries  been  untrod 
by  a  Mohammedan  foot,  is  not  explained  satisfactorily  by 
any  of  the  modern  writers,  French  and  German,  who  have 
translated  or  described  the  Turkish  romance  relating  the 
adventures  of  this  stolen  hero.^ 

Seid    became  one  of  the  chief  heroes  of  the  Bektash 

1 1  give  the  spelling  and  translation  as  a  distinguished  Semitic  scholar 
gave  them  to  me  many  years  ago ;  but  my  friend  Mr.  Crowfoot  writes  to  me 
from  Khartoum  suggesting  that  the  first  epithet  is  not  the  word  meaning 
"  wicked,"  but  a  very  similar  cognate  word  which  means  "  hero  ".  Seid,  of 
course,  is  strictly  a  generic  word,  but  it  has  in  Turkey  become  a  personal 
name.  I  find  in  my  notes  that  Robertson  Smith  wrote  to  me,  "  Battal  in  old 
Arabic  denotes  rather  prowess  than  wickedness". 

-See  Hermann  Ethe,  Fahrten  des  Sayyid  Batihal,  Leipzig,  Brockhaus, 
1871,  and  the  review  of  this  translation  by  Mohl,  in  jfournal  Asiatique,  1874, 
p.  70  ff.  In  the  Turkish  romance  it  is  said  that  no  worship  was  paid  to  Seidi 
Ghazi  till  the  reign  of  Sultan  Ala-ed-din  of  Konia  (1219-1236),  when  the  place 
where  he  died  was  discovered  by  special  revelation,  and  a  tomb  was  built  for 
him  at  the  ancient  city  Nakoleia  (which  from  that  time  has  borne  his  name), 
far  north  of  the  fatal  battle,  and  a  great  establishment  of  dervishes  formed. 
The  dervishes  were  scattered  and  the  building  going  to  decay  when  I  was 
there  in  1881  and  1883. 


Holy  Places  in   Western  Asia  169 

dervishes,  that  sect  to  which  all  the  Janissaries  belonged 
from  the  time  when  their  beginning  was  blessed  by  Hadji 
Bektash  near  Amasia.^  On  Mount  Argaeus  strange  stories 
about  him  are  told.  He  shares  with  others  the  awe  attach- 
ing to  this  mountain,  the  loftiest  in  Asia  Minor,  and  wor- 
shipped as  divine  by  the  ancient  inhabitants.  On  the  site 
of  an  old  Hittite  city,  Ardistama,  rediscovered  in  1904  on 
the  borders  of  Cappadocia  and  Lycaonia,  he  is  known  as 
Emir  Ghazi,  the  Conqueror  Emir.  At  Nakoleia,  in  Phrygia, 
once  one  of  the  greatest  establishments  of  dervishes  in  Asia 
Minor,  now  passing  rapidly  into  ruins,  his  tomb  is  shown, 
and  that  of  the  Christian  princess,  his  supposed  wife. 

The  mention  of  the  Christian  wife  of  the  Moslem  con- 
queror throws  some  light  on  the  legend.  The  idea  was 
not  lost  from  the  historical  memory  of  the  Mohammedans 
that  they  were  interlopers,  and  that  the  legal  right  be- 
longed to  the  Christians  whom  they  had  conquered.  The 
representative  hero  of  the  Moslems  must  therefore  make  his 
possession  legitimate  by  marrying  the  Princess,  who  carries 
with  her  the  right  of  inheritance.  This  is  a  striking  example 
of  the  persistence  of  the  old  Anatolian  custom  that  inherit- 
ance passed  in  the  female  line.  Greek  law  had  superseded 
the  old  custom  ;  Roman  law  had  confirmed  the  principle 
that  inheritance  passed  in  the  male  line ;  Christian  and 
Mohammedan  custom  agreed  in  that  principle.  Yet  here 
in  the  Moslem  legend  we  find  the  old  custom  of  the  land 
still  effective.  In  Greek  legend  and  Greek  history  the  same 
tendency  for  the  conquerors  to  seek  some  justification  and 
legitimisation  of  their  violent  seizure  is  frequently  observed  ; 
so,  e.g.,  the  Dorian  conquest  of  the  Peloponnesus  is  repre- 
sented in  legend  as  the  Return  of  the  Heracleidae  :  the  foreign 
1  See  below  under  2. 


1 70         VI.    The  Permanence  of  Religion  at 

conquerors  represent  themselves  as  the  supporters  and 
champions  of  rightful  heirs  who  had  been  dispossessed  and 
expelled.  In  many  of  the  old  cities  of  the  land  (probably 
in  all  of  them,  if  we  only  knew  the  Moslems  better)  there 
linger  stories,  beliefs  and  customs,  showing  that  the  Mo- 
hammedans recognise  a  certain  priority  and  superiority  of 
right  as  belonging  to  the  Christian.  In  the  Mosque  of  St. 
Sophia  at  Constantinople  the  closed  door  is  pointed  out 
through  which  the  priest  retired  carrying  the  sacred  ele- 
ments when  the  capture  of  the  city  interrupted  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  sacrament ;  and  every  one  acknowledges  that, 
when  the  door  is  opened  again,  the  priest  will  come  back  to 
continue  the  interrupted  ritual  of  the  Christians.  In  front 
of  the  walls  of  Constantinople  is  the  sacred  spring  with  the 
fish  which  shall  never  be  caught  until  the  Christians  recover 
the  city :  they  were  taken  from  the  gridiron  and  thrown 
into  the  spring  by  the  priest  who  was  cooking  them  when 
the  city  was  stormed,  and  there  they  swim  until  the  Chris- 
tians return.  At  Damascus,  Jerusalem,  Thyatira,  etc., 
similar  tales  are  told.  At  Iconium,  on  the  summit  of  the 
hill  above  the  Palace,  is  a  transformed  church,  once  dedi- 
cated (as  the  Greeks  say)  to  St.  Amphilochus,  Bishop  of 
Iconium  about  372-400.  It  was  made  into  a  mosque,  but 
every  Mohammedan  who  entered  it  to  pray  died  (the  tale 
does  not  specify  whether  they  died  at  the  moment  or  later), 
and  it  ceased  to  be  used  as  a  mosque.  Thereafter  a  wooden 
clock-tower  was  built  upon  it,  and  the  building  is  at  the 
present  day  called  "  the  Clock  ".  Inside  this  is  said  to  be 
the  spring  of  Plato,  which  is  now  dry.  In  this  absurd  story 
we  trace  the  degraded  remnants  of  ancient  sanctity;  and 
there  is  a  mixture  of  old  religious  belief  in  a  holy  spring, 
and  perhaps  an  Asylum,  with  the  later  Mohammedan  idea 


Holy  Places  in    Western  Asia  171 

that   intrusion  into  a  Christian  shrine  always  was  accom- 
panied by  a  certain  risk. 

2.  Some  personage  of  Turkish  history  proper  becomes 
the  bearer  of  the  religious  awe  attaching  to  certain  spots, 
e.g.,  Hadji  Bektash,  who,  I  am  told,  led  the  Janissaries  at 
the  capture  of  Mudania,  and  from  whom  the  chief  seat  of 
the  Bektash  dervishes  derives  its  name.  At  this  place,  now 
called  Mudjur,  in  Cappadocia,  Hadji  Bektash  has  succeeded 
to  the  dignity  and  awe  which  once  belonged  to  the  patron 
saint  of  the  bishopric  of  Doara. 

Another  such  character  is  Karaja  Ahmed,  who  has  his 
religious  home  in  several  parts  of  the  country,  sometimes, 
at  least,  with  tales  of  miraculous  cures  attaching  to  his  grave.^ 
I  assume  him  to  be  a  historical  character,  as  he  is  found 
in  several  places,  but  I  do  not  know  whether  any  actual 
record  survives.  Many  other  names  might  be  quoted,  which 
I  assume  to  have  belonged  of  old  to  real  persons,  often 
probably  tribal  ancestors  unknown  to  fame :  e.g.,  Sinan 
Pasha  and  Hadji  Omar  or  Omar  Baba :  the  latter  two 
names  I  suppose  to  belong  to  one  personage,  though  they 
are  used  at  different  places.  Sinan  Pasha  was  the  name  of 
several  persons  distinguished  in  Ottoman  history,  the  eldest 
being  a  Persian  mollah,  scholar  and  mystic,  under  the  early 
Ottoman  chiefs  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

3.  The  dede  or  nameless  heroised  ancestor  is  spoken  of 
at  various  places.  In  many  cases  his  name  has  been  entirely 
lost,  but  in  other  cases  inquiry  elicits  the  fact  that  the  dede 

^  I  have  observed  the  veneration  of  Karaja  Ahmed  at  a  village  six  hours 
S.S.W.  from  Ushak  and  about  three  hours  N.W.  from  Geubek ;  also  at  a 
village  one  hour  from  Liyen  and  two  from  Bey  Keui  (one  of  several  spots 
which  divide  the  religious  inheritance  of  the  ancient  Metropolis).  At  the 
latter,  sick  persons  sit  in  the  Turbe  all  night  with  their  feet  in  a  sort  of 
stocks,  and  thus  are  cured.     The  villages  bear  Ahmed's  name. 


172         VI.    The  Permanence  of  Religion  at 

belongs  to  Class  2,  and  that  some  of  the  villagers  know 
his  name,  though  the  world  in  general  is  acquainted  with 
him  only  as  the  nameless  dede,  father  of  the  tribe  or  settle- 
ment. 

4.  The  word  dede  is  also  used  in  a  still  less  anthropomor- 
phic sense  to  indicate  the  mere  formless  presence  of  Divine 
power  on  the  spot.  Many  cases  hang  doubtfully  between 
this  class  and  the  preceding :  it  is  not  certain  whether  the 
dede  once  had  a  name  and  a  human  reality  which  has  after- 
wards been  lost,  or  whether  from  the  beginning  he  was 
merely  the  rude  expression  of  the  vague  idea  that  Divine 
power  dwelt  on  the  spot. 

As  an  example  the  following  may  be  selected.  In  the 
corner  beneath  the  vast  wall  of  Taurus,  where  Lycaonia 
and  Cappadocia  meet,  at  the  head  of  a  narrow  and  pictur- 
esque glen,  there  flows  forth  from  many  outlets  in  the  main 
mass  of  Taurus  a  river — for  a  river  full  grown  it  issues 
from  the  rock.  Rushing  down  the  steep  glen,  it  meets  at 
its  foot  a  quieter  stream  flowing  from  the  east  through  a 
rich  soil,  and  long  after  the  junction  the  clear  water  from  the 
glen  refuses  to  mix  with  the  muddy  water  from  the  rich  soil 
of  the  valley.  The  stream  flows  on  for  a  few  miles  to  the 
west,  turning  this  corner  of  the  dry  Lycaonian  plain  into  a 
great  orchard,  and  there  it  falls  into  the  Ak  Gol  (White 
Lake),  The  lake  is  one  of  those  which  vary  greatly  in 
extent  in  difl"erent  years.  In  1 879  ^  it  reached  close  up  to 
the  rock-wall  of  Taurus,  and  flowed  with  a  steady  stream 
into  a  great  hole  in  the  side  of  the  mountain.  In  1882  and 
in  1890  it  did  not  reach  within  a  mile  of  the  mountain  side. 

'  This  I  learned  from  the  late  Sir  Charles  Wilson.  Recently  the  scene 
has  been  carefully  described  by  an  Austrian  traveller,  Dr.  Schaffer,  in  Ergan 
zunshcft  No.  141  to  Petermann's  Geogr.  Mittheilungen. 


PLATE   IV. 


To  face  p.  172. 


Fig.  9. — The  Peasant  God  at  Ibriz. 


Holy  Places  in   Western  Asia  173 

This  remarkable  river  has  always  been  recognised  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  glen  as  the  special  gift  of  God,  and  about 
B.C.  800  they  carved  on  a  rock  near  the  source  one  of  the 
most  remarkable,  and  even  beautiful,  monuments  of  ancient 
days,  figuring  the  god  presenting  his  gifts  of  corn  and  wine 
— whose  cultivation  the  river  makes  possible — to  the  king  of 
the  country.  The  king  is  dressed  in  gorgeous  embroidered 
robes,  the  god  is  represented  in  the  dress  of  a  peasant ;  he 
is  the  husbandman  who,  by  patience  and  toil,  subdues 
Nature  for  the  benefit  of  man.  This  old  conception  evinces 
imagination,  insight,  poetic  sympathy  with  Nature,  and 
artistic  power  to  embody  its  ideas  in  forms  that  appeal 
directly  to  the  spectator's  eye. 

The  modern  peasantry  recognise  as  fully  as  the  ancients 
that  the  Divine  power  is  manifested  here  ;  they  express 
their  belief  differently.  The  tree  nearest  the  spring  is  hung 
with  patches  of  rag,  fastened  to  it  by  modern  devotees.  In 
the  contrast  between  the  ancient  sculpture  and  the  modern 
tree  you  have,  in  miniature,  the  difference  between  Asia 
Minor  as  it  was  2,700  years  ago,  and  Asia  Minor  as  it  is 
under  the  Turk.  The  peasants'  language  is  as  poor  as  their 
ritual.  If  you  ask  them  why  they  hang  their  rags  on  the 
tree,  the  one  explanation  is  "  dede  var "  (there  is  a  dede). 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  idea  of  the  sacred  tree 
here  is  older  than  the  sculpture.  A  sacred  tree  hung  with 
little  offerings  of  the  peasantry  was  no  doubt  there  before 
the  sculpture  was  made,  and  has  in  all  probability  never 
been  wanting  in  the  religious  equipment  of  the  place.  It 
has  survived  the  sculpture,  which  has  now  no  nearer  relation 
to  the  life  and  thoughts  of  the  people  than  the  gods  in  the 
British  Museum  have  to  us,  while  the  tree  is  probably  a 
more  awful  object  to  the  peasants  than  the  village  mosque. 


174         ^^'   ^^^  Perinanence  of  Religion  at 

The  extreme  simplicity  of  the  peasants'  way  of  express- 
hig  their  religious  idea  is  interesting ;  it  is  so  contrasted 
with  the  manifold  mythopoetic  power  of  the  Greek  or  Celtic 
races.  It  throws  some  light  on  their  religious  attitude  to 
observe  that  in  their  topographical  nomenclature  there  is 
the  same  dearth  of  imaginative  interpretation  of  Nature. 
The  nearest  stream  is  commonly  known  as  Irmak,  the 
river,  Su,  the  water,  Tchai,  the  watercourse ;  half  the  popu- 
lation of  a  village  know  no  other  name  for  it,  while  the 
other  half,  more  educated,  know  that  it  is  distinguished  from 
other  streams  as  Kizil  Irmak  (red  river),  or  Ak  Su  (white 
water),  or  Gediz  Tchai  (the  stream  that  flows  by  the  town 
of  Gediz).  The  mountain  beside  the  village  is  commonly 
termed  simply  "  dagh " ;  if  you  ask  more  particularly,  you 
learn  that  it  is  the  "  dagh "  of  such  and  such  a  village ;  if 
you  ask  more  particularly  still,  you  find  that  some  one 
knows  that  it  is  Ala  Dagh  (the  Spotted  Mount),  or  Ak 
Dagh,  or  Kara  Dagh  (White  or  Black  Mount).  Very  rarely 
does  one  find  such  a  name  as  Ai  Doghmush,  the  Moon 
Rising ;  a  name  that  admirably  paints  the  distant  view  of 
a  beautiful  peak  near  Apamea-Cela^nae,  as  it  appears  rising 
over  some  intervening  ridge.  The  contrast  between  a  name 
like  this  and  the  common  Turkish  names  might  suggest 
that  it  is  a  translation  of  an  old  pre-Turkish  name ;  and  the 
same  thought  suggests  itself  in  the  case  of  Hadji-Baba, 
"  Pilgrim  Father,"  a  lofty  and  beautiful  peak  that  overhangs 
the  old  city  of  Derbe  (see  Art.  XI.). 

Wherever  the  sacred  building  is  connected  with  or 
directed  by  a  regular  body  of  dervishes,  it  is  called  a  teke ; 
where  it  is  little  more  than  a  mausoleum,  it  is  called  a  ^urde. 
The  most  characteristic  form  of  the  turde  is  a  small  round 
building  with  a  sloping  roof  rising  to  a  point  in  the  centre 


Holy  Places  in   Western  Asia  175 

and  surmounted  by  the  crescent ;  but  it  also  occurs  of 
various  forms,  degenerating  into  the  meanest  type  of  build- 
ing. Often,  however,  there  is  no  sacred  building.  The 
Divine  power  resides  in  a  tree  or  in  a  grove  (as  at  Satala,  in 
Lydia,  the  modern  Sandal),  or  in  a  rock,  or  in  a  hill.  I 
cannot  quote  a  specific  case  of  a  holy  rock,  though  I  have 
seen  several ;  but  of  several  holy  hills  the  most  remarkable 
occurs  about  two  hours  south-east  from  Kara  Bunar,  which 
probably  is  the  modern  representative  of  the  ancient  Hyde 
the  Holy,  Hiera  Hyde.  Here,  within  a  deep  circular  de- 
pression, cup-shaped  and  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in 
diameter,  there  rises  a  pointed  conical  hill  to  the  height  of 
several  hundred  feet,  having  a  well-marked  crater  in  its 
summit.  A  small  lake  nearly  surrounds  the  base  of  the 
hill.  The  ground  all  around  is  a  mere  mass  of  black 
cinders,  without  a  blade  of  vegetation.  I  asked  a  native 
what  this  hill  was  called ;  he  replied,  "  Mekke ;  Tuz-Mek- 
kesi  daiorlar"  (Mecca;  they  call  it  the  Salt-Mecca).  Mecca 
is  the  only  name  by  which  the  uneducated  natives  can 
signify  the  sacredness  of  a  place. 

In  connection  with  the  maintenance  of  tekes  and  iurbes, 
we  find  an  interesting  case  where  the  method  of  Roman 
law  has  survived  through  Byzantine  times  into  Turkish 
usage.  These  religious  institutions  have  been  kept  up  by 
a  rent  charged  on  estates  :  the  estates  descended  in  private 
possession,  according  to  the  ordinary  rules  of  inheritance, 
charged  with  the  rent  ( Vakuf).  The  system  is  precisely 
the  same  as  that  whereby  Pliny  the  younger  provided  a 
public  school  in  his  own  city  Novum  Comum  (Ep.  vii., 
18);  he  made  over  some  of  his  property  to  the  munici- 
pality, and  took  it  back  from  them  in  permanent  possession 
at  a  fixed  rent  (so  far  under  its  actual  value  as  to  provide 


176         VI.    The  Permanence  of  Religion  at 

for  contingencies) ;  and  the  possession  remained  with  his 
heirs,  and  could  be  sold.^ 

Much  difficulty  has  been  caused  in  Turkey  owing  to  the 
rents  having  become  insufficient  to  maintain  the  religious 
establishments.  Many  of  the  establishments,  as,  e.g.,  that 
of  Seidi  Ghazi  at  Nakoleia  (now  called  Seidi  Ghazi,  after 
the  hero),  are  rapidly  going  to  ruin.  The  Government  has 
made  great  efforts  to  cope  with  the  difficulties  of  the  case ; 
but  its  efforts  have  only  been  partially  successful ;  and  many 
of  the  old  establishments  have  fallen  into  ruins.  It  is  only 
fair  to  remember  and  to  estimate  rightly  the  magnitude  and 
difficulty  of  the  task  which  the  Government  had  to  under- 
take, but  the  fact  remains  that  the  Evkaf  Department  is 
popularly  believed  to  be  very  corrupt,  and  its  administration 
has  been  far  from  good.  It  must,  however,  be  acknowledged 
that  in  the  last  few  years  the  traveller  observes  (at  least  in 
those  districts  where  I  have  been  wandering)  a  veiy  marked 
improvement  in  this  respect. 

There  appear  to  be  cases  in  which  the  actual  rites  and 
forms,  or  at  least  the  accompaniments,  of  a  pre-Moham- 
medan,  or  even  pre-Christian,  worship  are  preserved  and 
respected  by  Mohammedans.  A  few  examples  out  of  many 
may  be  given  here  in  addition  to  those  which  have  been 
mentioned  in  the  preceding  article,  §  2. 

I.  The  Ayasma  (any  holy  spring  to  which  the  Christians 
resort)  is  also  respected  by  the  Mohammedans,  who  have 
sometimes  a  holy  tree  in  the  neighbourhood.  In  general  a 
Christian  place  of  pilgrimage   is    much   respected    by  the 

'  This  custom  is  the  same  as  that  which,  according  to  Professor  Momm- 
sen,  is  called  avitum  in  an  inscription  of  Ferentinum  (C.  /.  L.,  x.,  No.  5853)  and 
in  one  of  the  receipts  found  in  the  house  of  Csecilius  Jucundus  at  Pompeii, 
and  which  is  termed  avitum  et  patritum  in  another  of  Csecilius  Jucundus's 
receipts  (Hermes,  xii.,  p.  123). 


PLATE  V. 


Fig.  io. — The  Bridge  over  the  Pyramos  at  Missis  (Mrs.  Christie  of  Tarsus). 


PLATE  VL 


Fig.  ir. — The  Bridge  over  the  Saros  at  Adana  (Mrs.  Christie  of  Tarsus). 
To  face  p.  176.  Sec  p.  274. 


Holy  Places  in   Western  Asia  177 

Turkish  peasantry.  At  Hassa  Keui,  the  old  Sasima,  in 
Cappadocia,  the  feast  of  St.  Makrina  on  25th  January- 
attracts  not  merely  Christians  from  Konia,  Adana,  Caesarea, 
etc.,  but  even  Turks,  who  bring  their  sick  animals  to  be 
cured.i  Many  great  old  Christian  festivals  are  regarded 
with  almost  equal  awe  by  the  peasant  Turks  and  by  the 
Christians,  as  we  saw  above. 

2.  Iflatun  Bunar;  springs  with  strange  virtues  and  hav- 
ing legends  and  religious  awe  attached  to  them,  are  in  some 
cases  called  by  the  name  of  the  Greek  philosopher  Plato, 
which  seems  to  imply  some  current  belief  in  a  magician 
Plato  (like  the  mediaeval  Virgil).  One  of  these  springs  of 
Plato  is  in  the  acropolis  of  Iconium :  the  history  of  Iconium 
is  not  well  enough  known  to  enable  us  to  assert  that  the 
spring  was  holy  in  former  times,  however  probable  this  may 
be.  Another  is  situated  about  fifty  miles  west  of  Iconium, 
and  from  the  margin  of  the  water  rise  the  walls  of  a  half- 
ruined  little  temple,  built  of  very  large  stones  and  adorned 
with  sculptures  of  a  religious  character,  showing  the  sanc- 
tity that  has  attached  to  the  spring  from  time  immemorial. 
The  sculptures  belong  to  the  primitive  Anatolian  period, 
generally  called  Hittite. 

We  may  note  in  passing  that  Plato's  Springs  belong  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  Iconium,  the  capital  of  the  Seljuk 
kingdom  of  Roum,  where  a  high  standard  of  art  and  civili- 
sation was  maintained  until  the  rise  of  the  Ottoman  Turks. 
The  name  of  Plato  probably  was  attached  to  the  springs  in 
the  Seljuk  period,  when  Greek  philosophy  was  studied  and 
perhaps  Plato  was  popularly  known  as  a  wise  man  or 
magician  (just  as  Virgil  was  the  great  magician  of  European 
mediaeval  superstition  and  literature). 

^  Carnoy  et  Nicolaides,  Traditions  populaires  de  I'Asie  Mineure,  p.  204. 

12 


178         VI.    The  Permanence  of  Religion  at 

3.  The  Takhtaji,  woodcutters  and  charcoal-burners,  are 
not  pure  Mohammedans.  Their  strange  customs  have 
suggested  to  several  independent  observers  the  idea  that 
they  are  aboriginal  Anatolians,  who  retain  traces  of  a  reli- 
gion older  even  than  Christianity.^  Nothing  certain  is 
known  about  their  rites  and  the  localities  of  their  worship, 
except  that  cemeteries  are  their  meeting-place  and  are  by 
the  credulous  Turks  believed  to  be  the  scene  of  hideous 
orgies. 

The  Takhtaji  must  be  classed  along  with  several  other 
isolated  peoples  of  the  country,  who  retain  old  pre-Christian 
rites.  They  are  all  very  obscure,  poor  and  despised  ;  and 
it  is  extremely  difficult  to  get  any  information  about  them. 
A  friend  who  has  been  on  friendly  terms  with  some  of  them 
from  infancy  told  me  that,  however  intimate  he  might  be 
with  some  of  them,  it  was  impossible  to  get  them  to  talk 
about  their  religious  beliefs  or  rites.  Two  things,  however, 
he  had  learned — one  of  which  is,  I  think,  unrecorded  by 
other  inquirers.'-^  In  the  first  place,  there  is  a  head  or  chief- 
priest  of  their  religion,  who  resides  somewhere  in  the  Adana 
district,  but  makes  visits  occasionally  to  the  outlying  settle- 
ments— even  as  far  as  the  neighbourhood  of  Smyrna  (where 
my  informant  lives).  This  high-priest  enters  any  house  and 
takes  up  his  abode  in  it  as  he  pleases,  while  the  owner  con- 
cedes to  him  during  his  stay  all  rights  over  property,  children 
and  wives.     This  priest  is  evidently  the  old  priest-king  of 

^  See  Humann  and  Puchstein,  Reisen  in  Klcinasien  nnd  Nordsyrien. 
Mr.  Hyde  Clarke  has  long  had  this  idea,  which  is,  he  says,  fully  proved  by 
what  he  has  seen  and  heard  among  the  people.  On  their  ethnological 
character  see  Von  Luschan  in  Benndorf-Niemann,  Lykia,  vol.  ii.  My 
ideas  have  been  gained  originally  from  Sir  C.  Wilson. 

"^E.g,,  Von  Luschan  in  Lykia  (Benndorf-Niemann,  etc.),  ii.,  p.  186; 
Crowfoot,  Journ.  Anthr.  Inst.,  igoo,  Man,  1901. 


Holy  Places  in    Western  Asia  179 

the  primitive  Anatolian  religion,  who  exercises  in  a  vulgar- 
ised form  the  absolute  authority  of  the  god  over  all  his 
people.  In  the  second  place,  my  informant  corroborated 
the  usual  statement  about  them,  that  their  holy  place — 
where  they  meet  to  celebrate  the  ritual  of  their  cult — is  the 
cemetery.  He  had  not  been  able  to  learn  anything  about 
the  rites  practised  there.  This  again  is  a  part  of  the  primi- 
tive religion  of  the  land.  It  is  a  probable  theory  ^  that  the 
early  custom  was  "  to  bury  the  dead,  not  along  the  roads 
leading  out  from  the  city  (as  in  Greece,  and  beside  the 
great  Hellenised  cities  of  Anatolia),  but  in  cemeteries  beside 
or  around  the  central  Hiecon  ".  "  It  may  be  doubted  whether 
in  old  Phrygian  custom  there  was  any  sacred  place  without 
a  grave.  Every  place  which  was  put  under  Divine  protec- 
tion for  the  benefit  of  society  was  (as  I  believe)  consecrated 
by  a  grave."  "  The  dead  was  merged  in  the  deity,  and 
the  gravestone  was  in  itself  a  dedication  to  the  god."  In 
death  the  people  of  the  Great  Goddess  returned  to  her, 
their  mother  and  the  mother  of  all  life,  and  lay  close  to  her 
holy  place  and  home.  "  The  old  custom  remains  strong 
throughout  Christian  and  Moslem  time."  The  grave  of  a 
martyr,  real  or  supposed,  gave  Christian  consecration  to 
some  of  the  old  holy  places,  "  Wherever  a  Moslem  Turbe 
is  built  to  express  in  Mohammedan  form  the  religious  awe 
with  which  the  Moslem  population  still  regards  all  the  old 
holy  places,  there  is  always  in  or  under  it  the  grave  of  some 
old  supposed  Moslem  hero,  and  a  Moslem  legend  grows  up, 
and  Divine  power  is  manifested  there  with  miraculous  cures." 
4.  The  music  and  dancing  of  the  Mevlevi  dervishes  have 
much  of  the  character  of  the  old  ritual  of  Cybele,  toned 

1  The  following  sentences  are  quoted  from  my  Studies  in  the  Eastern 
Roman  Provinces  (Hodder  &  Stoughton,  1906),  p.  273. 


i8o        VI.    The  Permanence  of  Religion  at 

down   and  regulated  by  the  calmer  spirit  of  the  Moham- 
medan religion  and  the  Turkish  character. 

5.  In  the  Hermus  Valley,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Sardis, 
are  several  villages,  in  which  dwell  a  strange  people,  who 
practise  a  mixed  sort  of  religion.^  In  outward  appearance 
they  are  Mohammedans.  But  the  women  do  not  veil  their 
faces  in  the  presence  of  men,  and  the  two  sexes  associate 
freely  together.  This  freedom  is,  of  course,  usual  among 
many  Anatolian  tribes  of  a  nomadic  character,  Turkmen, 
Avshahr,  Yuruk,  etc.,  and  is  the  perpetuation  of  primitive 
Turkish  custom  before  the  Turks  came  in  contact  with 
Semitic  people  and  adopted  the  religion  of  Islam.  But  in 
the  villages  of  the  Hermus  Valley  the  freedom  probably  has 
a  different  origin,  as  the  other  characteristics  of  the  people 
show.  While  the  men  bear  only  Mohammedan  names, 
the  women  are  said  often  to  have  such  Christian  names  as 
Sophia,  Anna,  Miriam,  etc.  They  do  not  observe  the 
Moslem  feast  of  Ramazan,  but  celebrate  a  fast  of  twelve 
days  in  spring.  They  drink  wine,  which  is  absolutely  for- 
bidden by  the  law  of  Mohammed  ;  yet  we  were  told  that 
drunkenness  is  unknown  among  them  and  that  they  are 
singularly  free  from  vice.  They  practise  strict  monogamy, 
and  divorce  is  absolutely  forbidden  among  them,  which 
stands  in  the  strongest  contrast  with  the  almost  perfect 
freedom  and  ease  of  divorce  among  the  Mohammedans. 
In  the  usual  Turkish  villages  there  is  always  a  mosque  of 
some  sort,  even  if  it  be  only  a  tumble-down  mud  hovel, 
between  which  and  the  ordinary  houses  of  the  villagers  the 
difference  is  hardly  perceptible  to  the  eye  of  the  casual 

'  The  following  sentences  are  quoted  nearly  verbatim  from  an  account 
published  by  Mrs.  Ramsay  in  the  British  Monthly,  March,  1902,  shortly  after 
we  had  visited  the  place. 


Holy  Places  in   Western  Asia  i8i 

traveller ;  but  in  those  villages  of  the  Hermus  Valley  there 
is  no  mosque  of  any  description.  There  is,  however,  a  kind 
of  religious  official,  called  popularly  "  Kara-Bash,"  one  who 
wears  a  black  head-dress,  who  visits  the  people  of  the 
different  villages  at  intervals,  when  they  assemble  in  one 
of  the  houses.  How  these  assemblies  are  conducted,  our 
brief  stay  did  not  enable  us  to  discover.  Our  informant,  a 
Christian  resident  of  Albanian  origin,  was  quite  convinced 
that  these  villagers  were  Christians  with  a  thin  veneer  of 
Mohammedanism,  and  declared  that,  if  there  were  no  Sultan, 
missionaries  could  make  them  by  the  hundred  come  over  to 
profess  Christianity  openly.  He  himself  was  in  the  habit 
of  reading  the  New  Testament  to  them  privately,  to  their 
great  satisfaction. 

Some  few  of  these  details  we  were  able  to  verify  person- 
ally ;  but  most  of  them  rest  on  the  authority  of  our  inform- 
ant, who  is  a  perfectly  trustworthy  person. 

The  same  situation  for  great  religious  centres  has  in  many 
cases  continued  from  a  pre-Mohammedan,  and  even  from 
a  pre-Christian,  period.  In  some  cases,  as  in  great  cities 
like  Iconium,  the  mere  continuity  of  historical  importance 
might  account  for  the  continuity  of  religious  importance; 
but  in  other  cases  only  the  local  sanctity  can  explain  it,  for 
the  political  prominence  has  disappeared  from  many  places 
which  retain  their  religious  eminence. 

The  fact  which  is  most  widely  and  clearly  observable  in 
connection  with  the  localities  of  modern  religious  feeling 
is  that  they  are  in  so  very  many  cases  identical  with  the 
scenes  of  ancient  life,  and  often  of  ancient  worship.  Every 
place  which  shows  obvious  traces  of  human  skill  and  human 
handiwork  is  impressive  to  the  ruder  modern  inhabitants. 
The  commonest  term  to  express  the  awe  that  such  places 


1 82         VI.    The  Permanence  of  Religion  at 

rouse  is  kaj'a.  In  actual  usage  kara  (literally,  black)  is 
not  much  used  to  indicate  mere  colour.  A  black  object  is 
siakJi ;  but  Kara  Mehmet  means,  not  Mehmet  with  black 
complexion,  but  big,  or  powerful,  or  strong,  or  dangerous 
Mehmet.  Ancient  sites  are  frequently  called  kara :  thus 
we  have  Sanduklu,  the  modern  town,  and  Kara  Sanduklu, 
five  miles  distant,  the  site  of  the  ancient  Phrygian  city 
Brouzos. 

No  village  names  are  commoner  in  modern  Turkey  in 
Asia  than  Kara  Euren,  or  Karadja  Euren,  and  Kizil  Euren. 
I  have  never  known  a  case  in  which  Kizil  Euren  marks  an 
ancient  site ;  ^  whereas  a  Kara  or  Karaja  Euren  always,  in 
my  experience,  contains  remains  of  antiquity,  and  often  is 
the  site  of  an  ancient  city. 

The  awe  that  attaches  to  ancient  places  is  almost  invari- 
ably marked  by  the  presence  of  a  dede  and  his  ///rde,  if  not 
by  some  more  imposing  religious  building  ;  and  a  religious 
map  of  Asia  Minor  would  be  by  far  the  best  guide  to  the 
earlier  history  of  the  countr}^  Even  a  junction  of  two 
important  ancient  roads  has  its  dede :  for  example,  the 
point  where  the  road  leading  north  from  the  Cilician  Gates 
forks  from  the  road  that  leads  west  is  still  marked  by  a 
little  turde,  but  by  no  habitation.  [It  must,  however,  be 
added,  as  I  have  since  discovered,  that  the  village  Halala 
was  probably  situated  there :  see  Art.  XI.] 

The  exceptions  to  this  law  are  so  rare,  that  in  each  case 
some  remarkable  fact  of  history  will  probably  be  found 
underlying  and  causing  it,  and  these  exceptions  ought 
always  to  be  carefully  observed  and  scrutinised  ;  some  ap- 
parent exceptions  turn  out  to  be  really  strong  old  examples 

^  The  name  usually  marks  some  obvious  feature  of  the  modern  village, 
e.g.,  reddish  stones. 


Holy  Places  in   Western  Asia  183 

of  the  rule,  as  when  some  very  insignificant  mark  of  religious 
awe  is  absolutely  the  sole  mark  of  modern  life  and  interest 
existing  upon  an  otherwise  quite  deserted  site.  Two  ancient 
cities  I  have  seen,  and  yet  cannot  actually  testify  to  the 
existence  of  an  unbroken  religious  history  on  their  sites— 
Laodicea  on  the  Lycus,  and  Comana  in  Cappadocia — but 
in  the  latter  case  the  construction  of  a  modern  Armenian 
village  on  a  site  where  fifty  years  ago  no  human  being 
lived  has  made  such  a  break  in  its  history,  that  very  close 
examination  would  be  needed  to  discover  the  proof  of 
continuity.  Both  these  cases  are,  perhaps,  not  real  ex- 
ceptions, but  I  have  never  examined  them  with  care  for 
this  special  purpose,  for  it  is  only  in  very  recent  times  that 
I  have  come  to  recognise  this  principle,  and  to  make  it  a 
guide  in  discovery. 

If  we  go  back  to  an  earlier  point  in  history,  no  doubt 
can  remain  that  the  Christian  religion  in  Asia  Minor  was 
in  a  similar  way  strongly  affected  in  its  forms  by  earlier 
religious  facts,  though  the  unity  of  the  Universal  Church 
did  for  a  time  contend  strenuously  and  with  a  certain  degree 
of  success  against  local  variations  and  local  attachment. 

1.  The  native  Phrygian  element  in  Montanism  has  been 
frequently  alluded  to,  and  need  not  be  described  in  detail. 
The  prophets  and  prophetesses,  the  intensity  and  enthu- 
siasm of  that  most  interesting  phase  of  religion,  are  native 
to  the  soil,  not  merely  springing  from  the  character  of  the 
race,  but  bred  in  the  race  by  the  air  and  soil  in  which  it 
was  nurtured. 

2.  A  woman,  who  prophesied,  preached,  baptised,  walked 
in  the  snow  with  bare  feet  without  feeling  the  cold,  and 
wrought  many  wonders  of  the  established  type  in  Cappa- 
docia in  the  beginning  of  the  third  century,  is  described  by 


184         ^^-    The  Permanence  of  Religion  at 

Firmilian,  Bishop  of  Caesarea.^     The  local  connection  did 
not  interest  Firmilian,  and  is  lost  to  us. 

3.  Glycerius  the  deacon,  who  personated  the  patriarch 
at  the  festival  of  Venasa,  in  Cappadocia,  in  the  fourth 
century,  was  only  maintaining  the  old  ritual  of  Zeus  of 
Venasa,  as  celebrated  by  the  high-priest  who  represented 
the  god  on  earth.  The  heathen  god  made  his  annual  pro- 
gress through  his  country  at  the  same  festival  in  which 
Glycerius  led  a  ceremonial  essentially  similar  in  type  to  the 
older  ritual.     See  my  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire^  ch.  xviii. 

4.  The  Virgin  Mother  at  the  Lakes  replaced  the  Virgin 
Artemis  of  the  Lakes,  in  whose  honour  a  strange  and  enig- 
matic association  (known  to  us  by  a  group  of  long  inscrip- 
tions and  subscription  lists)  met  at  the  north-eastern  corner 
of  the  Lakes. ^ 

5.  The  Archangel  of  Colossae,  who  clove  the  remarkable 
gorge  by  which  the  Lycus  passes  out  of  the  city,  no  doubt 
was  the  Christian  substitute  for  the  Zeus  of  Colossae,  who 
had  done  the  same  in  primitive  time :  Herodotus  alludes 
to  the  cleft  through  which  the  Lycus  flows,  but  does  not 
mention  the  religious  beliefs  associated  with  it  i^TJie  Church 
in  the  Roman  Em,pire,  ch.  xix.). 

6.  The  Ayasma  at  Tymandos,  to  which  the  Christians  of 
Apollonia  still  go  on  an  annual  festival,  was  previously  the 
wonder-working  fountain  of  Hercules  Restitutor,  as  we 
learn  from  an  inscription. 

7.  In  numerous  instances  the  legends  of  the  local  heathen 
deities  were  transferred  to  the  local  saints,  to  whose  prayers 
were   ascribed   the   production    of  hot   springs,   lakes   and 

'  See  Cyprian,  Epist.  75,  §  10. 

^See  Articles  IV.  and  V.  of  this  volume.  Other  examples  are  quoted  in 
Article  IV.,  §  2. 


Holy  Places  in   Western  Asia  185 

other  natural  phenomena.  The  examples  are  too  numerous 
to  mention.  Sometimes  they  enable  us  to  restore  with  con- 
fidence part  of  the  hieratic  pagan  legends  of  a  district,  as, 
for  example,  we  find  that  a  familiar  Greek  legend  has  been 
attached  to  Avircius  Marcellus,  a  Phrygian  historical  figure 
of  the  second  century,  and  he  is  said  to  have  submitted  to 
the  jeers  of  the  mob  as  he  sat  on  a  stone.  We  may  feel 
confident  that  the  legend  of  Demeter,  sitting  on  the  rock 
called  a7eXacrT09  Trerpa  and  mocked  by  the  pitiless  mob, 
which  was  localised  by  the  Greeks  at  Eleusis,  had  its  home 
also  in  this  district  of  Phrygia.     See  also  p.  188. 

We  can  then  trace  many  examples  of  the  unbroken  con- 
tinuance of  religious  awe  attached  to  special  localities  from 
the  dawn  of  historical  memory  to  the  present  day.  What 
reason  can  be  detected  for  this  attachment?  In  studying 
this  aspect  of  the  human  spirit  in  its  attitude  towards  the 
Divine  nature  that  surrounds  it,  the  first  requisite  is  a  re- 
ligious map  of  Asia  Minor.  This  remains  to  be  made,  and 
it  would  clear  up  by  actual  facts,  not  darken  by  rather 
hazardous  theories  (as  some  modern  discussions  do),  a  very 
interesting  phase  of  history.^ 

The  extraordinary  variety  of  races  which  have  passed 
across  Asia  Minor,  and  which  have  all  probably  without 
exception  left  representatives  of  their  stock  in  the  country, 
makes  Asia  Minor  a  specially  instructive  region  to  study 
in  reference  to  the  connection  of  religion  with  geographical 
facts.  Where  a  homogeneous  race  is  concerned,  a  doubt 
always  exists  whether  the  facts  are  due  to  national  character 
— to  use   a   question-begging   phrase — or   to  geographical 

1  The  observation  and  recording  of  all  turbes  may  be  urged  on  every 
traveller  in  Asia  Minor,  especially  on  the  French  students  of  the  Ecole 
d'Athencs,  from  whom  there  is  so  much  to  hope. 


1 86         VI.    The  Pertnanence  of  Religion  at 

environment.  But  where  a  great  number  of  heterogene- 
ous races  are  concerned,  we  can  eliminate  all  independent 
action  of  the  human  spirit,  and  attain  a  certainty  that, 
since  races  of  most  diverse  character  are  similarly  afifected 
in  this  country,  the  cause  lies  in  the  natural  character  of 
the  land. 

One  fact,  however,  is  too  obvious  and  prominent  to  be  a 
matter  of  theory.  In  a  considerable  number  of  cases  the 
sacred  spot  has  been  chosen  by  the  Divine  power,  and 
made  manifest  to  mankind  by  easily  recognised  signs.  An 
entrance  from  the  upper-world  to  the  world  of  death  and  of 
God  and  of  the  riches  and  wonders  of  the  under-world,  is 
there  seen.  The  entrance  is  marked  by  its  appearance,  by 
the  character  of  the  soil,  by  hot  springs,  by  mephitic  odours, 
or  (as  at  Tyana)  by  the  cold  spring  which  seems  always 
boiling,  in  which  the  water  is  always  bubbling  up  from 
beneath,  yet  never  overflows.  The  god  has  here  manifested 
his  power  so  plainly  that  all  men  must  recognise  it. 

One  fact,  however,  I  may  refer  to  in  conclusion,  on  a 
subject  on  which  more  knowledge  may  be  hoped  for. 
Throughout  ancient  history  in  Asia  Minor  a  remarkable 
prominence  in  religion,  in  politics,  in  society  characterises 
the  position  of  women.  Most  of  the  best  attested  and 
least  dubious  cases  of  MiitterrecJit  in  ancient  history  belong 
to  Asia  Minor ;  and  it  has  always  appeared  to  me  that  the 
sporadic  examples  which  can  be  detected  among  the  Greek 
races  are  alien  to  the  Ar\an  type,  and  are  due  to  inter- 
mixture of  custom,  and  perhaps  of  blood,  from  a  non-Aryan 
stock  whose  centre  seems  to  be  in  Asia  Minor ;  others,  who 
to  me  are  friends  and  ^'CKoi  dvBp€<i,  differ  on  this  point,  and 
regard  as  a  universal  stage  in  human  development  what  I 
look  on  as  a  special  characteristic  of  certain  races. 


Holy  Places  in   Western  Asia  187 

Herodotus  speaks  of  the  Lycian  custom  of  reckoning 
descent  through  the  mother,  but  the  influence  of  Greek 
civiHsation  destroyed  this  character,  which  was  barbarian 
and  not  Greek,  and  hardly  a  trace  of  it  can  be  detected 
surviving  in  the  later  period.  Lycia  had  become  Greek 
in  the  time  of  Cicero,  as  that  orator  mentions.  When, 
however,  we  go  to  regions  remoter  from  Greek  influence, 
we  have  more  hope  of  discovering  traces  of  the  pre-Greek 
character,  e.g.,  the  inscriptions  of  a  little  Isaurian  town, 
Dalisandos,  explored  two  years  ago  by  my  friend  Mr. 
Hogarth,  seem  to  prove  that  it  was  not  unusual  there  to 
trace  descent  through  the  mother  even  in  the  third  or  the 
fourth  century  after  Christ. 

Even  under  the  Roman  government,  and  in  the  most 
advanced  of  civilised  cities  of  the  country,  one  fact  persisted, 
which  can  hardly  be  explained  except  through  the  influence 
of  the  old  native  custom  of  assigning  an  unusually  high 
rank  to  the  female  sex.  The  number  of  women  magistrates 
in  Asia  Minor  is  a  fact  that  strikes  one  on  an  even  super- 
ficial glance  into  the  later  inscriptions. 

In  the  Christian  period  we  find  that  every  heresy  in 
which  the  Anatolian  character  diverged  from  the  standard 
of  the  Universal  Church  was  marked  by  the  prominent 
position  assigned  to  women.  Even  the  Jews  were  so  far 
affected  by  the  general  character  of  the  land,  that  the  unique 
example  of  a  woman  ruler  of  the  synagogue  occurs  in  an 
inscription  found  at  Smyrna.^ 

We  would  gladly  find  some  other  facts  bearing  on  and 
illustrating  this  remarkable  social  phenomenon.  My  own 
theory  is  that  it  is  the  result  of  the  superiority  in  type,  pro- 

^  See  my  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire,  pp.  i6i,  345,  360,  375,  438,  452- 
459.  480. 


1 88  VI.   The  Permanence  of  Religion 

duced  to  a  noticeable  degree  by  the  character  of  the  country 
in  the  character  of  the  women  at  least  of  the  Greek  race,  for 
the  poorer  Turkish  women  are  so  overworked  from  childhood 
that  their  physical  and  mental  growth  is  stunted.^ 

^  Impycssions  of  Turkey,  pp,  43,  49,  168,  258,  270  f. 


Note  to  p.  176  f. — The  Turks'  reverence  for  a  Christian  holy  place  (cer- 
tainly pre-Christian  also),  is  shown  at  the  monastery  of  St.  Chariton,  five 
miles  W.N.W.  of  Iconium,  in  a  narrow  rocky  glen.  The  monastery  is 
deserted,  but  the  buildings  are  complete  and  in  good  order,  and  the  Greeks 
celebrate  an  annual  Panegyris  there  on  28th  September,  staying  several  days 
at  the  holy  place.  Inside  the  monastery  is  a  small  Turkish  mosque,  to  which 
the  Moslems  resort ;  and  the  story  goes  that  the  son  of  a  Seljuk  sultan  fell  over 
the  precipice  under  which  the  buildings  are,  and  was  saved  by  St.  Chariton. 
Inside  are  shrines  also  of  the  Panagia,  Saba,  and  Amphilochius.  Chariton 
founded  monasteries  in  Palestine.  His  biography,  written  after  372,  says 
he  was  born  at  Iconium  (Prov.  Lycaoniae),  and  was  arrested  and  liberated 
under  Aurelian  (quite  unhistorical). 

In  a  similar  glen,  a  mile  north,  is  a  village  Tsille,  full  of  holy  places, 
St.  George,  Ayios  Panteleemon,  Panagia,  Prophet  Elias,  Archangel  Michael 
(whose  church  was  built  by  Constantine  and  Helena),  and  above  all  the  hole 
in  the  rock  into  which  St.  Thekla  was  received,  and  St.  Marina  on  a  hill 
opposite  her  (proving  the  craving  for  a  female  representative  of  the  Great 
Goddess  (see  p.  134  f.).     Near  St.  Marina  is  a  place  Ayanni,  i.e.,  St.  John. 

These  lie  round  the  base  of  St.  Philip  (see  p.  296),  and  attest  the  holi- 
ness of  this  mountain  region,  within  which,  further  north,  dwells  the 
Zizimene  Mother  at  her  quicksilver  mines. 


VII 
THE  ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES 


VII 

THE  ACTS  OF  THE  APOSTLES 

The  question  with  regard  to  the  historical  trustworthiness 
and  the  date  of  composition  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  is 
at  present  in  a  somewhat  delicate  and  wavering  position. 
A  marked  change  has  taken  place  during  the  last  ten  years 
in  the  attitude  of  the  school  which  we  must  call  by  the 
misleading  epithet  of  the  "  critical "  party  toward  the  ques- 
tion. Twenty  or  fifteen  years  ago  there  was  a  large  body 
of  learned  opinion  in  Europe  which  regarded  the  question 
as  practically  decided  and  ended,  with  the  result  that  the 
Acts  was  a  work  composed  somewhere  toward  the  middle 
of  the  second  century  after  Christ,  by  an  author  who  held 
strong  views  about  the  disputes  taking  place  in  his  own 
time,  and  who  wrote  a  biased  and  coloured  history  of  the 
early  stages  in  Christian  history  with  the  intention  of  in- 
fluencing contemporary  controversies.  The  opinion  was 
widely  held  in  Europe  that  no  scholar  who  possessed  both 
honesty  and  freedom  of  mind  could  possibly  dispute  this 
result. 

Such  extreme  opinions  are  now  held  chiefly  by  the  less 
educated  enthusiasts,  who  catch  up  the  views  of  the  great 
scholars  and  exaggerate  them  with  intense  but  ill-informed 
fervour,  seeing  only  one  side  of  the  case  and  both  careless 
and  ignorant  of  the  opposite  side.  Setting  aside  a  small 
school  in  Holland,  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  in  Europe 

(191) 


192  VII 

any  scholar  of  acknowledged  standing  who  would  not  at 
once  admit  that  criticism  has  failed  to  establish  that  extreme 
view,  and  that  an  earlier  date  and  greater  trustworthiness 
can  reasonably  be  claimed  for  the  book.  But  when  we  go 
beyond  this  general  admission,  we  find  that  critical  and 
scholarly  opinion  is  now  wavering  and  far  from  self-con- 
sistent ;  it  has  not  attained  complete  and  thorough  con- 
sciousness of  its  own  position,  and  it  tries  to  unite  prejudices 
and  feelings  of  the  earlier  narrow  and  confident  critical 
period  with  the  freer  and  less  dogmatically  positive  attitude 
of  the  most  recent  scholarship. 

While  we  are  glad  at  the  decisive  defeat  of  the  hard- 
and-fast  confidence  expressed  by  the  older  criticism,  we 
desire  to  acknowledge  fully  the  service  that  its  bold  and 
acute  spirit  has  rendered  to  New  Testament  study.  We 
believe  that,  while  its  results  are  to  a  very  great  degree 
mistaken,  and  its  books  may  safely  be  relegated  to  the 
remotest  shelves  of  libraries,  its  spirit  was  in  many  respects 
admirable,  and  it  formed  a  necessary  stage  in  the  slow  pro- 
gress towards  truth.  We  honour  many  of  those  whose  views 
we  treat  as  so  mistaken  more  highly  than  we  do  some  whose 
opinions  seem  to  us  to  approximate  practically  much  more 
closely  to  the  truth,  but  whose  spirit  showed  little  of  the 
enthusiastic  devotion  to  historical  method  which  charac- 
terised the  great  critical  scholars. 

But  if  their  spirit  was  so  admirable  and  their  learning  so 
great,  why  were  their  results  so  far  from  the  truth  ?  That 
question  must  rise  to  the  lips  of  every  reader.  Apart  from 
psychological  reasons,  such  as  the  too  strong  reaction  and 
revolt  from  the  tyranny  of  an  assumed  and  unverified 
standard  of  orthodox  opinion,  the  great  cause  of  error  lay  in 
misapprehension  as  to  Roman  Imperial  history.     The  history 


PLATE  VII. 


Fig.  12. — The  Bridge  over  the  Cydnus  on  the  East  of  Tarsus 
(Mrs.  Christie  of  Tarsus). 
To  face  p.  192.  See  p.  2"]^. 


The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  193 

of  the  Empire  has  been  recreated  in  the  last  quarter  of  a 
century.  The  main  facts  indeed  remain  unmodified,  but 
the  spirit,  the  tone,  the  point  of  view  are  entirely  changed. 
The  Roman  Empire  has  now  become  known  to  us  in  an 
entirely  different  way.  The  ancient  historians  recorded 
striking  events  and  the  biographies  of  leading  personages. 
They  were  almost  wholly  silent  as  to  the  way  in  which  the 
Empire  was  organised  and  administered,  the  relation  of  the 
parts  to  each  other,  the  development  of  the  provinces,  and, 
in  short,  almost  everything  which  the  modern  historian 
regards  as  really  important.  The  mad  freaks  of  Caligula, 
the  vices  of  Nero,  were  recorded  in  minute  detail ;  but  we 
look  vainly  in  the  old  historians  for  any  account  of  the 
method  whereby  the  first  six  years  of  Nero's  reign  were 
made  one  of  the  best  and  happiest  periods  in  the  history  of 
the  world. 

The  truth  is  that  the  machinery  of  government  was  so 
ably  put  together  that  it  was  to  a  considerable  degree  inde- 
pendent of  the  personal  character  of  the  Emperor,  whose 
vices  and  crimes  might  run  riot  in  the  capital  and  keep  his 
immediate  surroundings  in  a  state  of  continuous  panic  with- 
out doing  much  harm  to  the  general  administration  of  the 
Empire.  The  city  of  Rome  was  no  longer  the  heart  and 
brain  and  seat  of  life  for  the  Empire.  The  provinces  were 
growing  every  year  in  importance  ;  and  the  pre-eminence 
of  Rome  was  becoming  in  some  degree  a  superstition  and 
an  antiquarian  survival.  But  the  old  historians  did  not  see 
the  truth  ;  they  still  thought  that  it  was  beneath  the  dignity 
of  Rome  to  regard  the  provinces  as  more  than  ornamental 
appendages  and  embellishments  of  her  dignity. 

In  recent  years  the  continuous  study  of  the  details  of 
administration  has  resulted   in  bringing  them  together  in 

13 


194  VII 

such  numbers  that  some  conception  can  be  gained  of  the 
real  character  of  Roman  Imperial  history.  Mommsen  has 
been  the  organiser  of  the  study.  He  has  liad  many  coad- 
jutors. Scholars  of  many  nations  have  worked  under  his 
direction,  formally  or  informally ;  but  it  is  he  that  has 
mapped  out  the  work  and  indicated  the  proper  method ; 
and  he  beyond  all  others  has  been  able  to  take  a  compre- 
hensive survey  of  the  whole  field.  But,  unfortunately,  he 
has  never  written  the  history  of  the  Empire.  He  has 
published  a  survey  of  the  provinces  of  the  Empire,  lucid  and 
able,  but  so  brief  in  its  treatment  of  each  separate  country 
that  it  is  more  valuable  as  teaching  general  principles  than 
as  a  record  of  the  actual  facts  in  each  province. 

Thus  the  results  of  the  new  methods  of  Imperial  history 
have  not  been  fully  applied  to  the  study  of  early  Christian 
history.  They  have  been  little  known  to  the  theologians, 
and  have  certainly  never  been  thoroughly  appreciated  by 
them.  Now  Christianity  was  the  fullest  expression  of  the 
new  spirit  in  the  Roman  Empire,  the  refusal  of  the  provinces 
to  accept  tamely  the  tone  of  Rome.  In  Christianity  the 
provinces  conquered  Rome  and  recreated  the  Empire.  To 
study  Christianity  from  the  proper  historical  point  of  view, 
it  is  therefore  peculiarly  necessary  to  stand  on  the  level  of 
the  new  Roman  history.  There  lies  the  defect  in  the  theo- 
logical criticism  of  the  New  Testament  on  its  historical  side ; 
it  has  missed  the  vital  factor  in  the  history,  and  with  many 
wise  and  able  suggestions  it  has  erred  seriously  in  the  general 
view.  On  the  whole,  German  criticism  of  early  Christian 
history  has  been,  and  still  is,  in  the  pre-Mommsenian  stage 
as  regards  its  historical  spirit. 

Let  us  take  an  example.  For  many  years  critic  after 
critic  discussed  the  question  of  Imperial  persecution  of  the 


The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  195 

Christians,  examined  the  documents,  rejected  many  indubit- 
ably genuine  documents  as  spurious,  and  misinterpreted 
others,  with  the  result  that  with  quite  extraordinary  un- 
animity the  first  idea  of  State  persecution  of  Christians  was 
found  in  Trajan's  famous  "Rescript,"  written  about  A.D. 
112  in  answer  to  a  report  by  the  younger  Pliny.  Now 
observe  the  result.  If  there  never  was  any  idea  of  State 
persecution  before  that  year,  then  all  documents  which 
allude  to  or  imply  the  existence  of  State  persecution  must 
belong  to  a  period  later  than  ii2.  At  a  stroke  the  whole 
traditional  chronology  of  the  early  Christian  books  is  de- 
molished, for  even  those  which  are  not  directly  touched  by 
that  inference  are  indirectly  affected  by  it.  The  tradition 
lost  all  value,  and  had  to  be  set  aside  as  hopelessly  vitiated. 

But  now  it  is  universally  admitted,  as  the  fundamental 
fact  in  the  case,  that  Pliny  and  Trajan  treat  State  persecu- 
tion of  the  Christians  as  the  standing  procedure.  Pliny 
suggests,  in  a  respectful,  hesitating,  tentative  way,  reasons 
why  the  procedure  should  be  reconsidered.  Trajan  recon- 
siders it  and  affirms  again  the  general  principle;  but  in  its 
practical  application  he  introduces  a  very  decided  ameliora- 
tion. The  only  marvel  is  that  any  one  could  read  the  two 
documents  and  not  see  how  obvious  the  meaning  is.  Yet 
a  long  series  of  critics  misunderstood  the  documents,  and 
rested  their  theory  of  early  Christian  history  on  this  extra- 
ordinary blunder.  Beginning  with  this  false  theory  of  dating 
and  character,  they  worked  it  out  with  magnificent  and  in- 
exorable logic  to  conclusions  which  twenty  years  ago  the 
present  writer,  like  many  others,  regarded  as  unimpeachable, 
but  which  are  now  seen  to  be  a  tissue  of  groundless  fancies. 

This  change  of  view  as  regards  the  attitude  of  the  Roman 
state  toward  the  Christian  Church,  while  it  affects  the  whole 


196  VII 

New  Testament,  has  been  the  turning-point  in  the  tide  of 
opinion  regarding  the  Acts.  That  book  is  the  history  of  early- 
Christianity  in  the  Roman  Empire;  there  were  indubitably 
some  attempts  to  propagate  Christianity  toward  the  east 
and  south,  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Empire,  but  the  author 
of  the  Acts  regarded  these  efforts  as  unimportant  and  omits 
them  entirely  from  his  view.  The  idea  that  Acts  was  com- 
posed about  the  middle  of  the  second  century  was  based  on 
the  false  conception  of  the  relation  between  Christianity  and 
the  state,  and  the  new  views  have  driven  the  current  of 
educated  opinion  toward  a  first-century  date.  There  is  a 
widespread  consensus  that,  so  far  as  the  time  of  composi- 
tion is  concerned,  there  is  no  reason  why  the  Acts  might 
not  have  been  written  by  the  friend  and  companion  of  Paul, 
the  beloved  physician  Luke. 

But  that  conclusion  as  to  authorship  is  vehemently  denied 
by  most  of  the  European  "  critical "  scholars  (to  use  again 
that  most  objectionable  and  misleading  epithet,  which  has 
become  so  fixed  in  the  language  that  it  can  hardly  be 
avoided).  They  find  other  reasons  which  seem  to  them  to 
prove  that  this  book,  written  during  the  probable  lifetime 
of  Luke,  could  not  possibly  be  the  work  of  an  associate  of 
Paul.  It  seems  to  them  too  full  of  inaccuracies  and  even  of 
blunders  as  to  facts.  Two  causes,  especially,  conspire  to 
produce  this  opinion  (which  we  think  erroneous). 

In  the  first  place,  the  minute  dissection  and  scrutiny  of 
details  made  by  the  older  critics  still  exercise  a  great  in- 
fluence even  on  those  who  unhesitatingly  reject  the  general 
result.  Forgetful  that  a  scrutiny  made  under  a  false  pre- 
possession and  with  a  false  method  cannot  be  trustworthy, 
they  approach  each  detail  with  the  stern  "  critical "  judg- 
ment still  ringing   in  their  ears   and  biasing  their   minds 


The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  197 

unconsciously.  Thus  there  is  manifest  in  their  work  much 
wavering  and  uncertainty  of  view.  At  one  moment  they 
condemn  the  old  judgment ;  but  on  another  page  the  earlier 
criticism  rises  as  fresh  and  strong  as  ever,  and  opinions  and 
principles  are  assumed  which  have  no  defence  except  in  the 
older  critical  view,  and  which  are  mere  assumptions  unjusti- 
fiable on  the  more  modern  view.  Accordingly,  what  is 
urgently  required  at  the  present  time  in  early  Christian 
history  is  a  completely  new  start,  free  from  all  assumptions 
whether  on  the  "  critical  "  or  on  the  "  traditional  "  side.  We 
have  to  begin  by  stripping  ourselves  of  all  our  inherited 
views  and  ail  the  views  put  into  us  by  teachers  (often  justly 
revered  and  almost  idolised  teachers),  and  test  every  sugges- 
tion and  every  opinion  before  we  begin  to  utilise  them  in 
rebuilding  the  fabric  of  our  knowledge.  Such  is  the  method 
in  which  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  should  now  be  studied. 

In  the  second  place,  while  part  of  the  old  misconception 
as  to  the  relation  between  the  Empire  and  the  Christians 
has  been  cleared  away,  much  misapprehension  still  remains. 
It  is  not  recognised  clearly  enough  that  Paul,  from  a  very  early 
stage  in  his  career,  must  have  had  a  clear  idea  of  a  Christian 
Roman  Empire.  The  new  religion  was  to  conquer  the  whole 
world,  to  recognise  no  bounds  of  nationality,  and  to  include 
the  barbarian  and  the  Scythian  as  well  as  the  Jew,  the  Greek, 
and  the  Roman.  But  his  method  of  conquering  the  world 
was  to  begin  with  the  Empire  of  which  he  was  a  citizen. 
Starting  with  the  great  cities  of  Southern  Galatia,  he  was 
eager  next  to  go  to  Ephesus ;  and  though  diverted  from  it 
for  a  time  by  the  Divine  revelation,  which  led  him  first  to 
Macedonia  and  to  Corinth,  yet  he  returned  to  it  again. 
There  is  a  remarkable  passage  in  the  late  Dr.  Hort's  Lec- 
tures on  Colossians  and  Ephesians^  p.  82,  pointing  out  how 


198  VII 

large  a  place  the  Ephesian  scheme  filled  in  Paul's  plans. 
No  one  who  reads  that  paragraph  can  doubt  that  Dr.  Hort, 
as  he  described  Paul's  eagerness  to  evangelise  Ephesus,  had 
in  his  mind  the  idea  that  Paul  conceived  Ephesus  as  the 
gate  of  the  East  toward  the  West  (which  in  fact  it  was),  and 
as  the  next  step  in  the  conquest  of  the  Roman  Empire ;  he 
had  already  established  his  position  in  Syrian  Antioch,  in 
Tarsus,  in  Iconium  and  Pisidian  Antioch.  Ephesus  was  the 
intermediate  step  toward  Corinth,  which  he  had  already 
occupied.  After  he  had  planted  his  banner  in  Ephesus,  he 
had  established  his  line  of  communication  firmly  along  the 
great  road  that  led  to  the  capital  of  the  Empire ;  and  then 
he  announced  to  his  lieutenants,  "  I  must  also  see  Rome  " 
(Acts  xix.  21).  Shortly  afterward  he  wrote  to  the  Romans, 
"  I  will  go  on  by  you  into  Spain,"  the  great  province  of  the 
West;  and  incidentally  he  mentioned  to  them  other  pro- 
vinces, Illyricum,  Macedonia,  Achaia.  That  is  the  language, 
not  of  a  mere  enthusiast,  but  of  the  general  and  statesman 
who  plans  out  the  conquest  of  the  Empire.  He  talks  of 
provinces ;  and  as  he  marches  on  his  victorious  course,  he 
plants  his  footsteps  in  their  capitals.     See  p.  Jj  f. 

Such  is  the  conception  of  Paul's  statesmanlike  schemes 
to  which  many  recent  scholars  are  tending.  For  example, 
Principal  A.  Robertson,  of  King's  College,  London,  writes 
in  The  Expositor,  January,  1899,  p.  2:  "With  Ramsay  I 
assume  that  the  evangelisation  of  the  Roman  world  as  such 
was  an  object  consciously  before  his  mind  and  deliberately 
planned  ;  that  was  the  case  before  he  wrote  to  the  Romans  ". 

But  if  that  be  so,  then  Paul's  classification  of  his 
churches  must  have  been  according  to  the  Roman  system. 
He  himself  is  our  authority  for  saying  that  he  so  classified 
them ;  he  speaks  of  the  churches   of  Asia,  of  Achaia,  of 


The  Acts  of  the  Apostles  199 

Macedonia,  of  Galatia.  The  first  three  names  indicate 
Roman  provinces ;  no  one  questions  that.  The  fourth  also 
must  equally  indicate  a  Roman  province.  But  there  lies  the 
difficulty  and  controversy,  which  must  be  settled  before  any 
further  progress  is  possible.  That  Galatia  in  Paul's  epistles 
must  be  regarded  as  the  province  is  now  very  widely  ad- 
mitted in  Britain,  and,  as  I  am  told,  also  in  America  ;  in 
Germany  a  growing  number  of  distinguished  scholars  also 
hold  that  view,  e.g.,  Zahn,  Clemen,  and  many  others,  but 
there  the  majority  is  distinctly  on  the  opposite  side.  It  is 
unnecessary  to  mention  here  the  many  serious  questions  of 
early  Christian  history  that  depend  on  this  controversy, 
trivial  as  it  seems  in  itself;  the  present  writer  and  many 
much  abler  and  more  learned  scholars  have  discussed  them 
in  a  series  of  works.  This  is  the  next  point  which  must 
be  agreed  upon  in  the  study  of  the  Acts,  before  any  serious 
progress  can  be  made. 

The  present  writer,  starting  with  the  confident  assump- 
tion that  the  book  was  fabricated  in  the  middle  of  the 
second  century,  and  studying  it  to  see  what  light  it  could 
throw  on  the  state  of  society  in  Asia  Minor,  was  gradually 
driven  to  the  conclusion  that  it  must  have  been  written  in 
the  first  century  and  with  admirable  knowledge.  It  plunges 
one  into  the  atmosphere  and  the  circumstances  of  the  first 
century ;  it  is  out  of  harmony  with  the  circumstances  and 
spirit  of  the  second  century.  In  the  first  century  the  chief 
fact  of  Roman  Imperial  policy  in  the  centre  and  east  of  Asia 
Minor  was  the  gradual  building  up  of  the  vast  and  complex 
province  of  Galatia  (as  the  Romans,  including  the  Roman 
Paul,  called  it),  or  the  Galatic  Territory  (as  the  Greeks,  in- 
cluding the  Greek  Luke,  who  composed  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  called   it).     That  was  no  longer  the  case  in  the 


200  VII 

second  century;  that  state  of  things  had  then  ceased  to 
exist,  and  it  was  not  a  conception  that  could  be  restored 
by  historical  investigation ;  it  had  been  a  matter  of  spirit 
and  tone  and  atmosphere,  which  when  it  ceased  was  never 
again  appreciated  or  understood  till  the  latest  development 
of  Roman  historical  study  had  recreated  the  process  which 
we  may  call  the  Romanisation  of  Asia  Minor. 

Starting  with  the  belief  that  Galatia  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment was  not  the  province,  the  writer  found  that  Acts  and 
the  Epistles  plunged  him  into  the  movements  and  forces 
acting  in  Asia  Minor  during  the  first  century,  when  the 
Roman  sphere  of  duty  called  Galatia  was  the  great  political 
fact.  As  he  gradually  and  by  slow  steps  threw  off  the  mis- 
conceptions in  which  he  had  been  trained,  and  realised  that 
Paul  thought  as  the  Romans  thought  and  spoke  about  the 
provinces  of  Rome,  he  found  that,  one  by  one,  the  difficulties 
which  had  been  seen  in  the  Acts  disappeared,  because  they 
had  their  origin  in  misconceptions  as  to  the  period  and 
circumstances  of  history.  This  view,  that  Paul  wrote  from 
the  Roman  standpoint,  was  only  partially  grasped  in  the 
present  writer's  earlier  works,  and  has  probably  not  yet  been 
fully  utilised  by  him.  But  already  it  has  enabled  him  to 
appreciate  the  close  relations  and  perfect  harmony  of  view 
between  the  apostle  and  his  disciple,  the  author  of  the  Acts, 
and  to  set  forth,  in  however  imperfect  fashion,  the  conception 
which  both  of  them  entertained  of  the  growth  of  the  early 
Church,  as  the  subjugation  of  the  Empire  by  the  new  pro- 
vincial power  of  life  and  truth,  the  vitalising  influence  first 
for  the  Roman  state  and  later  for  the  world. 


VIII 
THE  LAWFUL  ASSEMBLY 


VIII 
THE  LAWFUL  ASSEMBLY 

(Acts  xix.  39) 

While  it  is  a  very  important  thing  to  study  the  books  of 
the  New  Testament  in  connection  with  the  actual  Hfe  and 
circumstances  of  the  countries  and  cities  in  which  the  events 
occurred,  it  is  doubly  important  that  the  circumstances  by 
which  it  is  sought  to  illustrate  the  books  should  be  correctly 
conceived,  as  otherwise  the  light  that  is  cast  may  be  mis- 
leading. If  I  venture  in  these  pages  to  bring  forward  some 
examples  to  show  the  necessity  of  carefulness  in  this  useful 
work  of  illustrating  the  New  Testament  writers,  it  is  not 
that  I  have  any  claim  to  be  immaculate  myself  I  welcome 
any  criticism  which  aids  me  to  find  out  the  errors  which 
I  know  must  exist  in  my  poor  attempts ;  but  the  criticism 
that  is  useful  to  a  writer  in  this  respect  must  begin  by  really 
trying  to  understand  what  end  he  is  striving  to  attain, 
and  what  are  the  steps  by  which  he  proposes  to  attain  it, 
and  must  not  condemn  him  off-hand  for  differing  from 
what  the  critic  has  accepted  beforehand  as  the  recognised 
view. 

The  example  I  shall  here  select  is  in  Acts  xix.  39,  which 
is  rendered  in  the  Authorised  Version,  "  but  if  ye  inquire 
any  thing  concerning  other  matters,  it  shall  be  determined  in 
a  lawful  assembly,"  while  the  Revised  Version  has  it,  "  but 

(203) 


204  VIII 

if  ye  seek  anything  about  other  matters,^  it  shall  be  settled 
in  the  regular  assembly  ".  I  propose  only  to  consider  the 
last  phrase  and  the  discrepancy  between  the  two  versions. 
Two  questions  suggest  themselves :  why  did  the  Revisers 
alter  "  a  lawful  Assembly  "  into  "  the  regular  Assembly,"  -^  and 
is  the  alteration  an  improvement  ? 

The  answer  is  by  no  means  easy.  In  seeking  the  solu- 
tion we  shall  see  that  hasty  comparison  of  a  phrase  in  an 
author  with  a  usage  in  an  inscription  may  be  misleading,  if 
it  is  not  guided  by  consideration  of  the  general  sense  of  the 
whole  passage.  In  doing  so  we  shall  incidentally  observe 
that  a  scholar  who  is  simply  studying  the  evolution  of  con- 
stitutional history,  in  the  Graeco-Asian  cities,  so  far  from 
finding  any  reason  to  distrust  the  accuracy  of  the  picture  of 
Ephesian  government  in  this  episode,  discovers  in  it  (as  did, 
e.g..  Bishop  Lightfoot  and  Canon  Hicks)  valuable  evidence 
which  is  nowhere  else  accessible.  The  practical  man,  and 
the  scholar  who  studies  antiquities  for  their  own  sake,  will 
always  find  Acts  a  first-hand  and  luminous  authority.  It  is 
only  the  theorist  (eager  to  find  or  to  make  support  for  his 
pet  theory  about  the  steps  by  which  Church  history  de- 
veloped, and  annoyed  that  Acts  is  against  him)  that  distrusts 
the  author  o{  Acts,  and  finds  him  inadequate,  incomplete,  or 
inaccurate.  And,  as  Luke  is  so  logical,  complete  and 
"  photographic "  in  his  narrative,  the  only  useful  way  of 
studying  him  is  to  bring  practical  knowledge  and  sense  of  the 
connection  and  fitness  of  things  to  bear  on  him.     There  is 

'  irepl  fTepoiv  as  in  the  vast  majority  of  MSS.  There  can,  however, 
hardly  be  any  hesitation  in  preferring  irepuiTcpco  with  B,  confirmed  by  the 
Latin  ulterins  in  Codex  Bezae  (where  the  Greek  has  irepl  erepuv),  and  in  the 
Stocl<holm  old-Latin  version  (Gig.). 

-The  Greek  is  «V  rp  ivv6ij.<p  ^KK\7]aia:  we  shall  use  the  rendering,  "the 
duly  constituted  Assembly  ". 


The  Lawful  Assembly  205 

no  author  who  has  suffered  so  much  from  the  old  method  of 
study  practised  by  the  scholar,  who  sits  in  his  library  and 
cuts  himself  off  from  practical  life  and  the  interest  in  reality, 
and  in  the  things  of  reality. 

Romans  and  Greeks  were  alike  familiar  with  the  dis- 
tinction between  a  properly  and  legally  convened  Assembly 
of  the  people — in  exercise  of  the  supreme  powers  that  be- 
longed to  the  people  and  could  be  exercised  only  through  a 
lawful  Assembly  called  together  according  to  certain  rules — 
and  a  mere  assemblage  of  the  people  to  hear  a  statement  by 
a  magistrate  or  give  vent  to  some  great  popular  feeling  in  a 
crisis.  An  assemblage  of  the  latter  class  was  liable  to  pass 
into  disorder,  and  was  certainly  disliked  and  discouraged  by 
the  Imperial  administration.  In  the  Republican  period  of 
Rome  magistrates  often  hastily  convened  such  an  assemblage 
of  the  people,  when  they  wanted  to  impart  some  important 
news ;  but  the  assemblage,  which  was  known  as  a  contio, 
could  exercise  no  authority  and  pass  no  resolution,  but 
merely  listen  to  the  statement  of  the  magistrate  who  con- 
vened it  and  of  any  one  whom  the  magistrate  invited  to 
speak  {^produxit  in  contioneni).  Such  assemblages  often 
became  disorderly  in  the  later  Republican  period,  and  under 
the  Empire  were  almost  wholly  disused  in  Rome,  and  dis- 
couraged in  the  provincial  cities. 

It  happens  that  the  text  of  the  latter  part  of  the  speech, 
delivered  by  the  Secretary  of  the  State  of  Ephesus  ^  to  the 
noisy  assembly  in  the  theatre,  is  very  doubtful  ;  but,  fortun- 
ately, the  general  run  of  the  meaning  and  argument  is  quite 

^  The  rendering  "  Town-clerk,"  or  "  Clerk,"  suggests  an  inadequate  idea 
of  the  rank  and  importance  of  this  official.  Lightfoot,  in  the  paper  which  we 
shall  quote  in  this  article  {Contemporary  Review,  March,  1878,  reprinted  in 
appendix  to  Essays  on  Supernatural  Religion),  was  the  first  properly  to  ap- 
preciate and  emphasise  this, 


2o6  VIII 

clear.  The  Secretary  pointed  out  (v.  38)  that,  if  Demetrius 
and  the  associated  guild  had  any  ground  of  complaint,  they 
had  a  legal  means  of  redress  before  the  proper  court,  viz., 
the  Roman  "Assizes"  (conventtis),  at  which  the  proconsul 
presided ;  ^  (v.  39)  if  they  sought  anything  further,  i.e.,  if 
they  desired  to  get  any  resolution  passed  with  regard  to  the 
future  conduct  of  the  citizens  and  of  resident  non-citizens  ^ 
in  reference  to  this  matter,^  the  business  would  be  carried 
through  in  the  duly  constituted  Assembly,  i.e.,  in  the  public 
Assembly  meeting  with  powers  to  transact  business  (whereas 
the  present  meeting  had  no  power  to  transact  business) ;  (v. 
40)  and  in  fact  there  was  a  serious  risk  that  the  present 
utterly  unjustified  and  unjustifiable  meeting  should  be  re- 
garded by  the  Imperial  government  (i.e.,  the  proconsul,  in 
the  first  instance)  as  a  case  of  riot,  and  should  lead  to  stern 
treatment  of  the  whole  city  and  curtailment  of  its  liberties 
and  powers. 

What  then  is  the  exact  sense  of  the  term  "  duly  consti- 
tuted Assembly  "  in  v.  39  ?  Apparently  the  argument  is 
this :  "  the  present  Assembly  is  not  duly  constituted,  and 
you  cannot  serve  your  own  purpose  by  persisting  in  it,  for 
it  is  not  qualified  to  pass  any  measure  or  transact  any 
business ;  and  therefore  you  should  go  away  and  take  the 
recognised  necessary  steps  for  having  your  business  brought 
before  a  properly  constituted  Assembly.  But,  further,  the 
present  meeting  may  lead  to  very  serious  consequences  and 
to  punishment  which  will   fall   heavily  on   the  whole  city, 

'  We  note  that  the  Secretary  assumes  at  once  that  the  ground  of  com- 
plaint is  something  serious.  In  a  cit}'  Hke  Ephesus  trifling  actions  were 
disposed  of  by  the  city  magistrates ;  their  limit  of  power  in  this  respect  is 
uncertain,  but  was  certainly  very  humble. 

^  ol  ^ivoi  ol  KaroiKovvTes,  or  iiriSri/xovyres,  Acts  xvii.  21. 

^  I  follow  Mr.  Page's  sensible  note  on  ei  5e'  n  ntpairfpai  CriruTf. 


The  Lawful  Assembly  207 

including  your  own  selves."  Consequently  the  whole  force 
of  the  argument  compels  us  to  treat  the  Greek  term  as 
meaning  "  the  people  duly  assembled  in  the  exercise  of  its 
powers  ".  In  the  constitution  of  Ephesus,  as  a  free  Greek 
City-State  (TroXt?),  all  power  ultimately  resided  in  the 
Assembly  of  the  citizens ;  and  in  the  Greek  period  the 
Assembly  had  held  in  its  own  hands  the  reins  of  power,  and 
exercised  the  final  control  over  all  departments  of  govern- 
ment. In  the  Roman  period  the  Assembly  gradually  lost 
the  reality  of  its  power,  for  the  Imperial  Roman  adminis- 
tration, which  had  abolished  the  powers  of  the  popular 
Assembly  in  Rome,  was  naturally  not  disposed  to  regard 
with  a  favourable  eye  the  popular  Assemblies  of  cities  in 
the  provinces.  Hence  meetings  of  the  popular  Assembly 
in  Ephesus  and  other  Asian  cities  tended  to  become  mere 
formalities,  at  which  the  bills  sent  to  it  by  the  Senate  of 
the  city  were  approved.  But,  at  the  period  in  question,  the 
Assembly  of  the  people  was  still,  at  least  in  name,  the 
supreme  and  final  authority ;  and  with  it  lay  the  ultimate 
decision  on  all  public  questions.  Not  merely  did  it  continue 
to  be  mentioned  along  with  the  Senate  in  the  preamble 
to  all  decrees  passed  by  the  City-State  under  the  Roman 
Empire,  as  giving  validity  and  authority  ;  ^  it  still  probably 
retained  the  right  to  reject  the  decrees  sent  before  it  by  the 
Senate.^ 

The  term  "  lawful  Assembly "  therefore  embraces  all 
meetings  of  the  Assembly  qualified  to  set  in  motion  the 

^  That  form  of  preamble  "  it  was  resolved  by  the  Senate  and  the  popular 
Assembly"  {i^oi^i  rfj  0ov\fj  kuI  t^,  S^fj/xcp)  continued  for  more  than  two 
centuries  later,  after  it  had  become  a  mere  form  corresponding  to  no  real 
expression  of  the  popular  will. 

^At  a  later  date  it  certainly  lost  this  right,  and  met  merely  to  accept  the 
decrees. 


2o8  VIII 

powers  resident  in  the  People.  These  meetings  were  of  two 
kinds :  ( I )  stated,  regular  meetings  held  on  certain  regular, 
customary  days  (called  vofiiixot,  eK/ck-qaiai  in  an  inscription 
of  Ephesus,^  and  Kvplai  eKKXtjalai  at  Athens) ;  (2)  extra- 
ordinary meetings  held  for  special  or  pressing  business 
(called  avyK\7}Tot  eKKXija-Lat  at  Athens,  while  the  Ephesian 
technical  term  is  unknown).  One  seems  driven  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  intention  of  the  Secretary  was  to  select  a 
term  that  included  both  regular  and  extraordinary  meetings. 
What  he  said  amounted  to  this,  "  Bring  your  business  before 
a  meeting  that  is  qualified  to  deal  with  it,  either  taking  the 
proper  steps  to  have  a  special  meeting  called  to  discuss  your 
business,  or,  if  it  is  not  so  immediately  urgent  and  you 
prefer  the  other  course  for  any  reason,  bringing  it  after  due 
intimation  before  the  next  ordinary,  regular  meeting  of  the 
People". 

On  this  interpretation  it  would  seem  that  the  rendering 
in  the  Authorised  Version  "  lawful "  is  correct,  and  that  the 
Revisers  were  not  well  advised  in  substituting  the  term 
"regular".  The  term  "regular"  suggests  only  vofJUfxoL 
iicK\r)a-iai  and  shuts  out  specially  summoned  meetings  of 
the  People,  whereas  the  Secretary  desired  to  use  a  term 
that  should  include  every  legal  class  of  meetings. 

Further,  the  Secretary  seems  distinctly  to  use  the  term 
"  Lawful  Assembly"  in  contrast  to  the  present  illegal  meet- 
ing, which  he  styled  "riot"  and  which  the  historian  calls 
a  confused  Assembly,-  inasmuch  as  the  majority  did  not 
know  what  was  the  business  before  the  meeting  (v.  32). 
This  also  would  suggest  that  "  lawful "  is  the  antithesis 
required,  and  would  defend  the  Authorised  Version. 

'  Hicks,  Gyp.ek  Inscriptions  of  the  British  Museum^  No.  481,  1.  340. 
"^  iKK\r)(ria  avyKexvfJ-fyr)  (v,  40). 


PLATE  VIII. 


Fig.  13.— St.  Paul's  Gate  on  the  West  of  Tarsus  (Mrs.  Christie  of  Tarsus). 
To  face  p.  208.  Sec  p.  275. 


The  Lawful  Assembly  :209 

On  the  other  hand,  however,  the  evidence  ^  seems  to  be 
strong  that  in  Greece  evvoyi^o^  was  an  equivalent  but  less 
common  term  for  the  regular  ordinary  Assembly  {v6fjiLixo<i 
being  far  commoner) ;  and  the  evidence  has  convinced  most 
scholars — Wetstein,  Lightfoot,  Wendt,  Blass,  and  many 
others  (including  StepJimii  Thesaurus).  In  that  case,  ap- 
parently, we  are  bound  to  prefer  the  translation  "  regular  " 
in  V.  39,  and  the  Revisers  would  appear  to  be  right  in  alter- 
ing the  Authorised  Version.  Thus  two  different  lines  of 
investigation  lead  to  opposite  conclusions. 

But  we  must  bear  in  mind  that  the  reasoning  in  the  last 
paragraph  is  founded  on  a  distinction  that  belongs  to 
purely  Greek  constitutional  conditions.  Ephesus  was  no 
longer  a  Greek  city.  It  retained  indeed  the  external  ap- 
pearance of  Greek  city  government ;  but  the  real  character 
of  the  old  Greek  constitution  was  already  seriously  altered, 
and  even  the  outward  form  was  in  some  respects  changed. 
We  cannot  therefore  attach  very  great  importance  to  an 
analogy  with  a  fact  of  the  old  Greek  constitutional  practice 
until  it  is  clearly  proved,  or  at  least  made  probable,  that 
that  practice  remained  unaffected  by  the  Roman  spirit.  It 
is  certain,  indeed,  that  a  distinction  of  ordinary  (vofxi/xovi; 
Kol  avvqOeh)  and  extraordinary  meetings  was  Roman  as 
much  as  Greek  ;  but  the  question  must  be  settled  how  the 
Roman  administration  affected  the  Greek  Assembly  (e'/c- 
kXtjo-lo)  in  Ephesus. 

I  think  that  the  true  solution  is  furnished  by  some  re- 
marks of  M.  Levy  in  an  instructive  and  admirable  study  of 
the  constitution  of  the  Graeco-Asian  cities,  which  he  has 
recently  published  in  the  Revue  des  Etudes  Grecgues,  1895, 

1  It  may  be  found  in  any  good  lexicon  and  in  the  commentators. 
14 


^lo  VIII 

pp.  203-255.^  If  he  is  right,  and  he  seems  to  me  to  be  so, 
we  must  look  at  the  incident  recorded  in  Acts  as  an  episode 
in  the  gradual  process,  by  which  the  central  Roman  ad- 
ministration interfered  in  the  municipal  government  of 
these  cities.  As  he  says  on  p.  216,  the  Roman  officials 
exercised  the  right  themselves  to  summon  a  meeting  of 
the  Assembly  whenever  they  pleased,  and  he  also  considers 
that  distinct  authorisation  by  the  Roman  officials  was  re- 
quired before  an  Assembly  could  be  legally  summoned. 
Now,  as  we  have  already  seen,  the  Imperial  government 
was  very  jealous  of  the  right  of  popular  Assemblies.  We 
may  therefore  conclude  with  confidence  that  the  Roman 
officials  were  unlikely  to  give  leave  for  any  Assembly  be- 
yond that  certain  regular  number  which  was  agreed  upon 
and  fixed  beforehand.^*  Thus  the  "regular"  Assemblies 
had  come  to  be  practically  equivalent  to  the  "  lawful " 
Assemblies ;  the  extraordinary  Assemblies  called  by  the 
officers  of  the  city,  which  in  the  Greek  period  had  been 
legal,  were  now  disallowed  and  illegal ;  and  extraordinary 

^  While  the  paper,  which  is  only  the  first  of  a  promised  series,  enables 
me  already  to  add  much  to  the  slight  general  sketch  of  the  constitution  of 
these  cities  given  in  chap.  ii.  of  my  Cities  and  Bishoprics  of  Phrygia,  it  seems 
to  me  not  to  necessitate  any  change  of  importance  in  what  I  have  said 
(though  I  should  of  course  like  now  to  rewrite  in  better  form  not  merely  that 
chapter,  but  every  chapter  I  have  ever  written).  [In  Levy,  p.  216, «.  (2),  read 
"  II.,  236  ".] 

2  Dion  Chrysostom's  Oration  XLVIII.  was  delivered  at  Prusa  in  an  ex- 
traordinary meeting  of  the  Assembly  {eKKKriirla)  held  by  permission  of  the 
proconsul  Varenus  Rufus ;  but  we  observe  that  (i)  the  elaborate  compliment 
to  the  proconsul  for  his  kindness  in  permitting  the  Assembly  suggests  that  it 
was  an  unusual  favour,  (2)  the  business  seems  to  have  been  merely  compli- 
mentary and  ornamental,  to  judge  from  Dion's  speech  ;  (3)  the  administration 
of  Bithynia  fell  at  the  period  in  question  into  a  state  of  great  laxity  (even  the 
law  against  collegia  was  suffered  to  be  violated),  so  that  Trajan  had  to  send 
Pliny  on  a  special  mission  to  reform  the  government  of  the  province  (see 
Hardy's  Introduction  to  his  edition  of  Pliny,  pp.  24,  48). 


The  Lawful  Assembly  211 

Assemblies  were  now  only  summoned  by  Roman  officials. 
It  was  therefore  necessary  for  Demetrius  to  wait  until  the 
next  regular  Assembly,  before  he  could  have  any  opportun- 
ity of  legally  bringing  any  business  before  the  People. 

We  conclude,  then,  that  neither  the  rendering  of  the 
Authorised  nor  that  of  the  Revised  Version  is  in  itself 
actually  incorrect  in  point  of  Greek ;  but  the  former  alone 
is  correct  in  the  actual  circumstances  of  this  case.  It  is 
indeed  true  that  the  Greek  term  used  by  Luke  generally 
bears  the  meaning  which  the  Revised  Version  attributes  to  it. 
But  it  was  not  the  technical  term  ordinarily  used  in  Ephesus 
in  that  sense ;  and,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  special  Assemblies 
had  ceased  to  be  convened  before  this  time,  and  the  Secre- 
tary could  not  have  been  thinking  of  such  Assemblies. 

Accordingly  we  fail  to  find  any  sufficient  reason  for 
altering  a  rendering  which  was  quite  good  and  had  become 
familiar  ;  and  we  cannot  acquit  the  Revisers  of  having  made 
the  change  under  the  influence  of  an  inadequate  conception 
of  the  constitutional  facts  involved.^  They  are  in  no  wise 
to  be  blamed  for  their  incomplete  understanding  of  the  facts, 
for  the  materials  were  not  accessible  to  them ;  and  until  M. 
Levy's  masterly  exposition  of  them,  the  difficulty  was  ap- 
parently insoluble.  But  none  the  less  is  it  regrettable  that 
they  altered  the  text,  for  the  idea  of  a  lawfully  constituted 
Assembly  qualified  to  exercise  the  powers  resident  in  the 
People  is  demanded  here  by  the  logic  of  the  passage  as  a 
whole,  and  is  better  expressed  by  the  word  "  lawful ".  In 
fact,  it  would  appear  that  the  Secretary  was  not  at  the 
moment  thinking  of  the  technical  distinction  between 
regular  and  extraordinary  meetings.     Had  he  been  thinking 

1  We  may  understand  that  they  would  not  have  made  a  change,  unless 
they  had  considered  that  "  lawful  "  was  distinctly  incorrect. 


212  VIII 

of  that  distinction,  he  would  have  used  the  technical  term 
v6ixtiJLo<;,  which  seems  naturally  to  have  risen  to  the  lips  of 
an  Ephesian  when  that  distinction  was  prominent  in  his 
thought.  Thus  in  the  inscription  already  quoted/  it  is  pro- 
vided that  a  statue  of  Athena,  as  patroness  of  education  and 
all  arts,  dedicated  to  Artemis  and  to  the  rising  generations 
of  Ephesus  in  future  times,  should  be  brought  into  every 
regular  meeting  of  the  People  {kuto.  iraa-av  vojxniov  e/c- 
KK7](jlav).  The  extraordinary  meetings  are  here  excepted 
from  the  provision  recorded  in  this  inscription,  either  be- 
cause they  were  hastily  summoned  and  time  did  not  permit 
of  the  necessary  preparations  for  bringing  the  statue,  or 
because  they  were  only  summoned  by  Roman  officials,  and 
were  not  in  the  same  strict  sense  voluntary  meetings  of  the 
Ephesian  People  exercising  its  own  powers. 

Appendix  :  The  Text  of  Acts  xix.  40 

We  naturally  proceed  to  inquire  whether  the  new  light 
thrown  by  M.  Levy  on  the  circumstances  of  this  Ephesian 
meeting  help  to  solve  the  difficulty  of  the  reading  in  v.  40, 
in  which  Westcott  and  Hort  consider  "  some  primitive 
error  probable  ".  In  that  sentence  the  Secretary  proceeds 
to  forecast  the  possible  future,  with  a  view  to  intimidate 
the  disorderly  assemblage  and  induce  them  to  disperse 
quietly.  In  forming  an  opinion  as  to  the  text,  therefore, 
we  must,  in  the  first  place,  try  to  forecast  the  possible 
sequence  of  events.  As  M.  L6vy  says,  the  Roman  adminis- 
tration had  the  power  to  prohibit  indefinitely  the  right  of 
holding  meetings  of  the  People ;  and  it  depended  solely  on 
their  goodwill  when  they  should  allow  a  city  to  resume  the 

1  Hicks,  No.  481,  1.  340. 


The  Lawful  Assembly  213 

right,  after  it  had  once  been  prohibited.  The  occurrence  of 
this  large  meeting  in  the  theatre  might  be  looked  into  by 
the  Roman  officials.  It  had  not  been  authorised  by  them  ; 
and  the  city  would  have  some  difficulty  in  explaining  satis- 
factorily its  origin.  The  only  explanation  that  could  be 
accepted  would  consist  in  showing  that  some  serious  cause 
had  existed  for  the  unusual  occurrence.  It  is  then  natural 
that  the  Secretary,  when  representing  to  the  assemblage  the 
danger  which  they  were  incurring,  should  point  out  that 
when  the  Roman  administration  investigated  the  case,  it 
would  not  be  possible  to  assign  any  cause  which  could 
justify  the  concourse.  His  oration,  as  actually  delivered, 
undoubtedly  emphasised  this  point  at  some  length,  and 
pressed  home  the  danger  of  the  situation ;  for  this  is  the 
climax  and  peroration  of  the  speech,  which  was  so  effica- 
cious as  to  calm  the  excited  crowd,  and  induce  them  to 
retire  peaceably  ;  and  nothing  but  fear  was  likely  to  calm 
the  rage  of  an  Ionian  city.  But  in  the  brief  report  that  has 
come  down  to  us  the  peroration  has  been  compressed  into 
one  single  sentence  (v.  40)  ;  and  the  sentence,  which  de- 
scribes the  probable  investigation  and  the  want  of  any 
sufficient  plea  in  defence,  has  become  obscure  through  the 
attempt  to  say  a  great  deal  in  a  few  words.  The  stages  of 
the  future  are  thus  sketched  out :  there  is  likely  to  be  an 
investigation  and  charge  of  riotous  conduct  {KcvSvvevo/juev 
iyKoXelo-Oat  (TTdaeco^)  arising  out  of  to-day's  Assembly  (irepl 
Ti]<i  (Tri[xepov) ;  ^  we  shall  be  required  to  furnish  an  explana- 

1  Blass  understands  Trepi  t^s  a-'fuxepov  (e/c/cArjo-ias).  Page  and  Meyer-Wendt 
understand  wepl  ttjs  (rrnxcpou  (ri/xepas),  and  Page  compares  xx.  26.  The  ulti- 
mate sense  is  not  affected  by  the  difference.  Personally,  I  should  follow 
Blass,  whose  understanding  of  the  words  gives  a  much  more  effective  and 
Lukan  turn  to  the  thought ;  but  the  Bezan  Reviser  evidently  agreed  with 
Page.     See  below,  under  (3). 


2  14  V^II 

tion  of  the  concourse  to  the  Romans,  whose  maxim  is 
"  divide  to  command'^  and  who  are  always  jealous  of  meet- 
ings that  bear  in  any  way  on  politics  or  government  (Koyov 
airoBovvat  Trepl  tt}?  avcnpo(^r)<i  TavT7}<;) ;  no  sufficient  reason 
exists  by  mentioning  which  ^  we  shall  be  able  to  explain 
satisfactorily  the  origin  of  the  meeting  (fjbrjS€vb<i  alrlou  virdp- 
')(ovro^  Trepl  ov  hwrjao^eOa  Xoyov  airohovvai). 

Here  we  have,  in  the  text  of  the  inferior  MSS.,  a  logical 
and  complete  summary  of  the  future,  stated  in  a  form  that 
can  be  construed  easily,  even  though  brevity  has  made 
the  expression  a  little  harsh.'-^  On  the  other  hand,  the 
great  MSS.  give  a  reading^  which  cannot  be  accepted  for 
the  following  reasons:  (i)  We  observe  that  those  warm 
defenders  of  the  great  MSS.,  Westcott  and  Hort,  with 
their  great  knowledge  of  Lukan  style,  consider  it  to  in- 
volve a  corruption ;  and  most  people  will  come  to  the 
same  conclusion, 

(2)  The  only  possible  construction  of  this  text  connects 
/jiTjSevcxi  alriov  v'7rdp')(pvro'i  with  the  preceding  clause  klv- 
Bwevofjuev  .  .  .  (Trjfjbepov ;  but,  as  we  have  seen,  the  logic  of 
the  speech  connects  the  thought  involved  in  these  words 
with  the  following  clause. 

(3)  It  is  clear  that  the  Bezan  Reviser  (whom  we  believe 
to  have  been  at  work  in  the  second  century  of  our  era) 

1  This  use  of  Trepi  approximates  closely  to  the  common  sense  "  as  re- 
gards," or  "with  reference  to  "  [quod  attinet  ad),  as  in  some  of  the  examples 
quoted  in  the  lexicons.  Compare  ad  in  Tertullian,  ApoL,  25.  Blass  seems 
to  hold  that  the  sense  is,  "  since  there  exists  no  charge,  concerning  which 
we  shall  be  able  to  frame  a  defence  "  (which  conveys  no  clear  idea  to  me). 

2  The  harshness  arises  chiefly  from  the  sense  of  Trepl  ov,  {with  reference 
to  which  cause  we  may  render  an  explanation  of  the  concourse),  immediately 
before  Trepl  ttjs  crv(rTpo<pT\s,  where  the  preposition  has  a  different  sense.  The 
Bezan  Reviser  felt  the  awkwardness,  and  modified  the  sentence  to  avoid  the 
second  occurrence  of  ircp^.     See  below,  under  (3). 

^  Trepl  o'i)  ov  Svvrt(T6fj.f0a,  k.t.A. 


The  Lawful  Assembly  215 

had  before  him  the  text  of  the  inferior  MSS.,  and  in  his 
usual  style  he  modified  it  to  avoid  some  of  the  harshness 
of  the  original,  Kivhwevofxev  arj/juepov  iyKokeicrdai  aTda-€(o<;, 
/j.7]Sev6^  aiTLOV   ovTo<i  irepl  ov  hvvrjaofieda  airohovvai  \oyov 

(4)  The  corruption  in  the  great  MSS.  is  easily  explained  : 
there  was  a  natural  temptation  to  get  the  form  "  we  shall 
not  be  able  to  explain  this  concourse,"  and  this  was  readily 
attained  by  doubling  two  letters,  reading  irepl  ov  ov  Svvrjao- 
[xeOa.  We  find  that  the  same  fault  occurs  in  two  other 
places  in  this  scene  :  one  letter  77  is  doubled  in  vv.  28  and 
34  so  as  to  produce  the  reading  fjueyaXr]  r)  "Apreixt^,  where,  as 
I  have  elsewhere  ^  argued,  the  Bezan  reading  fMeydXr)  "ApT€/j,L<; 
coincides  with  a  characteristic  formula  of  invocation,  and 
deserves  preference. 

(5)  If  we  follow  the  authority  of  the  great  MSS.,  and 
read  irepl  ov  ov,  Meyer-Wendt's  former  suggestion,^  that 
/jLTjBevb'i  acTLov  virdp'yovTO'i  was  placed  by  the  author  after 
avarpo(f)f]<i  TavTr]<i  and  got  transposed  to  its  present  posi- 
tion, would  give  a  sense  and  logical  connection  such  as  we 
desire ;  but  it  involves  the  confession  that  all  MSS.  are  wrong. 
Moreover,  the  text  of  the  inferior  MSS.  and  the  Bezan 
reading  cannot  be  derived  from  it  by  any  natural  p-ocess. 

Thus  we  find  ourselves  obliged  to  prefer  the  reading  of 
the  inferior  MSS.  to  that  of  the  great  MSS. 

^  Church  in  Rom.  Emp.,  p.  135  f. ;  St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  p.  279. 

2  In  the  latest  edition  they  coincide  with  Page's  construction,  which  gives 
sense,  but  which  (as  above  implied)  we  must,  with  Westcott  and  Hort,  reject 
as  not  of  Lukan  style,  and  as  illogical.  It  would,  however,  give  much  the 
same  ultimate  meaning  as  that  which  we  get  from  the  inferior  MSS. 


•Vt-  ?<  v/  1 


IX 


THE  OLIVE-TREE   AND  THE  WILD- 
OLIVE 


CO 


IX 

THE  OLIVE-TREE  AND  THE  WILD-OLIVEi 

I 

But  if  some  of  the  branches  were  broken  off,  and  thou,  being  a  wild 
olive,  wast  grafted  in  among  them,  and  didst  become  partaker  with  them 
of  the  root  of  the  fatness  of  the  olive  tree  ;  glory  not  over  the  branches  :  but 
if  thou  gloriest,  it  is  not  thou  that  bearest  the  root,  but  the  root  thee.  Thou 
wilt  say  then,  Branches  were  broken  off,  that  I  might  be  grafted  in.  Well ; 
by  their  unbelief  they  were  broken  off,  and  thou  standest  by  thy  faith.  Be 
not  highminded,  but  fear :  for  if  God  spared  not  the  natural  branches, 
neither  ivill  He  spare  thee.  Behold  then  the  goodness  and  severity  of  God  : 
toward  them  that  fell,  severity  ;  but  toward  thee,  God's  goodness,  if  thou  con- 
tinue in  His  goodness  :  otherwise  thou  also  shall  be  cut  off.  And  they  also, 
if  they  continue  not  in  their  unbelief,  shall  be  grafted  in  :  for  God  is  able 
to  graft  them  in  again.  For  if  thou  wast  cut  out  of  that  which  is  by 
nature  a  wild  olive  tree,  and  wast  grafted  contrary  to  nature  into  a  good 
olive  tree :  how  much  move  shall  these,  which  are  the  natural  branches, 
he  grafted  into  their  own  olive  tree  ? — Romans  xi.  17-24. 

Few  passages  in  St.  Paul's  writings  have  given  rise  to  so 
much  erroneous  comment  as  the  above  ;  and  the  widespread 
idea  that  he  was  unobservant  and  ignorant  of  nature  and 
blind  to  the  ordinary  processes  of  the  world  around  him 
seems  to  be  mainly  founded  on  the  false  views  that  have 

1 1  have  consulted  my  colleague  Professor  J.  W.  H.  Trail,  Professor  of 
Botany,  on  the  subject  of  this  paper ;  and  he  has  cleared  up  several  points 
for  me ;  but  I  refrain  from  quoting  his  opinion  on  any  special  point,  lest  I 
should  be  mixing  my  own  with  his  more  scientific  ideas. 

(219) 


220  IX 

been  taken  of  his  allusion  to  the  process  of  grafting.  The 
misunderstanding  of  this  passage  has  caused  such  far-reach- 
ing misapprehension  that  a  careful  discussion  of  it  seems  to 
be  urgently  called  for.  It  is  advisable  to  treat  the  subject 
in  a  wider  view  than  may  at  first  sight  seem  necessary ;  but 
the  wider  treatment  is  forced  on  the  writer  by  the  necessities 
of  the  case  and  the  demands  of  clearness,  though  his  first 
intention  was  only  to  write  a  short  statement  on  the  subject. 
The  unfortunate  omission  in  Dr.  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the 
Bible,  iii.,  6i6,  of  any  description  of  the  cultivation  of  the 
Olive,  closely  though  the  subject  bears  on  the  understanding 
of  many  passages  in  the  Bible,  at  once  compels  and  excuses 
the  length  of  the  treatment  here.  Dr.  Post,  who  wrote 
the  article  "  Olive  "  in  the  Dictionary,  would  have  been  an 
excellent  authority  on  this  subject,  on  account  of  his  long 
residence  in  Syria;  but  by  some  oversight  he  has  omitted 
it  entirely.  A  fuller  account  of  the  tree  is  given  by  Dr. 
Macalister  under  "  Food"  (ii.,  31)  and  "  Oil  "  (iii.,  591);  but 
the  culture  of  the  tree  could  not  well  be  treated  under  those 
headings,  and  is  therefore  wholly  omitted  in  the  Dictionary. 
Under  "  Grafting "  Dr.  Hastings  himself  refers  forward  to 
"  Olive,"  anticipating  the  account  which  after  all  is  not  there 
given.  Moreover  Dr.  Post's  article  "Oil-Tree"  (iii.,  592)  states 
views  which  are  in  some  respects  so  diametrically  opposed 
to  ordinary  opinions  and  supported  by  arguments  which  are 
in  some  respects  so  questionable,  that  the  subject  requires 
further  treatment.^ 

The  expression  "questionable,"  which  has  been  applied 
in  the  preceding  paragraph  to  a  statement  made  by  so  good 

1  Mr.  McLean's  articles  "  Olive  "  and  "  Oil-Tree  "  in  Encyc.  Bibl.  are  good 
but  very  brief.  He  is  bold  enough  to  hint  that  there  is  no  proof  of  the  re- 
cently invented  British  view  that  the  Oleaster  is  Eleagnus  angnstifulia. 


The  O live-Tree  and  the   Wild- Olive        221 

an  authority  as  Dr.  Post,  needs  justification.  He  says  (iii., 
591)  that,  when  Nehemiah  viii.  15,  in  a  list  of  five  kinds  of 
foliage  brought  from  the  mountains  "  to  make  booths," 
mentions  both  Wild-Olive  and  Olive,  "the  difference  be- 
tween the  latter  and  the  Wild-Olive  is  so  small,  that  it  is 
quite  unlikely  that  it  would  have  been  mentioned  by  a 
separate  name  in  so  brief  a  list  of  trees  used  for  the  same 
purpose ".  Accordingly  he  infers  that  the  Hebrew  word, 
which  is  there  translated  "Wild-Olive,"  is  the  name  of  a 
different  tree,  and  that  Wild-Olive  is  a  mistranslation.^  It 
is  difficult  to  justify  this  inference.  Pausanias  (ii.,  32)  men- 
tions Olive  and  Wild-Olive  in  a  list  of  three  trees ;  Artemi- 
dorus  (iv.,  52)  mentions  them  as  two  different  kinds  of  foliage 
used  for  garlands.  The  Olive  crown  was  considered  by  the 
ancients  essentially  different  from  the  Wild-Olive  crown, 
sacred  to  a  different  deity  and  used  for  a  different  purpose. 
Many  modern  botanists  (as  Professor  Fischer  mentions  in 
his  treatise'^  Der  Oelbaum,  p.  4  f)  consider  that  Olive  and 
Wild-Olive  are  two  distinct  species,  wholly  unconnected 
with  one  another.  It  seems  natural  and  probable  that  the 
order  should  be  issued,  as  Nehemiah  says,  to  bring  both 
Olive  and  Wild-Olive  branches :  had  either  name  been 
omitted  the  order  would  have  excluded  one  of  the  most 
abundant  and  suitable  kinds  of  foliage. 

1  do  not  pretend  to  be  able  satisfactorily  to  give  the 
required  treatment  of  the  subject ;  but  I  may  at  least  be 
able  to  call  attention  to  it,  point  out  defects  in  the  recognised 
English  authorities  and  in  the  statements  which  are  repeated 
by  writer  after  writer  as  if  they  were  true,  and  provoke  a 

^  It  will  be  necessary  to  discuss  the  nature  of  the  Wild-Olive  more  fully 
in  the  second  part  of  this  article. 

2  This  work  is  more  fully  described  below. 


222  IX 

more  thorough  treatment  by  some  better  scholar.  Even,  if 
I  should  in  turn  make  some  mistakes  in  a  subject  in  which  I 
am  only  an  outsider,  devoid  of  scientific  knowledge,  these  will 
be  corrected  in  some  fuller  discussion  which  may  hereafter 
be  given.  The  present  article  is  written  by  a  geographer 
and  historian,  not  by  a  botanist ;  but  the  modern  conception 
of  geography,  and  especially  of  historical  geography,  compels 
the  writer  in  that  subject  to  touch  often  on  historical  botany, 
the  diffusion  of  trees,  and  the  discovery  and  spread  of  the 
art  of  domesticating  and  cultivating  and  improving  fruit-trees. 
Clearness  will  probably  be  best  attained  by  stating  first 
of  all  the  interpretation  which  is  suggested  by  the  actual 
facts  of  Olive-culture,  and  thereafter  it  will  be  easier  to  see 
how  mistaken  are  many  of  the  inferences  that  have  been 
drawn  from  misinterpretation  of  the  passage.  I  had  long 
been  puzzled  by  it,  feeling  that  there  was  something  in  it 
which  was  not  allowed  for  by  the  modern  scholars  who  dis- 
cussed it,  and  yet  being  unable  to  specify  what  the  omitted 
factor  was.  The  perusal  of  an  elaborate  study  of  the  Olive- 
tree  and  the  Olive-culture  of  the  Mediterranean  lands  by 
Professor  Theobald  Fischer,  who  has  devoted  thirty  years 
to  the  study  of  the  Mediterranean  fruit-trees,  revealed  the 
secret.  Professor  Fischer  has  discovered  a  fact  of  Olive- 
culture  which  had  escaped  all  mere  tourists  and  ordinary 
travellers,  and  even  such  a  careful  observer  as  Rev.  W.  M. 
Thomson  in  that  excellent  old  work  The  Land  and  the  Book 
(which  deserves  a  higher  rank  than  many  much  more  im- 
posing and  famous  studies  published  by  more  recent 
scholars  and  observers,  who  had  not  seen  nearly  so  much 
as  Mr.  Thomson  did  during  his  thirty  years'  residence,  and 
who  in  respect  of  accui'acy  about  facts  and  details  of 
Palestine  sometimes  leave  something  to  be  desired). 


The  Olive- Tree  and  the   Wild- Olive        223 

No  better  authority  than  Professor  Fischer  could  be  de- 
sired or  obtained.  He  knows  the  subject  in  all  its  breadth 
better  probably  than  any  other  living  man  :  an  experienced 
practical  Olive-cultivator  might  surpass  him  in  certain  points 
of  knowledge  as  regards  one  country,  but  Professor  Fischer 
has  studied  it  for  all  countries  and  all  times.  He  has  created 
a  method  and  a  sphere  of  research,  and  gathered  around 
him  a  school  to  carry  out  his  system  of  observation  and 
study.  As  regards  Palestine,  but  no  other  Mediterranean 
country,  he  points  out  that  the  process  which  St.  Paul  had 
in  view  is  still  in  use  in  exceptional  circumstances  at  the 
present  day.  He  mentions  that  it  is  customary  to  rein- 
vigorate  an  Olive-tree  which  is  ceasing  to  bear  fruit,  by 
grafting  it  with  a  shoot  of  the  Wild-Olive,  so  that  the  sap  of 
the  tree  ennobles  this  wild  shoot  and  the  tree  now  again 
begins  to  bear  fruit.^ 

It  is  a  well-established  fact  that,  as  a  result  of  grafting, 
both  the  new  shoot  and  the  old  stock  are  affected.  The 
grafted  shoot  affects  the  stock  below  the  graft,  and  in  its 
turn  is  affected  by  the  character  of  the  stock  from  which  it 
derives  its  nourishment.  Hence,  although  the  old  stock 
had  lost  vigour  and  ceased  to  produce  fruit,  it  might  recover 
strength  and  productive  power  from  the  influence  of  the 
vigorous  wild  shoot  which  is  grafted  upon  it,  while  the  fruit 
that  is  grown  on  the  new  shoot  will  be  more  fleshy  and 
richer  in  oil  than  the  natural  fruit  of  the  Wild-Olive.  Such 
is  the  inevitable  process ;  and  it  is  evident  from  the  passage 

^ "  An  das  noch  heute  in  Palastina  geiibte  Verfahren,  einen  Olbaum,  der 
Friichte  zu  tragen  authort,  zu  verjiingen,  indem  man  ihn  mit  einem  der 
wilden  Wurzeltriebe  pfropft,  so  dass  der  Saft  des  Baumes  diesen  wilden 
Trieb  veredelt  und  der  Baum  nun  wieder  Friichte  tragt,  spielt  der  Apostel 
Paulus  an  Romer  ii.  17  "  (Der  Oelbaum — Petermanns  Mitteil.,  Erganzungsheft, 
No.  147,  p.  9). 


224  IX 

in  Romans,  even  without  any  other  authority,  that  the 
ancients  had  observed  this  fact  and  availed  themselves  of 
it  for  improving  weak  and  unproductive  trees.  The  words 
of  Romans  xi.  17  show  the  whole  process  employed  in  such 
cases  ;  the  tree  was  pruned,  and  after  the  old  branches  had 
been  cut  away  the  graft  was  made.  The  cutting  away  of 
the  old  branches  was  required  to  admit  air  and  light  to  the 
graft,  as  well  as  to  prevent  the  vitality  of  the  tree  from  being 
too  widely  diffused  over  a  large  number  of  branches. 

This  single  authority  would  be  sufficient  proof  to  one 
who  brings  to  the  account  a  right  estimate  of  St.  Paul's 
character  as  a  writer ;  but  further  independent  ancient 
authority  corroborates  him,  though  set  aside  by  modern 
writers.  Columella  (v.,  9)  says  that  when  an  Olive-tree  pro- 
duces badly,  a  slip  of  a  Wild-Olive  is  grafted  on  it,  and  this 
gives  new  vigour  to  the  tree.  This  passage  suggests  that 
the  tree  was  not  thoroughly  cut  down,  for  the  intention 
is  not  to  direct  the  growth  entirely  to  the  graft  alone,  but 
to  invigorate  the  whole  tree  by  the  introduction  of  the  fresh 
wild  life.  Columella  does  not  say  whether  the  engrafted 
shoot  was  affected  by  the  character  of  the  root ;  but  St. 
Paul's  statement  that  it  was  so  affected  is  confirmed  by  the 
modern  views  as  to  the  effect  of  grafting,  viz.^  that  the  old 
and  the  new  parts  are  affected  by  one  another.  The  fully 
grown  tree  is  presumably  able  to  affect  more  thoroughly 
the  engrafted  wild  shoot,  whereas  in  the  first  grafting  the 
young  tree  was  thoroughly  cut  down,  and  the  whole  was 
more  affected  by  the  character  of  the  engrafted  shoot,  which 
constitutes  the  whole  tree.     See  p.  227  f. 

A  frequently  quoted  passage  of  Palladius,  who,  though  he 
wrote  in  verse  about  grafting,  was  also  a  recognised  authority 
on  agriculture  and  horticulture,  confirms  Columella  and  St. 


The  Olive-Tree  and  the   Wild-Olive        225 

Paul  that  the  Wild-Olive  graft  invigorated  the  tree  on  which 
it  was  set,  though  he  adds,  apparently,  that  the  wild  graft 
did  not  itself  bear  the  olives  which  the  rest  of  the  tree  bore  : 
this  last  statement  is  probably  a  rhetorical  flourish,  and  he 
means  only  that  the  Wild-Olive  had  never  borne  olives  such 
as  it  caused  the  reinvigorated  tree  to  bear.  The  fruit  of 
the  Wild-Olive  was  poor  and  contained  little  oil ;  but  the 
oil  which  it  produces  is  not  bad  in  quality  though  poor  in 
quantity. 

The  comparison  which  St.  Paul  makes  is  sustained 
through  a  series  of  details.  The  chosen  people  of  God,  the 
Jews,  are  compared  to  the  Olive-tree,  which  was  for  a  long 
time  fertilised  and  productive.  The  cause  of  their  growth 
and  productiveness,  the  sap  which  came  up  from  the  root 
and  gave  life  to  the  tree,  was  their  faith.  But  this  chosen 
people  ceased  to  be  good  and  fertile  ;  the  people  lacked 
faith ;  the  tree  became  dry,  sapless  and  unproductive. 
Surgical  treatment  was  then  necessary  for  the  tree ;  the 
more  vigorous  stock  of  the  Wild-Olive  must  be  grafted  on 
it,  while  the  sapless  and  barren  branches  are  cut  off.  In 
the  same  way  many  of  the  chosen  people  have  been  cut 
off  because  of  their  lack  of  faith ;  and  in  the  vacant  place 
has  been  introduced  a  scion  of  the  Gentiles,  not  cultivated 
by  ages  of  education,  but  possessing  some  of  the  vigour 
of  faith.  The  new  stock  makes  the  tree  and  the  congrega- 
tion once  more  fertile.  But  the  new  stock  is  helpless  in 
itself,  unproductive  and  useless,  a  mere  Wild-Olive ;  only  in 
its  new  position,  grafted  into  the  old  stock,  made  a  member 
of  the  ancient  congregation  of  God,  is  it  good  and  fertile ; 
it  depends  on  and  is  supported  by  the  old  root.  Faith,  or 
the  want  of  faith,  determines  the  lot  of  all ;  if  the  Gentiles, 
who  have  been  introduced  into  the  old  congregation  of  God, 

15 


226  IX 

lose  their  faith,  they  too  shall  be  cut  off  in  their  turn  ;  as 
every  unproductive  branch  of  the  tree  is  rigorously  eliminated 
by  the  pruner.  If  the  Jews  recover  their  faith,  and  do  not 
continue  in  their  unbelief,  they  shall  be  restored  by  being 
regrafted  on  the  tree.  They  are  naturally  of  noble  stock, 
and  the  regular  natural  process  of  grafting  the  Olive  with 
noble  stock  shall  be  carried  out  afresh  for  them.  They  have 
far  greater  right,  for  they  are  the  chosen  people,  and  the 
noble  scion  is  the  ordinary  graft ;  and  if  God  can,  con- 
trary to  the  ordinary  process,  graft  the  Wild-Olive  scion 
into  the  Olive-tree  in  certain  exceptional  circumstances, 
much  more  will  He  give  a  place  in  the  congregation  to 
all  true  Israelites  and  graft  the  noble  scion  into  the  tree. 
This  complicated  allegory,  carried  out  in  so  great  detail, 
suits  well  and  closely;  and  the  spiritual  process  is  made 
more  intelligible  by  it  to  the  ancient  readers,  who  knew  the 
processes  of  Olive-culture,  and  esteemed  them  as  sacred  and 
divinely  revealed.  Here,  as  often  in  the  Bible,  the  rever- 
ence of  the  ancients  for  the  divine  life  of  the  trees  of  the 
field  must  be  borne  in  mind  in  order  ^  to  appreciate  properly 
the  words  of  the  Biblical  writers.  It  is  proverbially  difficult 
to  make  an  allegory  suit  in  every  part ;  the  restoration  of 
the  amputated  branches  of  the  Olive  cannot  actually  take 
place ;  but  here  St.  Paul  invokes  superhuman  agency,  for 
God  can  regraft  them  on  the  stock,  if  they  recover  faith. 
Does  he  mean  to  suggest  that,  while  this  is  possible  with 
God,  it  is  not  likely  to  take  place  in  practice,  for  the  ejected 
Jews  show  no  more  sign  of  recovering  faith  and  so  estab- 
lishing a  claim  to  restoration  than  the  amputated  branches 
show  of  recovering  vigour  and  deserving  regrafting  on  the 

^  On  this  subject  I  may  be  permitted  to  refer  to  The  Letters  to  the  Seven 
Churches,  1904,  p.  247. 


The  Olive- Tree  and  the   Wild-Olive        227 

old  stock  ?  Just  as  the  process  does  not  occur  in  nature,  so 
the  spiritual  process  is  impossible  except  as  a  miracle  of 
God's  action.  If  we  could  press  this  suggestion,  then  the 
allegory  would  suit  with  quite  extraordinary  completeness. 

The  reference  to  nature  in  xi.  24  is  probably  to  be 
understood  as  we  have  explained  it  in  the  preceding  para- 
graph. Commonly,  the  produce  of  grafting  was  spoken  of 
by  the  ancients  as  contrary  to  nature,  and  was  compared 
with  the  adoption  of  children  by  men,  which  also  was  con- 
trasted with  the  natural  process  of  generation.  But  here 
the  ordinary  and  invariable  process  of  grafting  with  a  noble 
scion  is  called  natural,  while  the  unusual  and  exceptional 
process  of  grafting  with  the  Wild-Olive  is  said  to  be  con- 
trary to  nature.  The  changed  point  of  view  is  obviously 
justified,  and  needs  no  further  explanation. 

I  do  not  know  certainly  how  far  it  is  safe  to  press  the 
expression  used  by  St.  Paul,  "  some  of  the  branches  were  cut 
off".  It  is  a  well-known  and  familiar  fact  that  every  young 
Olive-tree,  when  grafted  with  a  shoot  of  the  cultivated  Olive, 
is  pruned  and  cut  down  so  thoroughly  that  hardly  anything 
is  left  of  it  but  one  bare  stem,  on  which  the  new  scion  is 
grafted.  Thus  the  entire  energy  of  the  young  tree  is  directed 
into  the  new  graft.  Does  St.  Paul  imply  that,  in  the  pro- 
cess of  grafting  at  a  later  period  of  growth,  when  the  tree 
has  become  enfeebled,  only  some  of  the  old  branches  were 
cut  away,  while  others  were  allowed  to  remain  ?  Both 
Columella  and  Palladius  seem  favourable  to  this  interpreta- 
tion. I  should  be  glad  to  receive  correction  or  additional 
information  on  this  point ;  and  I  mention  it  here  chiefly  in 
the  hope  of  eliciting  criticism.  What  is  the  exact  process, 
when  this  exceptional  kind  of  grafting  takes  place  ?  How 
far  is  the  fruitless  old  tree  cut  down  ?     Is  the  tree  left  still 


228  IX 

a  tree  with  some  branches,  or  is  it  cut  down  to  a  mere 
stock  ?  It  is  well  established,  according  to  Professor  Fischer 
p.  31,  that  every  fifty  N^ears  the  Olive  ought  to  be  closely 
pruned  and  thoroughly  manured  in  order  to  give  it  fresh 
vigour ;  and  it  is  natural  to  suppose  that  the  still  more 
drastic  method  of  regrafting  with  Wild-Olive  was  connected 
occasionally  with  this  process  of  rejuvenating  and  reinvigor- 
ating  the  worn-out  tree,  and  that  it  would  be  accompanied 
by  a  thorough  pruning  and  cutting  down,  though  this  does 
not  imply  a  reduction  of  the  tree  to  a  single  stem,  as  in  the 
first  grafting  of  the  young  tree  at  the  age  of  seven  to  ten 
years.  ^ 

The  idea  in  this  regrafting  evidently  is  that  reinvigora- 
tion  will  be  best  accomplished  by  mixture  with  a  strange 
and  widely  diverse  stock  ;  and  this  idea  has  sound  scientific 
basis.  It  is  not  strange  that  the  ancient  rules  of  culture 
implied  the  knowledge  of  such  secret  and  obscure  facts. 
The  account  given  in  the  present  writer's  Impressiot'S  of 
Turkey,  p.  273,  of  the  rules  for  maintaining  the  highest 
quality  in  the  Angora  goat  (as  observed  in  its  original 
home)  may  be  compared  here.  It  is  necessary  to  recur 
occasionally  to  the  natural  ground-stock,  the  original  and 
fundamental  basis  of  the  Olive ;  and  though  the  existing 
Wild-Olive  is  not  exactly  the  fundamental  and  original 
stock,  it  is  as  near  it  as  the  possibilities  of  the  case  permit, 
and  crossing  with  the  Wild-Olive  is  the  only  way  possible 
now  of  replacing  the  weakened  original  elements  in  the 
cultivated  tree. 

Most  of  the  modern  writers  on  this  subject  have  been 
betrayed  by  the  assumption  (which  they  almost  all  seem  to 

1  The  nature  of  the  Wild-Olive  is  discussed  in  Part  II. 


The  Olive-Tree  and  the   Wild- 0 live        229 

make  ^)  that  in  this  passage  of  Romans  St.  Paul  is  speaking 
of  the  ordinary  process  of  grafting  the  young  Ohve-tree. 
This  grafting  is  a  necessary  and  universal  fact  of  Olive- 
culture.  An  ungrafted  tree  will  never  produce  really  good 
fruit,  however  noble  be  the  stock  from  which  it  is  derived. 
The  process  is  familiar ;  and  yet  it  must  be  briefly  described 
in  order  to  eliminate  a  certain  error.  The  Olive  is  grown 
from  a  shoot  of  a  good  tree,  planted  in  well-prepared  ground, 
carefully  tended  and  treated.  When  the  young  tree  is  seven 
to  ten  years  old,  it  is  grafted  with  a  shoot  from  the  best 
stock  procurable.  The  Wild-Olive  plays  no  part  whatso- 
ever in  the  life  of  the  ordinary  Olive-tree,  which  is  of  noble 
stock  and  grafted  anew  from  noble  stock. 

St.  Paul  was  not  referring  to  that  process  when  he  used 
the  words  of  xi.  17.  He  was  quite  aware  of  the  character 
of  that  process,  and  clearly  refers  to  it  in  xi.  24,  when  that 
verse  is  properly  understood.  But  in  xi.  17  he  describes 
a  totally  different  and,  as  he  clearly  intimates,  unusual 
process,  employed  only  in  exceptional  circumstances  (as 
Columella  also  implies),  when  the  Wild-Olive  was  called  in 
to  cure  the  inefficiency  of  the  cultivated  tree. 

Two  different  kinds  of  unfavourable  comment  are  made 
on  this  passage.  Some  writers  consider  that  St.  Paul  is 
merely  supposing  a  case,  and  does  not  intend  to  suggest 
that  this  is  a  possible  or  actually  used  method  of  grafting ; 
this  supposed  case  illustrates  his  argument,  and  he  moulds 
his  language  accordingly.  Other  writers  consider  that  St. 
Paul  was  wholly  ignorant  of  the  nature  of  the  case  ;  that 
he  had  heard  vaguely  of  the  process  of  grafting,  and  fancied 
that  a  wild  shoot  was  grafted  on  a  good  tree  ;  and  they 

1  Ewbank  (quoted  by  Howson  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  ii.,  622) 
has  taken  so  far  the  right  view ;  but  I  have  not  access  to  his  Commentary. 


2  30  IX 

rightly  add  that  such  ignorance  would  prove  him  to  have 
been  wholly  uninterested  in  the  outer  world. 

The  first  view — that  St.  Paul  merely  takes  this  impossible 
and  unused  method  of  grafting  as  an  illustration  of  his  argu- 
ment, without  implying  that  it  was  actually  employed  in 
Olive-culture — has  been  widely  held  by  British  scholars.  It 
is  stated  very  strongly  and  precisely  in  what  may  fairly  be 
styled  the  standard  Commentary  on  Romans,  by  Professors 
Sanday  and  Headlam,  and  we  shall  have  their  work  chiefly 
in  mind  in  this  connection.^ 

This  view  seems  unsatisfactory.  St.  Paul  is  attempting 
to  describe  a  certain  remarkable  spiritual  process,  to  make 
it  clear  to  his  readers,  to  enable  them  to  understand  how  it 
was  possible  and  how  it  was  brought  about.  The  spiritual 
process  was  in  itself,  at  first  sight,  improbable  and  diiificult 
to  reconcile  with  the  nature  of  God,  who  in  it  cuts  off  some 
of  the  people  that  He  had  Himself  chosen  and  puts  in  their 
place  strangers  of  a  race  which  He  had  not  chosen  and 
which  therefore  was  inferior.  This  seemingly  unnatural 
process  is,  according  to  the  view  in  question,  commended  to 
the  intelligence  of  the  readers  by  comparing  it  with  a  non- 
existent process  in  Olive-culture — "  one  which  would  be 
valueless  and  is  never  performed,"  to  use  the  clear  and 
pointed  words  of  the  two  above-named  authors.  They  say 
that  "the  whole  strength  of  St.  Paul's  argument  depends 
on  the  process  being  an  unnatural  one  ;  it  is  beside  the 
point,  therefore,  to  quote  passages  from  classical  writers, 
which   even  if  they  seem   to  support  St.  Paul's   language 

^  I  hope  that  I  shall  not  misrepresent  their  view.  Owing  to  certain 
widespread  misapprehensions  about  Olive-culture  (described  in  the  sequel), 
I  have  found  some  difficulty  in  catching  their  real  meaning,  in  spite  of  the 
apparent  clearness  and  sharpness  of  their  language. 


The  O live-Tree  and  the   Wild-Olive        231 

describe  a  process  which  can  never  be  actually  used.  They 
could  only  show  the  ignorance  of  others,  they  would  not 
justify  him." 

It  is,  however,  hard  to  see  how  a  spiritual  process,  con- 
fessedly contrary  to  nature  and  improbable,  is  made  more 
intelligible  by  comparing  it  with  a  process  in  external 
nature,  which  is  never  employed,  because  it  would  be  use- 
less and  even  mischievous  if  it  were  employed.  Other 
writers  have  tried  to  make  spiritual  processes  credible  by 
showing  that  similar  processes  occur  in  external  nature. 
St.  Paul,  according  to  this  view,  proves  that  the  spiritual 
process  is  credible,  because  it  resembles  a  process  impossible 
in  and  contrary  to  external  nature. 

We  cannot  accept  such  a  view — in  spite  of  our  respect 
and  admiration  for  the  distinguished  scholars  who  have 
advocated  it.  Nor  can  we  admit  that  they  are  justified  in 
setting  aside  the  statement  of  a  writer  like  Columella  with 
the  offhand  dictum  that  it  "  shows  his  ignorance  ".  Colu- 
mella, in  a  formal  treatise  on  horticulture  (v.,  9),  describes 
very  fully  the  process,  stage  by  stage.  He  describes  it 
as  unusual  and  exceptional ;  and  he  describes  in  another 
chapter  (v.,  11)  the  usual  and  regular  process  of  grafting. 
The  fact  is  that  it  is  the  modern  commentators  who  have 
misunderstood  and  misjudged.  Columella,  Palladius  and 
St.  Paul  agree  and  are  right :  and  modern  science  has 
justified  them,  as  we  shall  see. 

Rejecting  this  first  view,  and  concluding  that  St.  Paul 
was  here  quoting  what  he  believed  to  be  an  actual  process 
used  in  external  nature  in  order  to  make  intelligible  a 
spiritual  process,  we  may  for  a  moment  glance  at  the  other 
view,  that  his  belief  was  wholly  wrong.  Thus,  for  example, 
Mr.  Baring-Gould,  in  his  Study  of  St.  Paul,  p.  275,  finds 


232  IX 

in  this  passage  of  Romans  the  occasion  for  one  of  his  con- 
temptuous outbursts  against  the  narrowness,  clulness  and 
ignorance  of  the  Apostle.  "  Inspiration,"  he  says,  "did  not 
prevent  him  from  bungling  in  the  matter  of  grafting  of  an 
Olive-tree,  and  from  producing  a  bad  argument  through 
want  of  observing  a  very  simple  process  in  arboriculture," 

It  would  certainly  be  a  very  strong  proof  of  blindness  to 
the  character  of  external  nature,  if  St.  Paul  had  been  mis- 
taken in  thinking  that  this  process  was  used  ;  and  it  would 
fully  justify  some  strong  inferences  as  to  his  character  and 
habit  of  mind.  This  point  is  one  that  deserves  some  notice. 
Olive-culture  may  seem  to  the  northern  mind  a  remote  and 
unfamiliar  subject,  about  which  a  philosopher  might  remain 
ignorant.  Even  in  the  Mediterranean  lands  it  is  now  very 
far  from  being  as  important  as  it  was  in  ancient  times.  It 
was  practically  impossible  for  a  thinker,  at  that  time,  if 
brought  up  in  the  Greek  or  Syrian  world,  to  be  ignorant  of 
the  salient  facts  about  the  nature  of  the  Olive,  and  yet  to  be 
abreast  of  the  thought  and  knowledge  of  his  time.  So 
important  was  the  Olive  to  the  ancient  world,  so  impressive 
and  noteworthy  were  its  nature  and  culture,  so  much  of 
life  and  thought  and  education  was  associated  with  it,  that  a 
gross  mistake  about  the  subject  would  imply  such  a  degree  of 
intellectual  blindness  as  is  quite  inconsistent  with  the  concep- 
tion of  St.  Paul  which  the  present  writer  believes  to  be  right. 

About  three  years  after  grafting  the  young  tree  begins 
to  bear  fruit ;  but  eight  or  nine  years  are  required  before  it 
produces  plentifully.  Thus  Olive-trees  require  from  fifteen 
to  nineteen  years  before  they  begin  to  repay  the  work  and 
expense  that  have  been  lavished  on  them.  Such  a  slow 
return  will  not  begin  to  tempt  men  except  in  an  age  of 
peace  and  complete  security  for  property.     The  cultivation, 


The  O live-Tree  and  the   Wild- Olive        233 

when  once  established,  may  last  through  a  state  of  war  and 
uncertainty — if  not  too  protracted  or  too  barbarous  in  char- 
acter— but  it  could  not  be  introduced  except  in  an  age  of 
peace  and  security.  The  Olive  was  the  latest  and  highest 
gift  of  the  Mother-Goddess  to  her  people. 

The  Olive  has  therefore  always  been  symbolical  of  an 
orderly,  peaceful,  settled  social  system.  The  suppliants  who 
begged  for  peace,  or  sought  to  be  purified  from  guilt  and 
restored  to  participation  in  society,  according  to  Greek 
custom  (probably  derived  immediately  from  Asia  Minory 
carried  in  their  hands  an  Olive-bough.  On  the  other  hand, 
a  district  which  was  dependent  for  its  prosperity  on  Olive- 
cultivation  suffered  far  more  than  others  from  the  ravages  of 
war,  when  the  war,  as  was  not  uncommon  in  a  barbarous 
age,  was  carried  to  the  savage  extreme  of  destroying  the 
fields  and  property  of  the  raided  or  conquered  country.  At 
the  best  the  ruin  was  practically  complete  until  the  new 
Olive-trees  which  were  planted  had  time  to  grow  to  the 
fully  productive  stage  about  seventeen  years  later.  But,  if 
security  was  not  felt,  if  people  were  afraid  to  risk  their 
labour  and  money  in  outlay  which  might  be  seized  by  others 
long  before  it  could  begin  to  be  remunerative,  the  ruin  was 
permanent,  and  the  country  sank  to  a  lower  economic  and 
social  stage ;  it  was  impoverished,  and  could  only  support 
a  much  more  scanty  population.  As  an  example  of  the 
effect  of  the  Olive-cultivation  on  the  density  of  population 
Professor  Fischer^  mentions  that  in  the  arrondissement 
Grasse  in  the  south  of  France,  one-third  of  the  land,  in 
which  Olives  were  produced,  contained  in  1880  a  population 

1  See  an  article  on  the  "  Religion  of  Asia  Minor  "  in  Hastings'  Dictionary 
of  the  Bible,  v.,  p.  127. 

^  In  his  already  quoted  treatise  Dcr  Oclbaiun,  p.  2. 


234  IX 

of  60,000,  while  the  other  two-thirds,  where  no  Ohves  grew, 
supported  only  10,000  people.  The  importance  of  this  pro- 
duction becomes  more  evident  when  one  remembers  that 
the  Olive  grows  excellently  on  hill-slopes,  where  the  soil  is 
thin  and  scanty  and  otherwise  of  little  value ;  while  the 
rich  soil  of  well-watered  plains  produces  fruit  large  in  size, 
but  poor  in  oil.  Abundant  air,  light  and  sunshine  are 
necessary,  and  these  can  be  best  obtained  on  sloping  ground, 
while  artificial  enriching  of  the  soil  supplies  all  the  needed 
nourishment  to  the  tree. 

Several  passages  in  the  Bible  refer  to  the  uncertainty  of 
possession  in  Olive-trees  that  results  from  war.  The 
Israelites  were  promised  the  ownership  of  Olive-trees  in 
Palestine  which  they  had  not  planted  (Joshua  xxiv.  13, 
Deuteronomy  vi.  11).  Such  is  the  invariable  anticipation 
of  the  tribes  from  the  desert,  which  from  time  immemorial 
have  been  pressing  in  towards  the  rich  lands  of  Syria, 
eager  to  seize  and  enjoy  the  fruits  of  the  cultivated  ground 
which  others  have  prepared.  The  anticipation  can  be  best 
realised  if  the  conquest  is  quick  and  sudden.  In  case  of  a 
long  resistance  and  a  tedious  evenly  balanced  contest,  the 
land  is  injured  more  and  the  fruit-trees  are  cut  down  ;  the 
inhabitants  of  a  besieged  city  ma)^  cut  down  the  fruit-trees 
to  prevent  the  enemy  from  sheltering  behind  them  in  their 
attack,  or  the  besiegers  may  cut  them  to  make  engines  and 
other  means  of  attack  (as  the  Crusaders  did  at  Jerusalem  in 
1099).  Invaders  who  were  repulsed,  or  were  not  strong 
enough  to  hope  for  permanent  possession  of  the  land,  were 
the  worst  of  all  in  ancient  warfare.  They  commonly  burnt, 
ravaged  and  destroyed  from  mere  wanton  desire  to  do  as 
much  harm  as  possible  to  the  country  and  the  enemy  who 
possessed  it. 


The  O live-Tree  and  the  Wild-Olive        235 

As  the  cultivation  of  the  Olive  requires  so  much  pru- 
dence, foresight  and  self-denial  in  the  present  for  the  sake  of 
gain  in  the  distant  future,  it  belongs  to  a  higher  order  of 
civilisation,  and  in  modern  times  it  has  almost  entirely  ceased 
in  many  Mohammedan  countries,  and  where  it  persists  in 
them  it  is  practised,  so '  far  at  least  as  the  present  writer's 
experience  extends,  almost  solely  by  Christians,  In  part 
this  is  due  to  the  savage  nature  of  the  Mohammedan  wars  ; 
but  that  is  not  the  whole  reason.  The  Olives  were  not 
wholly  cut  down  at  the  conquest,  for  it  was  too  rapid  and 
easy,  but  they  suffered  terribly  in  the  Crusaders'  wars ; 
though  even  so  close  to  Jerusalem  as  the  Garden  of  Geth- 
semane  there  are  still  some  trees  which,  according  to  com- 
mon belief,  pay  only  the  tax  levied  on  Olives  that  existed 
before  the  Moslem  conquest,  and  not  the  higher  tax  levied 
on  those  which  were  planted  after  the  conquest. 

But  Mohammedanism  is  not  favourable  to  the  quality  of 
far-sighted  prudence  needed  in  Olive-culture :  the  Moham- 
medan tends  to  the  opinion  that  man  ought  not  to  look 
fifteen  or  nineteen  years  ahead,  but  should  live  in  the 
present  year  and  leave  the  future  to  God.  Where  this 
quality  of  prudence  fails,  Olive-culture  must  degenerate, 
since  the  outlook  to  a  distant  future,  which  is  needed  at 
every  stage,  becomes  neglected  more  and  more  as  time 
passes. 

The  cultivation  of  the  Olive  therefore  has  practically 
ceased  wherever  a  purely  Mohammedan  population  possesses 
the  land.  This  arises  not  from  any  inherent  necessity  of 
Mohammedanism,  but  from  the  character  which  that 
religion  gradually  wrought  out  for  itself  in  its  historical 
development.  No  Mohammedan  people,  except  perhaps 
the   Moors  in    Spain,  has  ever   constructed    a  sufficiently 


236  IX 

stable  and  orderly  government  to  give  its  subjects  confid- 
ence that  they  will  retain  their  possession  long  enough  to 
make  it  worth  while  to  cultivate  the  Olive.  As  confidence 
grows  less,  the  outlook  over  the  future  is  narrowed,  the 
Olive  is  more  and  more  neglected,  and  the  spirit  of  fatalism 
grows  stronger. 

Similarly,  even  in  Corfu,  it  is  said,  the  culture  has  much 
degenerated,  owing  to  the  people  becoming  idle,  careless 
and  improvident.  At  Athens  the  Olives  of  the  famous 
groves  are  now  oversupplied  with  water,  and  the  fruit  has 
become  large  and  oil-less :  whereas  in  ancient  times  that 
grove  produced  finer  and  more  abundant  oil  than  any  other 
trees. 

In  short,  the  Olive  is  a  tree  that  is  associated  with  a 
high  order  of  thought  and  a  high  standard  of  conduct.  It 
demands  these ;  it  fosters  them ;  and  it  degenerates  or 
ceases  where  the  population  loses  them.  In  the  beginning 
the  collective  experience  and  wisdom  of  a  people  living  for 
generations  in  a  state  of  comparative  peace  ^  formulated  the 
rules  of  cultivation,  and  impressed  them  as  a  religious  duty 
on  succeeding  generations. 

So  important  for  the  welfare  of  ancient  states  was  the 
proper  cultivation  of  the  Olive,  that  the  rules  were  pre- 
scribed and  enforced  as  a  religious  duty;  and,  as  gradually 
in  Greece  written  law  was  introduced  in  many  departments, 
where  previously  the  unwritten  but  even  more  binding 
religious  prescription  had  alone  existed  to  regulate  human 
action,  so  in  respect  of  the  Olive  law  began  in  the  time 
of  Solon  to  publish  and  enforce  some  of  the  rules  to  be 
observed.  The  Olive-tree  requires  a  certain  open  space 
around  it  to  admit  freely  the  air  and  light  which  are  indis- 

'  Hastings'  Dictionary,  v.,  p.  133. 


The  Olive- Tree  and  the   Wild-Olive        237 

pensable  for  its  growth,  and  in  Solon's  time  the  principle 
was  that  there  must  be  a  space  of  at  least  eighteen  feet 
between  two  trees. ^  The  wood  of  the  Olive  was  extremely 
valuable,  and  there  was  a  danger  that  short-sighted  selfish- 
ness might  cut  down  trees  for  immediate  profit  regardless 
of  the  loss  in  the  future ;  therefore  an  old  law  in  Attica 
forbade  any  owner  to  cut  down  more  than  two  Olive-trees 
in  a  year. 

Dr.  Post  and  others  have  well  described  the  usefulness 
of  the  Olive  in  modern  life  in  Mediterranean  lands.  Study 
of  the  inscriptions  and  authors  shows  that  its  usefulness  to 
the  ancients  was  far  more  highly  esteemed,  just  as  it  was  far 
more  abundantly  and  widely  cultivated.  It  was  regarded  as 
being  more  than  useful ;  it  was  necessary  for  the  life  of  man, 
as  life  was  understood  by  the  ancients. 

Such  was  the  lofty  conception  which  the  ancients,  es- 
pecially the  Greeks,  entertained  of  the  sacred  character  of 
the  Olive ;  and  a  modern  writer  might  be  justified,  if  he 
tried  to  describe  in  more  eloquent  terms  than  mine  the  im- 
portance of  the  tree.  St.  Paul  might  well  go  to  the  Olive- 
tree  for  explanation  and  corroboration  of  his  argument ;  but 
the  effect  of  his  illustration  would  depend  with  his  ancient 
readers  entirely  on  the  correctness  of  his  facts.  They 
respected  and  venerated  the  tree :  to  make  an  absurd  sug- 
gestion or  display  an  erroneous  belief  about  the  culture  of 
the  tree  would  only  offend  the  ancient  mind.  We,  who  have 
to  go  to  books  in  order  to  find  out  the  elementary  facts 
about  the   Olive,  and  who  regard  the  whole  subject  as  a 

1  Plutarch,  Solon,  23.  The  distance  is  inferred  from  the  form  of  the 
order  ;  a  man  must  not  plant  a  fig  or  Olive  within  nine  feet  of  his  neighbour's 
boundary.  Professor  Fischer,  p.  30,  has  incorrectly  apprehended  the  rule ; 
he  says  that  Solon  ordained  that  Olives  must  be  nine  feet  distant  from  one 
another,  vi^hich  would  be  far  too  close. 


238  IX 

matter  of  curiosity,  will  naturally  be  lenient  on  a  writer 
who  errs  where  we  feel  that  we  should  ourselves  be  prone 
to  make  errors ;  but  the  ancients  did  not  judge  like  us  in 
this  case.  This  is  one  of  the  many  cases  where  ancient 
feeling  and  modern  are  widely  separated ;  and  St.  Paul 
must  be  judged  by  the  requirements  of  his  time.  I  almost 
cease  to  wonder  that  Mr.  Baring-Gould  became  so  severe  a 
critic  of  St.  Paul's  character  and  intellect,  after  he  had  per- 
suaded himself  that  the  great  Apostle  had  made  such  a 
blunder  in  such  a  matter,  for  Mr.  Barini^-Gould  is  a  man 
who  has  observed  and  judged  frankly  for  himself. 

If  the  process  of  grafting  with  the  Wild-Olive  shoot  was 
a  known  one  in  ancient  Olive-culture,  the  question  may  be 
asked  how  it  happens  that  Origen  was  ignorant  of  it,  since 
he  asserts  positively  that  St.  Paul  in  this  parage  is  putting 
a  case  which  never  actually  occurs.^ 

In  the  first  place,  it  is  evident  from  the  nature  of  the 
case  that  this  kind  of  grafting  was  not  very  frequent :  only 
in  exceptional  cases  was  a  tree  in  such  circumstances  as  to 
need  this  surgical  treatment.  It  might  therefore  quite  well 
happen  that  Origen  might  know  about  the  ordinary  process 
of  grafting  and  yet  be  ignorant  of  the  extraordinary  process, 
so  that  he  declares  as  emphatically  as  most  modern  writers 
except  Professor  Fischer,  that  there  was  no  grafting  with 
Wild-Olive  but  only  with  the  cultivated  Olive. 

In  the  second  place,  Origen  lived  in  Egypt,  and  this 
explains  his  ignorance.  The  Wild-Olive  was  and  is  unknown 
in  Egypt.-^  It  does  not  grow  in  the  country  naturally;  and, 
of  course,  only  the  cultivated  Olive  would  be  introduced 
artificially.     Origen,  therefore,  could   never  have  seen   the 

1  The  passage  is  quoted  in  the  edition  of  Professors  vSanday  and  Headlam. 
'^  Fischer,  p.  lo. 


The  O live-Tree  and  the   Wild-Olive       239 

process  in  Egypt,  where  Olive-culture  must  have  made 
shift  without  this  surgical  treatment.  Similarly,  the  modern 
scholars,  who  assert  so  positively  that  there  is  only  one  kind 
of  grafting,  are  all  ignorant  of  the  practical  facts,  because 
they  belong  to  lands  where  Olive-culture  is  not  practised, 
and  they  speak  all  from  theory,  or  as  the  result  of  questions 
which  they  have  put  to  Olive-growers  during  their  travels. 
Now,  it  is  very  easy  for  misunderstanding  to  arise  on  this 
subject :  the  practical  growers  even  in  Palestine  assured 
Mr.  W.  M.  Thomson^  frequently  that  all  grafting  was  done 
with  cultivated  shoots,  because  they  were  speaking  of  the 
regular  grafting :  the  extraordinary  process  for  surgical 
reasons  was  not  in  their  mind  at  the  time.  Moreover,  those 
men  are  always  extremely  unwilling  to  reveal  the  secret  and 
exceptional  processes  of  their  occupation.  An  example  of 
this  unwillingness,  connected  with  the  breeding  of  the  mohaih- 
goat,  is  described  in  the  present  writer's  Impressions  of 
Turkey,  p.  272. 

In  the  third  place  Origen  evidently  was  entirely  ignor- 
ant of  Olive-culture  as  it  was  conducted  in  Egypt,  and  knew 
it  only  from  literature,  not  from  observation.  He  says  that 
the  cultivators  grafted  the  cultivated  Olive  on  the  Wild,  and 
not  vice  versa.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Wild-Olive  is 
unknown  in  Egypt ;  and  the  Olive  there,  both  root  and 
graft,  was  the  cultivated  Olive. 

Finally,  as  the  most  important  reason  of  all,  St.  Paul 
introduced  the  illustration  from  the  spontaneous  fountain 
of  his  own  knowledge ;  he  selected  a  good  illustration  where 
he  found  it.  But  Origen  is  here  the  commentator  toiling 
after  his  author  and  forced  to  go  where  the  author  leads 
him,  whether  or  not  his  own  experience  and  knowledge  are 

^  The  hand  and  the  Book,  p.  53. 


240  IX 

competent.  In  such  circumstances  the  author's  knowledge 
and  statement  must  be  reckoned  higher  than  the  commen- 
tator's, even  if  they  were  both  equally  unconfirmed  from 
external  sources. 

It  may  also  be  added  here  that,  not  merely  is  the  culti- 
vation of  the  Olive  now  carried  out  on  a  very  much  smaller 
scale  than  in  ancient  times,  having  entirely  perished  in  many 
districts  and  entire  countries  where  formerly  it  was  practised 
on  a  vast  scale ;  it  is  also,  in  all  probability,  done  now  in 
many  districts  (though  certainly  not  in  all)  after  a  less 
scientific  fashion  and  with  less  knowledge  of  the  possible 
treatment  of  weak  and  exceptional  cases  than  in  ancient 
times. 

The  method  of  invigorating  a  decadent  Olive-tree,  de- 
scribed above  as  practised  in  Palestine,  is,  I  believe,  not 
employed  now  in  Asia  Minor.  I  have  consulted  several 
persons  of  experience,  and  they  were  all  agreed  that  this 
process  is  unknown  in  the  country.  But  this  forms  no  proof 
that  the  method  was  unknown  there  in  ancient  times.  The 
culture  has  entirely  ceased  in  many  districts,  and  where  it 
remains  the  methods  are,  as  I  believe,  degenerated  in  several 
respects  (as  in  many  other  departments  of  the  treatment  of 
nature  for  the  use  of  man)  from  the  ancient  standard. 

II 

The  slight  account  given  in  the  first  part  of  this  paper  of 
the  importance  of  the  Olive-tree  in  the  economy  of  an  Olive- 
growing  country  brings  into  clear  relief  the  meaning  of  many 
passages  in  the  Bible.  Only  one  of  these  will  be  touched 
on  here.  When  in  Revelations  vi.  5  f  the  rider  on  the  black 
horse,  who  symbolises  famine  resulting  from  invasion,  goes 
forth,   scarcity  is  announced  with  dearness  of  wheat  and 


PLATE  X. 


'^"4x 


Fig.  i6. — Falls  of  the  Cydnus  on  the  North  side  of  Tarsus 
(Mrs.  W.  M.  Ramsay). 

To  face  p.  240.  Sec  p.  279, 


The  O live-Tree  and  the   Wild-Olive        241 

barley,  but  the  oil  and  the  wine  are  not  to  be  injured.  The 
standing  crops  shall  be  wasted  by  the  Parthian  invaders, 
but  the  fruit-trees  shall  not  suffer.  The  raid  shall  be  a 
passing  one,  and  shall  not  do  permanent  and  lasting  destruc- 
tion. The  land  shall  be  able  to  recover  with  the  coming 
of  the  next  summer  harvest,  according  to  the  facts  stated 
above,  p.  234. 

In  view  of  modern  opinion  it  is  advisable  before  con- 
cluding to  say  a  word  about  the  Wild-Olive.  So  far  as 
ancient  literature  is  concerned  there  is  no  special  need  of 
much  explanation.  The  ancients  clearly  distinguish  be- 
tween two  trees — the  cultivated  Olive-tree,  and  another 
which  is  always  regarded  as  different  in  kind,  called  kotinos 
in  Greek  and  oleaster  in  Latin,  terms  which  are  ordinarily 
and  (as  I  believe)  rightly  rendered  Wild-Olive  by  modern 
students  of  ancient  literature.  As  was  pointed  out  in  the 
first  part  of  this  article,  p.  221,  these  are  mentioned  separately 
in  lists  of  different  trees  ;  they  were  regarded  as  different 
and  distinct  in  kind ;  and  they  were  sacred  to  different 
deities.  Zeus  was  the  god  to  whom  the  Wild-Olive  was 
sacred  ;  but  Pallas  Athenaia  presided  over  the  cultivation  of 
the  Olive,  she  produced  the  tree  from  the  ground,  and  the 
Olive-garland  was  the  symbol  of  her  worship.  In  the  follow- 
ing remarks  the  term  Wild-Olive  is  used  to  designate  the 
tree  which  was  called  by  the  ancients  KOTivo<i  and  oleaster. 
The  ordinary  unscientific,  yet  not  unobservant,  traveller,^  or 
the  ordinary  inhabitant  of  the  Olive-growing  districts  of 
Asia  Minor,  would  have  no  doubt  as  to  what  tree  is  meant 
by  these  terms :  he  is  familiar  with  both :  they  are  both  ex- 

1  Throughout  these  articles  I  have  been  indebted  to  the  observant  eyes 
and  retentive  memory  of  my  wife  for  such  facts,  though  she  must  not  be 
held  responsible  for  any  mistakes  I  may  make. 

16 


i4^  IX 

tremely  common,  yet  different  in  appearance  and  character. 
He  cannot  doubt  that  these  two  trees  would  both  be  fre- 
quently mentioned  by  the  ancients,  and  would  be  regarded 
by  them  as  separate  and  distinct  kind  of  trees. 

The  case  of  the  Wild-Olive  is  totally  different  from 
that  of  the  Wild-Fig  :  this  is  a  false  name,  a  mere  expres- 
sion of  ignorance,  denoting  the  male  Fig-tree  (called  e'/jtz/eo? 
by  the  Greeks,  and  caprificus  by  the  Latins).  The  Wild- 
Fig  tree,  or  Male  Fig,  is  in  appearance  exactly  like  the 
Fig-tree,  so  far  as  the  ordinary  person  can  detect.  It  very 
often  grows  in  walls  or  stony  places.  The  fruit  is  smaller, 
and  drops  off  about  two  months  before  the  edible  figs  ripen. 
This  fruit  is  full  of  dust  and  flies ;  the  flies  carry  the  dust 
to  fertilise  the  edible  figs.  I  have  been  told  in  Asiatic 
Turkey  that  unless  fertilised  by  this  dust  or  pollen  the  figs 
do  not  ripen  ;  but  I  believe  that  this  is  not  strictly  correct. 
The  pollen  quickens  the  growth  and  improves  the  fig ; 
but  is  not  absolutely  necessary.  The  statements  made  by 
some  modern  writers  that  ripe  figs  can  be  found  on  the 
trees  for  many  months  ^ — statements  which  so  far  as  I  know 
are  quite  incorrect — perhaps  originate  from  a  confusion  be- 
tween the  two  kinds  of  fig. 

It  is  different  when  one  comes  to  investigate  modern 
opinion  on  the  subject.     Then  one  is  involved  in  endless 

^  Canon  Tristram  says  that  in  the  hot  and  low  lands  beside  the  Dead 
Sea  the  figs  are  ripe  during  most  part  of  the  year.  Even  if  this  be  so  it 
does  not  affect  the  case  of  the  barren  Fig-tree  mentioned  in  Matthew  xxi., 
Mark  xi.,  which  was  nearly  4,000  feet  above  the  Dead  Sea,  where  no  person 
could  dream  of  finding  fruit  at  Easter.  That  incident  is  one  of  the  most 
difficult  in  the  New  Testament ;  and  nothing  that  has  been  written  about 
it  seems  of  any  value ;  but  I  am  not  prepared  to  offer  any  opinion.  I  do  not 
see  the  way  open  to  any  explanation  of  the  difficulty,  whether  in  the  way  of 
moral  teaching  or  of  erroneous  popular  mythology  affecting  in  this  case  the 
Gospels.    The  passage  is  to  me  utterly  obscure. 


The  Olive-Tree  and  the   Wild-Olive        243 

difficulties  and  differences  of  opinion,  amid  which  it  is 
extremely  hard  to  pick  and  choose. 

There  is  a  great  deal  of  misapprehension  about  the 
relation  between  the  Olive  and  the  Wild-Olive.  As  a 
general  rule  recent  writers  in  English  seem  to  have  missed 
the  truth  owing  to  the  erroneous  idea  that  a  much  closer 
similarity  exists  between  these  two  trees  than  is  really  the 
case.  It  would  almost  seem  as  if  many  of  them  thought 
that  the  Wild-Olive  is  simply  an  ordinary  Olive-tree  in  its 
natural  state  before  it  is  grafted,  and  that  it  is  made  into  a 
true  Olive  by  the  process  of  grafting.  That  is  erroneous, 
as  Mr.  W.  M.  Thomson  recognises,  in  the  book  which  we 
have  often  quoted  with  admiration  above.  So  much  I 
think  it  is  quite  safe  to  say,  though  I  may  not  be  able  to 
state  the  facts  as  I  have  seen  them  without  falling  into 
mistakes  due  to  unscientific  habits  of  mind  and  the  in- 
evitable inaccuracy  of  the  mere  untrained  observer. 

The  Wild-Olive  is  a  distinct  kind  of  tree,  which  even 
the  superficial  observer  would  not  mistake  for  the  true 
Olive.  It  bears  small  fruit,  which  produces  little  oil ;  ^  it 
has  ovate  leaves  of  a  greener  colour  than  the  grey  Olive- 
tree,  while  the  leaves  of  the  Olive  are  more  pointed  and 
lancet-shaped ;  the  bark  of  the  Wild-Olive  is  smoother, 
and  the  twigs  are  thorny  and  more  square  in  section, 
whereas  the  Olive  has  no  thorns  and  the  twigs  are  round. 
The  Wild-Olive  is  usually  only  a  bush,  which  grows  very 
widely  in  all  those  parts  of  the  Mediterranean  world  that 
I  am  acquainted  with  (except  Egypt).  Where  it  has  room 
and  good  soil,  however,  it  grows  to  be  a  considerable  tree, 
as  is  mentioned  below;  and  its  wood  is  tough,  hard,  and 
useful. 

1  The  oil,  though  small  in  quantity,  is  perfectly  good. 


244  ^^ 

The  Wild-Olive  grows  in  many  regions  where  the  culti- 
vated Olive  is  now  entirely  unknown  ;  and  it  grows  abund- 
antly in  regions  which  are  so  high  and  inclement  that, 
according  to  modern  statements,  the  cultivated  Olive  could 
never  have  flourished  in  them.  The  modern  opinion  which 
I  have  heard  is  that  the  Olive  requires  a  temperate  and  even 
warm  climate ;  and,  as  far  as  the  facts  of  the  present  day 
go,  it  never  grows  on  the  high  central  plateau  of  Asia  Minor. 
But  this  modern  opinion  seems  to  be  unjustifiable.  The 
failure  of  the  Olive  on  the  plateau  is  only  an  example  of 
the  general  fact  that  the  tree  is  never  cultivated  where  a 
purely  Mohammedan  population  possesses  the  soil.  Strabo 
mentions  that  the  mountain  valley  in  front  of  the  Phrygian 
city  of  Synnada  was  planted  with  Olive-trees.  Now  this 
plain  lies  very  high,  and  lofty  mountains  surround  it. 
It  must  be  one  of  the  most  inclement  districts  in  central 
Anatolia,  and  is  not  much  below  4,000  feet  above  sea-level. 
Formerly,  misled  by  the  modern  idea,  I  proposed  to  alter 
the  text  of  Strabo's  account  of  Synnada,  supposing  that  the 
original  epithet  ayimeko^vrov  had  been  corrupted  by  losing 
the  first  three  letters  into  eXeucfyvrov  for  iXaiocpvTov  ;  but 
now  I  follow  Strabo,  and  understand  that,  where  the  Wild- 
Olive  grows,  the  Olive  can  be  cultivated. 

The  kotinos  is  never  mentioned  by  Homer;  and,  con- 
sidering the  importance  in  Greece  of  the  tree  alike  in  religion 
and  in  wide  diffusion,  this  is  strange.  It  is,  however,  prob- 
able that  in  some  cases,  where  he  speaks  of  the  Olive-tree 
ekaia,  he  means  the  Wild-Olive,  K6Tivo<i;  and  Professor 
Fischer  seems  to  hold  this  opinion  (unless  he  has  made  a 
mere  slip,  for  he  says  that  the  marriage-bed  which  Ulysses 
constructed  in  his  palace  was  made  in  the  stem  of  a  Wild- 
Olive,  but  Homer  uses  the  name  iXala  for  that  large  tree 


The  O live-Tree  and  the   Wild-Olive        245 

(Odyssey,  xxiii.,    190  ff.).     The  description   given  in  that 
passage  certainly  suggests  Wild-Olive  rather  than  Olive. 

The  ancients  were  quite  familiar,  as  might  be  expected, 
with  the  difference  between  the  kotinos  and  the  cultivated 
Olive;  for  Theophrastus,  in  his  History  of  Plants,  II.,  3, 
states  the  principle  that  the  kotinos  can  never  develop  into 
a  true  Olive-tree.  This  seems  to  imply  that  the  ancients 
did  not  graft  the  true  Olive  shoot  on  the  kotinos,  though 
the  modern  cultivators  in  France  and  Spain,  as  well  as  in 
Greece  and  the  islands  of  the  ^gean  Sea,  often  do  so :  yet 
Origen  says  that  the  process  was  common  in  his  time,  but 
(as  we  saw)  Origen  is  probably  speaking  not  from  personal 
knowledge. 

The  relation  of  the  true  Olive  to  the  Wild-Olive  is  very 
far  from  certain  ;  the  most  diverse  and  very  contradictory 
opinions  are  stated,  sometimes  with  diffidence,  sometimes 
with  unhesitating  confidence,  by  different  modern  author- 
ities ;  and  it  is  extremely  difficult  to  know  what  to  believe. 
While  the  appearance  of  the  two  kinds  of  tree  is  very  dif- 
ferent, yet  the  fact  is  indubitable  that  a  Wild-Olive  stock, 
grafted  with  a  shoot  from  a  cultivated  Olive,  produces  a 
good  and  productive  true  Olive-tree.  The  two  species 
are  certainly  very  close  to  one  another;  and  it  is  quite 
possible  that  to  the  scientific  mind  they  may  be  much  more 
nearly  akin  than  they  seem  to  the  ordinary  unscientific 
observer. 

The  young  Olive-tree  is,  in  course,  selected  from  a  good 
stock,  and  is  a  true  Olive  from  the  beginning.  It  is,  how- 
ever, the  case  that  the  true  Olive  can  be  obtained  by  graft- 
ing a  noble  scion  on  a  Wild-Olive,  and  this  process  has  been 
frequently  employed  in  modern  time  in  the  Mediterranean, 
where  groves  of  Wild-Olive  have  thus  been  utilised  on  a 


246  IX 

large  scale.  But,  where  cultivation  is  long  settled  and  Olives 
are  planted  and  tended  from  the  beginning,  the  young  stock 
is  noble  ;  and  this  beyond  all  doubt  was  the  regular  ancient 
practice. 

This  leads  up  to  a  misapprehension,  into  which  Canon 
Tristram  has  fallen  in  his  Natural  History  of  the  Bible, 
p.  'i^'jT,  and  which  has  been  commonly  repeated  on  his  author- 
ity by  English  writers  subsequently  {e.g.,  by  Messrs.  Sanday 
and  Headlam  in  their  commentary).  Canon  Tristram 
asserts  that  there  are  three  different  kinds  of  Olive  :  (i)  the 
ungrafted  tree,  which  is  the  natural  or  Wild-Olive,  a'ypie\ato<i\ 
(2)  the  grafted  tree,  the  cultivated  tree,  eXaia ;  (3)  the 
oleaster,  "  a  plant  of  a  different  natural  order  "  (Sanday  and 
Headlam),  which  "  has  no  relationship  to  the  Olive  "  (Tris- 
tram), yielding  inferior  oil,  bearing  long,  narrow,  bluish 
leaves,  vis.,  the  bush  or  small  tree  called  Eleagiius  angusti- 
folia. 

There  is  just  sufficient  resemblance  to  the  truth  in  this 
account  to  make  it  peculiarly  dangerous.  The  ungrafted 
Olive  is,  of  course,  different  from  the  grafted  tree ;  and  it 
would  in  its  natural  ungrafted  condition  produce  inferior 
fruit,  containing  little  oil.  That  is  the  almost  universal 
rule  among  cultivated  fruit-trees :  they  must  be  grafted  to 
produce  well,^  But  this  natural  ungrafted  Olive-tree  is  not 
a<ypte\at,o<i,  and  is  not  the  tree  which  St.  Paul  here  has  in 
mind. 

Canon  Tristram  does  not  mention  the  Greek  name  for 
the  shrub  which  he  identifies  with  his  oleaster.  He  could 
hardly  avoid  the  view  that  the  Greek  kotinos  is  the  Latin 
oleaster  i  but  if  he  stated  that,  he  would  be  face  to  face 

^  The  fig-tree  is  one  of  the  few  exceptions.  It  may  be  grafted,  but  grows 
quite  well  from  shoots  alone. 


The  O live-Tree  and  the    Wild-Olive        247 

with  a  serious  difficulty.  Many  Greek  authorities  ^  say  that 
KOTLvof;  and  dypie\aLo<;  denote  the  same  tree,  and  most  add 
that  K6Tivo<i  is  the  name  used  in  the  Attic  dialect.  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  this  tree  is  the  Wild-Olive,  oleaster  in 
Latin  ;  and  the  Latin  version  of  Origen  states  that  this  was 
the  ground-stock  on  which  the  true  Olive  was  grafted  (an 
erroneous  statement  as  regards  Egypt,  but  correct  in  regard 
to  some  places). 

It  is,  as  Fischer  says,  still  a  matter  of  dispute  among 
botanists  whether  the  cultivated  Olive  and  the  Wild-Olive 
{Oleaster)  are  entirely  distinct  species,  or  whether  the  Wild- 
Olive  is  only  the  original  and  natural  tree  out  of  which  the 
Olive  has  been  gradually  developed  by  generations  of  culti- 
vation :  or,  thirdly,  whether  the  Wild-Olive  is  the  form  into 
which  any  ordinary  specimen  of  cultivated  Olive  degenerates 
when  it  is  left  neglected  for  a  long  time. 

Professor  Fischer  (p.  4  f.),  who  takes  no  notice  of  the 
second  alternative,  but  only  discusses  the  question  between 
the  first  and  third  alternatives,  inclines  to  the  view  that 
Olive  and  Oleaster  are  distinct  species,  though  he  admits 
that  the  grafting  of  the  true  Olive  on  the  Oleaster  produces 
a  perfectly  good  productive  Olive-tree.  Though  I  have  no 
claim  to  be  a  scientific  observer,  yet  one  argument,  which 
Professor  Fischer  does  not  notice,  seems  to  me  conclusive 
against  his  view.  This  argument  was  stated  to  me  by  the 
late  Mr.  George  Dennis,  author  of  that  excellent  book  Cities 
and  Cemeteries  of  Etriiria,  whom  I  had  the  advantage  of 
knowing  well  about  1880  to  1882,  when  he  was  H.B.M. 
Consul  in  Smyrna.  Mr.  Dennis  was  an  extremely  accurate 
observer,  and  his  great  book  derives  its  value  from  its  trust- 

1  Suidas,  Hesychius,  Etym.,  Dioscorides,  i.,  136,  Pollux,  i.,  241,  Schol. 
Theocr.,  v.,  32,  etc. 


248  IX 

worthiness  and  accuracy,  not  from  learned  theories  or  in- 
genious combinations.  Moreover,  he  was  familiar  for  many 
years  with  Spain,  Italy  and  Sicily;  and  he  had  travelled 
widely  in  the  Greek  world.  He  said  that  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Cyrene,  where  he  had  travelled  and  excavated,  the  cul- 
tivated Olive  no  longer  exists,  but  the  Wild-Olive  abounds  ; 
and  since  Cyrene  was  once  rich  in  Olives,  he  inferred  that 
the  Olive,  when  left  uncared  for  during  many  centuries,  went 
back  to  its  original  and  natural  condition  as  a  Wild-Olive. 

If  this  observation  is  correct,  it  seems  to  demonstrate 
that,  when  the  cultivated  Olive  is  left  uncared  for  during  a 
series  of  generations,  it  gradually  relapses  into  a  form  which 
is  closely  similar  to  the  Wild-Olive  or  Oleaster  (though  I 
am  assured  that  probably  a  scientific  observer  would  find 
differences,  proving  that  the  line  of  descent  had  been  modi- 
fied by  generations  of  cultivation) ;  and  the  easy  explanation 
of  this  appears  to  be  that  the  Wild-Olive  or  kotlvo^  is  very 
closely  akin  to  the  original  natural  tree  out  of  which  the 
cultivated  Olive  was  developed  by  generations  of  care. 

On  the  other  hand  Professor  Fischer  (p.  5)  quotes  Von 
Heldreich,  who  in  a  letter  written  from  Athens  in  1882 
declares  that  the  Olive  in  countries  like  Barka  (the  district 
of  Cyrene),  where  it  has  been  uncultivated  for  so  many  cen- 
turies, does  not  degenerate  into  a  Wild-Olive,  but  remains 
a  true  Olive,  though  becoming  poorer  and  less  productive. 
This  statement  does  not  seem  to  rest  on  observation,  but  on 
theory.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Wild-Olive  is  abund- 
ant all  over  the  Cyrenaica ;  and  Professor  Fischer's  account 
of  the  Cyrenaica,  p.  69,  is  hardly  consistent  with  Von  Hel- 
dreich's  words,  though  he  does  indeed  quote  some  allusion 
to  true  Olives  still  surviving  in  small  numbers  there. 

The  facts  are  that  (i)  the  Wild-Olive,  when  properly 


The  O live-Tree  and  the   Wild- Olive        249 

grafted  with  the  nobler  shoot,  gives  rise  to  the  true  Olive 
(though  of  course  when  ungrafted  it  can,  as  Theophrastus 
says,  never  become  a  true  Olive) :  see  examples  in  Fischer, 
p.  5.  (2)  The  cultivation  of  the  Olive,  which  originated  in 
Western  Asia  several  thousand  years  ago,  has  produced  a 
well-marked  difference  in  the  tree.  (3)  The  Olive,  if  ne- 
glected, would  naturally  revert  to  the  primitive  type  in  the 
course  of  centuries,  though  not  completely  so,  for  it  would 
still  retain  distinguishable  traces  of  the  cultivated  tree  ;  and 
thus  both  Mr.  Dennis  and  Von  Heldreich  may  be  correct 
in  their  statements  about  the  Cyrenaica,  from  different 
points  of  view.  (4)  A  shoot  of  the  finest  cultivated  Olive, 
if  planted,  will  not  grow  into  a  good  and  productive  Olive 
unless  it  is  grafted  just  like  a  Wild-Olive.  The  essential 
and  indispensable  fact  is  everywhere  and  in  all  cases  the 
grafting  of  the  young  tree.  (5)  The  ordinary  practice  in 
the  Levant  regions  is  to  plant  shoots  of  the  cultivated  Olive, 
and  not  to  graft  the  Wild-Olive. 

The  conclusion  is  unavoidable  that  the  Wild-Olive  or 
Oleaster  is  the  tree  here  referred  to  by  St.  Paul  and  con- 
trasted with  the  true  Olive,  which  is  essentially  a  cultivated 
tree.  It  may  indeed  be  conceded  to  Canon  Tristram  that 
the  ungrafted  young  tree,  even  if  grown  from  a  noble  shoot, 
may  probably  have  been  sometimes  loosely  called  by  the 
Greeks  a'ypueXaiO'i  because  it  had  not  yet  been  ennobled ;  ^ 
but  this  furnishes  no  proof  that  such  was  the  regular  and 
ordinary  use  of  that  word. 

The  opinion  of  Canon  Tristram  that  the  dypteXaio'^  is 

1  Theophrastus  seems  to  use  &ypios  iAaia  in  this  way.  Pausanias,  ii.,  32, 
10,  seems  to  distinguish  three  classes  of  Wild-Ohve,  kStipos,  (pvKia  and 
aypitXaios ;  but  the  best  authority  on  technical  matters,  Blumner,  refuses  to 
pronounce  any  opinion  on  the  passage.  Presumably,  the  second  term  was 
used  by  Pausanias  to  indicate  the  ungrafted  tree, 


250 


IX 


totally  distinct  from  the  oleaster  of  the  ancients  has  been 
widely  adopted  by  English  writers ;  but  there  seems  to  be 
no  authority  for  it.  Several  passages  in  Latin  (for  example, 
Virgil,  Georgics,  ii.,  182)  seem  to  demonstrate  that  the 
Oleaster  was  the  kotinos  or  ordinary  Wild-Olive  ;  and  in 
Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  art.  "Oil-Tree,"  an  argu- 
ment is  advanced  about  the  corresponding  tree  in  Hebrew, 
which  seems  to  dispose  entirely  of  the  proposed  identification 
with  Eleagnus  angiistifolia,  which  is  a  mere  bush  and  not  a 
real  tree.  Dr.  Post  says  (iii.,  591),  "The  oleaster  [which  he 
assumes  to  be  the  Eleagnus]  never  grows  large  enough  to 
furnish  such  a  block  of  wood  as  was  required  for  the  image 
[ten  cubits  high,  to  be  placed  in  the  Holy  of  Holies].  It  is 
also  never  used  for  house  carpentry."  These  statements  are 
doubtless  quite  true  in  the  modern  state  of  the  country  :  Dr. 
Post  is  a  thoroughly  satisfactory  authority  for  what  comes 
in  the  range  of  his  experience  in  the  present  time.  But  the 
Oleaster  or  Wild-Olive  (Greek  kotivo^  dypL€\aio<;)  was  far 
more  widely  used  and  more  useful  in  ancient  times.  It  grew 
sometimes  then,  and  grows  sometimes  still,  to  be  a  stately 
tree, though  generally  it  is  only  a  bush  ten  to  fourteen  feet  high. 
Professor  Theobald  Fischer,  one  of  the  leading  authorities  of 
the  day,  mentions  that  it  grows  in  suitable  circumstances  to 
a  height  of  fifty  to  seventy  feet  and  forms  large  forests. 

In  this  difficult  subject,  in  regard  to  which  I  find  hardly 
any  statement  made  by  any  authority  which  is  not  flatly 
contradicted  by  some  other  equally  great  authority,  I  can- 
not hope  to  have  avoided  error.  I  have  no  botanical  train- 
ing; and  when  I  was  in  Asia  Minor  I  had  never  any 
occasion  to  pay  attention  to  Olive  cultivation,  but  merely 
picked  up  by  chance  some  information.  I  shall  be  grateful 
for  correction  and  criticism. 


X 

QUESTIONS 


PLATE  XI. 


Fig.  17. — American  Missionary  on  the  Roman  Road  (Mrs.  Christie  of  Tarsus). 
To  face  p.  252,  Sec  />.  280, 


X 

QUESTIONS 

At  the  urgent  request  of  the  Editor,  I  began  to  string 
together  a  few  suggestions,  or  rather  questions,  about  the 
interpretation  of  passages  in  the  New  Testament,  which 
have  been  scattered  over  many  publications ;  and,  further, 
at  his  special  wish,  some  disconnected  impressions  of  some 
of  our  great  scholars,  now  passed  away,  are  interwoven,  just 
as  they  rose  to  my  mind  and  slipped  to  the  tip  of  the  pen. 

I.  The  riches  hid  below  the  surface  of  the  earth  belonged 
to  the  Emperor.  All  quarries  were  managed  and  worked 
by  his  own  private  officers  for  his  private  purse.  Every 
block  that  was  quarried  was  inspected  by  the  proper  officer, 
and  marked  by  him  as  approved.^  Our  knowledge  of  the 
subject  has  been  for  the  most  part  derived  from  blocks 
actually  found  in  Rome,  and  which,  therefore,  were  choice 
blocks  sent  to  the  capital.  But  at  the  Phrygian  marble 
quarries  there  have  been  found  many  blocks,  which  had 
been  cut,  but  not  sent  on  to  Rome.  These  are  never 
marked  as  approved  ;  and  some  of  them  bear  the  letters 
REPR,  i.e.,  reprobaium,  "  rejected  ".  These  were  considered 
as  imperfect  and  unworthy  pieces,  and  rejected  by  the 
inspector. 

This  explanation  of  the  letters  REPR,  which  passes 
under  my  name,  was  published  in  the  Melanges  d'Arche- 

^  Probante. 
(253) 


254 


X 


ologie  et  cTHzstoire  of  the  French  School  of  Rome,  1 882  ;  but 
I  am  glad  to  take  the  opportunity  of  giving  the  credit  where 
it  is  due.  It  was  suggested  by  that  excellent  scholar,  the 
late  Father  Bruzza ;  but,  as  the  proof-sheets  of  my  paper 
passed  through  his  hands,  he  did  not  allow  the  acknowledg- 
ment to  stand  in  print.  It  was  he  who  perceived  that  this 
custom  of  testing,  and  sometimes  rejecting,  blocks  for  build- 
ing purposes  was  connected  with  the  words  of  First  Peter, 
"  the  stone  which  the  builders  rejected,"  ii.  7. 

These  words  (derived  from  Psalm  cxviii.  and  applied  to 
himself  by  Christ,  Matthew  xxi.  42)  are  quoted  by  Peter  in 
his  speech  to  the  Sanhedrin,  Acts  iv.  11.  But  in  Acts  he 
uses  the  verb  i^ovOeveco,  "  to  despise  and  regard  as  value- 
less," while  in  the  Epistle  he  uses  the  verb  airoSoKLfMa^o), 
"to  test  and  reject".  It  is  an  interesting  point  that  the 
former  is  the  more  accurate  translation  of  the  Hebrew  word, 
while  the  latter  is  the  word  used  in  the  Septuagint.^  Why 
should  Peter  sometimes  use  the  one  word  and  sometimes 
the  other?  The  view  is,  apparently,  held  by  some  that 
Luke  is  here  translating  from  a  Hebrew  authority,  and  that 
he  is  responsible  for  the  rendering.  But  Luke  can  hardly 
have  been  ignorant  of  the  Septuagint  rendering ;  and  it  is 
improbable  that  on  his  own  authority  he  should  have 
selected  a  different  word.  On  the  view  which  I  have  main- 
tained of  Luke's  character  as  an  historian,  I  feel  bound  to 
think  that  he  used  the  verb  because  Peter  used  it ;  and, 
therefore,  Peter  addressed  the  Sanhedrin  in  Greek.  But 
further,  Peter  must  have  been  thinking  of  the  Hebrew  text 
of  Psalms,  and  have  rendered  the  Hebrew  word  direct  into 
Greek. 

May  we  not  infer  that  the  change  of  verb  in  the  Epistle 

'  See  Hort's  notes  on  i  Fet.  ii.  4  and  7. 


Questions  255 

corresponds  to  a  change  that  occurred  in  Peter's  mind  and 
circumstances  in  the  interval  between  Acts  iv.  11  and  i 
Peter  ii.  7  ?  He  had  become  more  Graecised ;  he  now  used 
the  Greek  Bible  in  place  of  the  Hebrew  (or  at  least  in  ad- 
dition to  it),  and  he  recognised  that  the  verb  aTroSoKL/jid^o), 
"  to  reject  after  actual  trial,"  though  not  a  strictly  accurate 
rendering  of  the  Hebrew  word,  corresponded  better  to  the 
actual  customs  known  to  those  whom  he  addressed. 

Further,  may  this  progress  towards  Greek  and  Western 
ways  and  speech  be  taken  as  a  proof  that  Peter  moved 
westwards  in  the  direction  of  Rome,  and  did  not  go  away 
to  the  East  and  direct  his  work  to  the  city  of  Babylon  ? 
Had  that  been  the  course  of  his  life,  there  could  have  been 
no  such  progress  as  is  evinced  in  this  little  detail  and  in 
many  more  important  ways. 

It  is  satisfactory  to  see  that  Dr.  Hort  decisively  rejected 
that  most  perverse  of  ideas — that  this  Epistle  was  written 
from  the  city  of  Babylon.  They  who  hold  such  a  view, 
however  great  they  may  be  as  purely  verbal  scholars,  stamp 
themselves  as  untrustworthy  judges  in  all  matters  that  refer 
to  the  life  and  society  of  the  Empire.  The  Jew  who  wrote 
this  Epistle  must  have  lived  long  amid  the  society  of  the 
Empire  ;  and  he  could  never  have  acquired  such  a  tone  and 
cast  of  thought,  if  he  had  spent  his  life  mainly  in  Palestine 
and  Mesopotamia. 

n.  The  variation  in  the  power  and  success  of  missions 
in  different  countries  is  obvious  to  the  most  casual  observer. 
Missionary  work  does  not  radiate  steadily  forth  from  a 
centre.  It  moves  along  the  lines  of  least  resistance,  and  its 
course  is  determined  by  many  conditions,  which  the  his- 
torian must  study  and  try  to  understand,  while  the  men  who 
are  actually  engaged  in  the  work  obey  them,  or  are  com- 


256  X 

pelled  by  them,  often  without  being  fully  conscious  of 
them. 

Now,  let  us  apply  this  to  the  book  of  Acts.  One  of  the 
most  striking  features  in  the  book  is  the  apparently  re- 
stricted view  that  is  taken  of  the  spread  of  Christianity. 
We  read  of  the  way  in  which  it  was  carried  north  to  Antioch, 
and  then  north-west  and  west  to  the  South  Galatian  cities, 
to  Macedonia  and  Achaia,  to  Asia  and  to  Rome ;  and  when 
we  have  crossed  the  limits  of  the  land  of  Rome,  and  approach 
the  city,^  the  brethren  come  forth  many  miles  to  welcome 
us,  and  convoy  us  into  the  midst  of  an  already  existing 
Church  in  Rome.  The  news  has  reached  the  heart  of  the 
Empire  long  ago. 

There  is  no  reasonable  possibility  of  doubting  that 
Christian  missionaries  went  in  other  directions  and  by  many 
other  paths  than  those  described  in  Acts.  We  can  trace  the 
activity  of  nameless  missionaries  in  many  places,  e.g.,  in  Acts 
xi.  19,  in  Acts  xxviii.  15.  Among  them  we  must  class  the 
Judaising  missionaries  who  troubled  Paul,  in  South  Galatia,  in 
Rome,  and  probably  everywhere.  These  unknown  workers 
doubtless  tried  literally  to  "  go  forth  into  all  the  world  ". 

The  question  is  whether  we  are  to  class  the  silence  of 
Luke  about  almost  all  this  mass  of  active  work  among  the 
"  gaps,"  which  so  much  trouble  many  scholars,  or  whether 
we  should  not  rather  look  to  discover  some  reason  for  his 
silence  ?  It  is  plain  that,  in  Luke's  estimation,  all  the  other 
missionaries  sink  into  insignificance  in  comparison  with  the 
one  great  figure  of  Paul.  They  become  important  in  pro- 
portion as  they  agree  with  his  methods,  and    are   guided 

'  OvTois  els  t))v  'Pcifirjv  i^Xdafity  Acts  xxviii.  14,  and  elo'^Aflo/xej'  els  'Pwfiriv 
xxviii.  16.  On  tiie  distinction  between  these  two  phrases,  which  with  singular 
blindness  the  commentators  still  persist  in  regarding  as  exactly  equivalent, 
see  St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  p.  347. 


Qiiestions  257 

by  his  spirit.  When  they  differ  from  him,  they  become 
secondary  figures,  and  disappear  from  Luke's  pages. 

Was  Luke's  vision  restricted  in  this  way  merely  because 
he  was  dazzled  by  the  brilHancy  of  Paul  ?  Or  may  he  have 
had  some  better  ground  to  stand  on  ?  One  may  speculate 
on  these  alternatives  in  an  abstract  way  ;  but  the  more  pro- 
fitable method  is  to  seek  for  some  concrete  facts  on  which 
to  found  an  hypothesis.  Some  facts  bearing  on  the  subject 
are,  I  think,  furnished  by  the  distribution  of  second  and 
third  century  Christian  inscriptions  in  Central  Asia  Minor. 
Elsewhere  it  is  pointed  out  that  these  inscriptions  fall  into 
three  groups,  clearly  marked  off  from  one  another  both  by 
geographical  separation  and  by  style  and  character,  pointing 
to  "three  separate  lines  of  Christian  influence  in  Phrygia 
during  the  early  centuries".^  .  .  .  "  It  seems  beyond  ques- 
tion that  the  first  line  of  influence  spread  from  the  ^gean 
coastlands,  and  that  its  ultimate  source  was  in  St.  Paul's 
work  in  Ephesus,  and  in  the  efforts  of  his  coadjutors  during 
the  following  years ;  while  the  second  originated  in  the 
earlier  Pauline  Churches  of  Derbe,  Lystra,  Iconium  and 
Antioch."  The  third  belongs  to  the  north-west  of  Phrygia, 
and,  by  a  remarkable  coincidence,  to  the  country  which 
Paul  traversed  between  Pisidian  Antioch  and  Troas  {Acts 
xvi.  6-8). 

We  possess  only  one  document  long  enough  to  show 
anything  of  the  spirit  of  these  early  Churches,  the  epitaph 
which  a  second-century  presbyter  or  bishop  ^  wrote  "  to  be 
an  imperishable  record  of  his  testimony  and  message  which 
he  had  to  deliver  to  mankind " ;  and  it  mentions  (besides 

^Cities  and  Bishoprics  of  Phrygia,  pt.  ii.,  p.  511. 

^Op.  cit,,  p.  722  ff.,  where  the  voluminous  literature  about  Avircius 
Marcellus  is  described. 

1/ 


258  X 

the  main  truths  of  his  religion)  the  ever-present  companion- 
ship and  guidance  of  Paul.  It  has  survived  to  bear  witness 
that  the  Churches  of  Central  Asia  Minor  continued  to  look 
to  Paul  as  their  pattern  and  their  guide  more  than  a  century 
after  his  death. 

Must  we  not  take  these  facts  as  a  sign  that,  so  far  as 
Asia  Minor  is  concerned,  Luke  perceived  the  truth  ?  It  was 
the  influence  of  Paul's  spirit,  acting  directly  or  through  his 
followers  and  pupils,  that  was  the  really  powerful  force  in 
the  country.  Everything  else  becomes  insignificant  in  com- 
parison.    So  Luke  thought :  and  so  the  facts  bear  witness. 

Further,  may  this  not  have  been  the  case  elsewhere? 
Perhaps  Luke  perceived  the  essential  facts,  and  recorded 
them.  Perhaps  it  was  only  in  the  Roman  world  that  men's 
minds  were  ready  for  the  new  religion.  If  that  religion 
came  "  in  the  fulness  of  time,"  was  not  that  "  fulness  of 
time "  wrought  out  by  the  unifying  influence  of  Roman 
organisation,  and  by  the  educating  influence  of  Greek  philo- 
sophical theory,  so  that  it  was  only  within  the  circle  of  these 
influences  that  the  Church  grew  ?  May  it  not  be  the  case 
that  the  pre-Pauline  Church  in  Rome  was  recreated  by 
Paul,  and  acquired  its  future  form  and  character  from  him  ; 
and  that  thus  the  historian  is  justified  in  leaving  its  earlier 
existence  unmentioned  until  it  came  forth  to  welcome  him 
as  he  was  approaching  the  gates  of  Rome?  Certain  it  is 
that  Christianity  was  made  the  religion  of  the  Roman 
Empire  by  Paul,  and  by  Paul's  single  idea  ;  that  Luke's 
mind,  as  he  wrote,  was  filled  with  that  idea ;  and  that  he 
fashioned  his  history  with  the  view  of  showing  how  that  idea 
worked  itself  out  in  fact.  Hence  after  a.d.  44  all  other 
missionary  work,  except  what  sprang  from  Paul,  was  unim- 
portant in  his  estimation. 


Questions  259 

Is  it  so  certain  as  many  seem  to  hold  that  Luke's  con- 
ception was  inadequate?  Would  any  extra- Roman  spread 
of  Christianity  have  been  permanent?  Would  even  the 
non-Pauline  propagation  southward  towards  Egypt  (which 
may  be  assumed  as  certain)  have  been  successful  and  last- 
ing, had  it  not  been  reinforced  by  the  Pauline  spirit  ?  Is 
not  the  case  of  Apollos  in  Acts  xviii.  24  fif.  really  a  typical 
one,  as  Luke  evidently  considered  it  ? 

A  phrase  which  often  occurred  to  me  when,  as  an  under- 
graduate, I  was  studying  Greek  philosophy  for  the  schools, 
bears  on  this.  As  I  tried  to  understand  the  character  of 
those  later  systems  in  which  the  earlier  and  more  purely 
Greek  thought,  when  carried  by  the  conquests  of  Alexander 
into  the  cities  of  the  East,  attempted  to  adapt  itself  to  its 
new  environment  by  assimilating  the  elements  which  the 
East  had  to  contribute  and  which  the  Greek  mind  could 
never  supply,  the  expressions  often  rose  to  my  lips  that 
these  were  the  imperfect  forms  of  Christianity,  and  again 
that  Paul  was  the  true  successor  of  Aristotle. 

The  phrases  were  probably  both  caught  from  some 
source  that  I  was  studying  (though  I  was  never  conscious 
of  having  read  them) ;  and,  if  so,  I  should  be  glad  to  learn 
where  they  occur.  At  the  time,  in  1875-1876,  the  writers 
who  most  influenced  me  were  T.  H.  Green  and  Lightfoot. 
To  both  I  owe  almost  equally  much,  though  in  very  different 
ways.  My  debt  to  Green  is  similar  to  that  of  many  Oxford 
students  ;  though  I  never  heard  him  lecture,  and  only  twice 
or  thrice  was  so  far  honoured  as  to  be  allowed  to  talk  with 
him.  The  quality  in  Lightfoot's  work  that  most  impressed 
me  was  his  transparent  honesty,  his  obvious  straining  to 
understand  and  represent  every  person's  opinion  with 
scrupulous  fairness,     In  him  I  was  for  the  first  time  con- 


26o  X 

scious  of  coming  in  contact  with  a  mind  that  was  educated, 
thoughtful,  trained  in  scholarship,  perfectly  straight  and 
honest,  and  yet  able  to  accept  simply  the  New  Testament 
in  the  old-fashioned  way,  without  refining  it  into  meta- 
physical conceptions  like  Green,  or  rationalising  it  into 
commonplace  and  second-rate  history  like  my  German  idols. 
The  combination  had  previously  seemed  to  me  impossible 
in  our  age,  though  possible  at  an  earlier  time  ;  and  its  occur- 
rence in  Lightfoot  set  me  to  rethink  the  grounds  of  my  own 
position. 

III.  Why  is  Peter  silent  about  Paul,  when  he  is  writing 
to  so  many  of  the  Pauline  Churches  ?  This  question  is 
briefly  touched  by  Hort ;  and,  while  saying  nothing  positive, 
he  obviously  inclines  to  the  view  that  Paul  was  dead.  He 
explains  away  the  obvious  remark,  that  some  reference  to 
the  recent  death  of  their  great  founder  would  seem  impera- 
tively demanded  from  Peter  in  writing  to  the  Churches,  by 
the  supposition  that  the  "  sad  tidings  of  Paul's  death  had 
been  already  made  known  to  the  Asiatic  Christians  by  their 
Roman  brethren  or  by  St,  Peter  himself".^ 

But  is  it  not  clear  in  this  Epistle  that  the  writer  is  clad 
with  authority,  as  the  recognised  head  to  whom  the  Pauline 
Churches  looked  for  guidance  and  advice  in  a  great  crisis  ? 
The  writer  evidently  speaks  with  full  and  conscious  delibera- 
tion, because  he  feels  that  a  serious  trial  awaits  the  Churches, 
and  that  he  is  the  person  to  whom  they  look.  This  is  dis- 
tinctly inconsistent  with  the  idea  that  Paul  was  living ;  and 
we  need  not  doubt  that  this  was  the  argument  which  weighed 
with  Hort,  and  made  him  place  the  letter  after  Paul's  death. 
The  authority  which  Paul  exercised  over  his  Churches,  and 
the  discipline  on  which  he  laid  such  stress,  would  be  violated, 

1  Hort,  Pint  Epistle,  p.  6. 


Questions  261 

if  another  stepped  in  to  address  and  comfort  and  encourage 
them,  without  a  word  of  apology  or  explanation,  without 
even  a  reference  to  Paul.  That  would  be  the  act  of  a  rival 
and  not  of  a  friend  ;  but  it  seems  to  me  beyond  all  question 
that  Peter  was  the  most  cordial  and  hearty  supporter  of 
Paul  among  the  older  Apostles,  and  the  one  with  whom  Paul 
felt  most  kinship  in  spirit.  Especially  is  it  clear  that  the 
author  of  this  Epistle,  whoever  he  was,  must  have  been  in  the 
most  cordial  relations  with  the  Pauline  policy. 

But  is  this  letter  conceivable  even  after  Paul's  death, 
except  at  some  considerable  interval  ?  An  analogy  will 
help  us  in  this  question.  Paul's  silence  about  Peter  in  the 
letters  to  and  from  Rome  is,  in  my  estimation,  a  conclusive 
proof  that  Peter  had  never  been  instrumental  in  building  up 
the  Church  of  Rome,  until  after  the  last  of  these  Epistles  was 
written.  Similarly,  Peter's  silence  about  Paul  is  to  me  con- 
clusive that  Peter  was  now  the  recognised  successor  to  Paul's 
position  in  relation  to  the  Asian  Churches  ;  ^  that  he  is  not 
simply  putting  himself  into  that  position  without  a  reference 
to  his  dead  friend  ;  but  that  he  can  look  back  over  a  lapse 
of  some  years,  during  which  his  standing  had  become  es- 
tablished, and  Paul's  followers,  Silas  and  Mark,  had  attached 
themselves  to  the  company  and  service  of  his  successor. 
So  Rev.  F.  Warburton  Lewis  pointed  out  to  me. 

This  view  is  not  wholly  inconsistent  with  the  theory  that 
First  Peter  was  composed  before  the  Apostle  suffered  under 
Nero,  supposing  that  Paul  suffered  in  62  or  even  in  64,  and 
that  Peter  survived  till  6^  or  so.  But,  for  my  own  part,  I 
can  see  no  ground  for  believing  that  Paul  died  before  66  or 

1  What  ground  is  there  for  the  general  view  that  Peter  was  older  than 
the  Saviour,  and  much  older  than  Paul  ?  It  might  be  argued  that  he  was 
four  or  five  years  younger  than  Christ,  and  nearly  of  an  age  with  Paul. 


262  X 

even  perhaps  67 ;  and  in  that  case  the  life  of  Peter  must 
have  lasted  into  the  time  of  Vespasian,  as  no  persecution 
can  have  occurred  while  the  wars  of  the  succession  absorbed 
Roman  attention. 

IV.  Now  that  Hort  has  laid  down  with  a  precision 
characteristic  of  himself,  and  with  a  decisiveness  and  finality 
that  is  almost  rare  in  his  work,  the  principle  that  the 
Churches  of  Asia  Minor  are  classified  according  to  the 
provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  not  according  to  the 
non-Roman  national  divisions,  and  has  stated  positively 
and  unhesitatingly  that  the  Pauline  Churches  in  Phrygia 
and  Lycaonia  ^  were  classed  by  St.  Peter  as  Churches  of 
Galatia,  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  progress  of  study  will 
no  longer  be  impeded  by  laboured  attempts  to  prove  that  it 
was  impossible  or  inaccurate  for  Paul  to  class  them  as  his 
Churches  of  Galatia,  or  by  equally  futile  attempts  to  prove 
that  the  name  Galatia  was  never  applied  to  the  great  Roman 
Province  of  Central  Asia  Minor,  stretching  across  nearly 
from  sea  to  sea.  It  will  remain  as  one  of  the  curiosities 
of  scholarship  that  in  this  last  decade,  after  these  points 
had  long  been  taken  as  settled  by  all  historical  students,  so 
many  distinguished  theologians,  after  casting  a  hasty  glance 
into  the  antiquities  of  Asia  Minor,  should  print  discussions 
of  the  subject  proving  that  that  which  was  could  not  possibly 
have  been. 

But  if  Peter,  as  Hort  declares,  classed  Antioch,  Iconium, 
Derbe  and  Lystra  among  the  Churches  of  Galatia,  must 
not  Paul  have  done  the  same  thing?  Is  it  likely  that  First 
Peter,  a  letter  so  penetrated  with  the  Pauline  spirit,  so  much 
influenced  by  at  least  two  Pauline  epistles,  composed  in  such 
close  relations  with  two  of  Paul's  coadjutors,  Silas  and  Mark, 

'  Hort,  First  Peter,  pp.  17,  157  ff. 


Questions  263 

should  class  the  Pauline  Churches  after  a  method  that  Paul 
would  not  employ  ? 

Further,  Hort  lays  down  as  a  matter  of  certainty  that 
Asia  throughout  the  New  Testament  means  the  Province, 
therein  contradicting  the  recent  ideas  of  Professors  Blass 
and  Zahn.  Must  we  not  then  take  Galatia  in  Paul  on  the 
same  analogy,  and  admit  that  when  he  wrote  to  the  Churches 
of  Galatia  he  included  among  them  all  Churches  within  the 
bounds  of  the  Province  ? 

It  has  just  been  said  that  Hort  speaks  on  this  subject 
with  a  decisiveness  and  finality  that  is  not  so  common  in 
his  work.  It  is  characteristic  of  him,  rather,  never  to 
reach  decisiveness.  He  seems  always  to  have  been  keenly 
conscious  how  much  subjectivity  is  liable  to  be  admitted 
into  the  judgment  of  the  most  careful,  cool  and  mature 
scholar,  and  to  have  often  shrunk  from  feeling  confident  in 
his  own  best  proved  conclusions.  One  of  our  best  scholars 
told  me  in  a  different  connection  a  story  which  illustrates 
this  quality.  Speaking  of  the  authorship  of  Second  Peter, 
he  said  he  had  once  spoken  to  Hort  on  the  subject.  Hort 
replied  somewhat  to  this  effect :  My  first  impulse  is  to  say 
that  the  same  hand  which  wrote  the  first  epistle  could  not 
have  written  the  second.  But,  then,  my  second  impulse  is 
to  doubt  whether  I  can  be  right  in  thinking  so. 

Was  it  not  this  quality,  which  is  closely  connected  with 
his  love  of  perfect  truth  and  his  unwillingness  to  leave  the 
smallest  trace  of  error  in  his  work,  that  prevented  him  from 
writing  more,  and  deprived  us  of  much  that  we  had  almost 
a  right  to  expect  from  his  admirable  scholarship,  his  wide 
range  of  knowledge,  and  his  clear  judgment  ?  He  that  is 
never  content  till  he  has  risen  superior  to  the  weakness  of 
humanity,  who  is  unwilling  to  print  anything  till  he  has 


264  X 

purged  it  of  the  minutest  trace  of  error,  will  write  little. 
But,  worse  than  that,  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  he  will 
ever  write  his  best.  While  he  spends  his  time  polishing  up 
the  less  important  details,  he  sometimes  loses  his  grasp  of 
the  essential  and  guiding  clue.  Truth  will  not  wait  to  be 
wooed  after  we  shall  have  finished  the  accessories.  We 
must  press  forward,  when  the  goddess  allows  a  glimpse  of 
her  face  to  be  visible  for  a  moment ;  it  will  be  veiled  again 
immediately;  it  may  be  never  again  unveiled  to  the  too 
cautious  seeker.  He  who  attempts  the  pursuit  must  be 
content  to  arrive  bearing  the  stains  and  mud  and  dust  of 
travel ;  and,  if  he  is  too  careful  to  avoid  soiling  his  feet, 
he  is  less  likely  to  reach  his  aim. 

It  seems  a  sort  of  retribution  on  the  man,  whose  too 
delicate  and  overstrained  love  of  perfection  deprived  the 
world  of  the  work  it  had  always  expected  from  him,  that 
his  manuscripts  should  be  published  after  his  death  by  the 
piety  of  his  pupils — a  piety  so  reverent  that  they  apparently 
shrink  even  from  the  thought  that  anything  in  his  work 
could  need  correction.  For  example,  in  his  too  short 
edition  of  the  opening  chapters  of  First  Peter,  there  is  an 
essay  on  the  provinces  of  Asia  Minor.  It  was  written, 
apparently,  in  the  year  1882,  for  I  see  no  reference  to  any- 
thing not  accessible  in  that  year.  Hort  was  lecturing  on 
the  Epistle  as  late  as  1887  ;  but  it  may  be  doubted  if  he  did 
anything  at  this  essay  during  the  intermediate  years.  He 
evidently  studied  carefully  the  inscriptions  bearing  on  this 
subject,  while  preparing  the  essay  ;  but  he  studied  them  in 
1882,  and  shows  no  knowledge  of  several  inscriptions  which 
(with  Mommsen's  commentary  on  them)  would  have 
materially  modified  his  statements  on  some  points.  The 
essay  is,  indeed,  remarkably  accurate,  considering  when  it 


Questions  265 

was  composed.  It  is,  of  course,  founded  on  Marquardt's 
Romische  Staatsalterthiiiner ;  but  it  tacitly  avoids  several  of 
Marquardt's  mistakes,  and  shows  an  admirable  tact  in 
selecting  what  was  permanent  and  true  in  the  views  current 
at  that  period.  There  are  few  statements  that  could  have 
been  called  erroneous  at  that  time ;  ^  but,  surely,  there  might 
have  been  found  among  his  pupils  some  one  who  would  take 
the  trouble  to  look  over  at  least  the  parts  of  the  Berlin 
Corpus  that  have  been  published  since  Hort's  death,  and 
mingle  sufficient  courage  with  his  piety  to  correct  (or  at  least 
to  omit)  the  statements  which  the  progress  of  discovery  has 
shown  to  be  inaccurate.  Thus,  for  example,  the  old  state- 
ment (founded  on  Dion),  that  Claudius  instituted  the  pro- 
vince of  Lycia-Pamphylia  in  A.D.  43,  appears  on  p.  162, 
though  the  difficulties  of  this  view  are  plainly  stated.  It  is 
now  escablished  by  Mommsen's  commentary  on  a  recently 
discovered  Pamphylian  inscription  that  Pamphylia  was  a 
distinct  procuratorial  province  for  some  time  later,  then  was 
connected  with  Galatia  for  a  short  time,  and  at  last  was  united 
to  Lycia  by  Vespasian. 

But  enough  of  the  ungrateful  task  of  pointing  out  faults  ! 
Yet  it  is  regrettable  that  Hort's  work  should  be  treated 
with  such  undutiful  dutifulness  ;  and  that  English  scholarship 
should  be  exposed  to  the  just  criticism  of  the  foreigner,  that 
it  seems  to  be  ignorant  that  some  errors  have  been  eliminated 
between  1882  and  1898  and  that  these  should  not  appear  any 
longer  in  print  under  the  patronage  of  an  honoured  name.^ 

1 1  quote  one  to  justify  the  criticism.  On  p.  162,  note  3,  he  treats  as 
part  of  the  reorganisation  of  the  East  by  Pompey  in  b.c.  64  the  gift  of  parts 
of  Pamphylia  to  Amyntas,  which  was  really  made  by  Antonius  in  36. 

2  In  i.  7  Hort  sees  that  an  adjective  is  needed,  and  is  inclined  to  accept 
the  poorly  attested  reading  56ki/j.ov.  Why  should  not  an  editor  indicate  that 
Deissmann  has  discovered  the  adjective  SoKi/xios,  and  thus  justified  Hort's  in- 
clination in  an  unexpected  way. 


266  X 

V.  Did  early  Christian  travellers  pack  their  baggage? 
This  question  is  suggested  by  Acts  xxi.  15,  where  Dr.  Blass 
rejects  the  reading  iircaKevaa-dfievoi'^  on  the  ground  that  (i) 
there  are  no  other  cases  where  this  verb  means  "collecting 
one's  baggage  "  {sarcmis  collcctzs),  and  (2)  it  is  strange  that 
packing  up  should  be  mentioned  here  and  nowhere  else  on 
the  journey.  But,  on  the  contrary,  it  seems  only  natural 
that  the  equipment  should  be  mentioned  here  and  nowhere 
else.  Dr.  Blass  has  taken  too  narrow  a  view  of  the  process 
of  equipment.  The  company  was  changing  from  sea -voyage 
to  landfaring.  Equipment  was  needed  to  perform  the 
journey  of  sixty-four  miles  to  Jerusalem  in  two  days,  and 
this  was  provided  in  Caesareia,  and  was  brought  back  to 
Csesareia  by  the  disciples  from  the  night's  halting-place. 
Let  us  look  into  this  carefully  and  from  the  proper  point 
of  view,  and  not  as  travellers  in  trains  or  by  Cook's  excur- 
sions, for  whom  everything  is  arranged  with  the  minimum 
of  exertion  on  their  part.  The  company  had  spent  in 
Caesareia  the  time  during  which  they  might  have  been 
making  their  journey  quietly  and  easily  to  Jerusalem ;  yet 
they  were  pressed  for  time,  if  they  were  anxious  to  arrive 
before  a  near  day.  If  they  waited  till  the  last  moment  at 
Caesareia,  as  they  obviously  did,'-  this  implies  that  they  were 
calculating  their  journey  very  nearly,  and  reckoning  it  to  a 
matter  of  hours.     Now  it  is  an  elementary  principle  of  right 

^  He  proposes  the  conjecture  airaa-n-aadiJ.evoi,  but  wisely  refrains  from 
putting  it  in  the  text. 

'■^  On  the  one  hand  it  is  clear  that  the  fifty  days  had  not  elapsed  between 
the  start  from  Philippi  and  the  arrival  at  C;esareia,  and  that,  after  reaching 
Ciesareia,  they  had  it  in  their  power  to  reach  Jerusalem  in  time  for  Pentecost. 
On  the  other  hand,  by  waiting  several  days  (irAeiovs  r)fj.(pas)  at  Casareia,  it  is 
equally  clear  that  they  were  running  it  very  fine,  and  were  leaving  themselves 
no  margin. 


Questions  267 

living  in  southern  countries  that  one  must  avoid  those  great 
exertions  and  strains  which  in  northern  lands  we  habitually 
take  as  an  amusement.  The  customs  of  the  modern  people 
show  that  this  principle  guides  their  whole  life  ;  and  it  may 
be  taken  for  certain  that  in  ancient  time  the  same  principle 
guided  ordinary  life.  Moreover,  Paul  was  accompanied  by 
his  physician,  who  fully  realised  the  importance  of  the 
principle,  and  knew  that  Paul,  subject  as  he  was  to  attacks 
of  illness  and  constantly  exposed  to  great  mental  and  emo- 
tional strains,  must  not  begin  his  duties  in  Jerusalem  by  a 
hurried  walk  of  sixty-four  miles  in  two  days. 

In  a  word,  they  arranged  for  horses  or  conveyances  to 
take  them  without  fatigue  over  a  great  part  of  the  long 
journey ;  and  they  had  been  able  to  stay  so  long  in  Caesareia 
because  it  had  been  settled  with  the  disciples  there  that  this 
should  be  done.  The  whole  journey  must  have  been  dis- 
cussed and  planned  ;  and  it  is  just  because  the  method  was 
unusual  for  that  company  of  travellers,  and  because  it  had 
therefore  taken  time  to  settle  details,  that  it  is  so  pointedly 
mentioned  in  the  narrative.^  The  horses  then  conveyed 
the  company  rapidly  along  the  level  coast  road  to  a  point 
where  the  ascent  to  the  highlands  of  Judsea  began,'-^  probably 
to  Lydda,  a  distance  of  forty  miles.  The  disciples  returned 
to  Caesareia,  taking  the  animals  with  them ;  and  Paul's 
company  could  safely  perform  the  twenty-four  miles'  walk 

^  One  other  case  occurs  in  which,  as  I  think,  Paul's  disciples  sent  him  on 
by  horse  or  carriage  (see  Church  in  Rom.  Emp.,  p.  68),  where  the  evidence  is 
contained,  not  in  Acts,  which  was  written  by  one  who  had  not  been  present, 
but  in  Paul's  own  words  to  his  entertainers.  In  this  case,  also,  the  convey- 
ance was,  I  doubt  not,  provided  by  the  Caesarean  disciples,  and  not  hired  by 
Paul  himself.     They  brought  Paul  to  the  village,  and  took  home  the  horses. 

-Every  reader  of  Professor  G.  A.  Smith's  Historical  Geography  will  re- 
cognise how  much  his  lucid  pictures  help  in  conceiving  this  journey  properly. 


268  X 

to  Jerusalem  on  the  following  day.  So  far,  then,  from 
irrLo-KevaadiJievoL  being  used,  as  Dr,  Blass  thinks,  in  an 
unexampled  sense  here,  it  is  probably  used  in  its  proper 
and  commonest  sense,  "  having  equipped  (animals) "  ;  ^  and, 
when  we  translate  it  in  its  ordinary  sense  in  classical  Greek, 
we  find  the  journey  described  exactly  as  any  common  pagan 
traveller  would  have  made  it.  But  many  people  write  and 
think  about  Acts  as  if  the  early  Christians  never  could  have 
lived  or  travelled  like  ordinary  men. 

VI.  As  this  Article  has  been  largely  devoted  to  Dr.  Hort, 
the  following  brief  estimate  and  reminiscence  of  that  great 
scholar  may  be  added. 

It  may  be  not  unbecoming  for  one  who  cannot  pretend 
to  estimate  Dr.  Hort's  merits  as  a  theologian,  to  venture  to 
add  a  word  on  the  loss  which  ancient  history  has  sustained 
by  his  death.  In  an  epoch  of  surpassing  interest  in  the 
history  of  the  world,  his  work  is  a  sure  and  strong  founda- 
tion for  the  historian  to  work  on  ;  and  it  could  never  have 
been  so  if  he  had  confined  his  survey  to  the  Christian  docu- 
ments alone,  and  had  not  been  guided  by  a  wide  outlook 
over  the  whole  field  of  contemporary  history.  The  early 
Christian  writers  were  environed  by  the  Roman  Empire; 
and  one  could  not  talk  for  half  an  hour  with  Dr.  Hort 
without  seeing  how  clearly  he  realised  that  fact  and  the 
necessary  inference  from  it,  that  the  want  of  a  vivid  and 
accurate  conception  of  the  Roman  world  as  a  whole  is 
certain  to  produce  distortion  in  one's  conception  of  the 
historical  position  of  the  early  Christian  writers.     Many  of 

'  Chrysostoin  clearly  understood  the  word  so.  He  explains  it  as  to  irpos 
tV  hZoiiropiav  \a^6vrf:S  {i.e.,  vnoCvyia) ;  cp.  Pollux,  x.,  14,  quoted  by  Wetstein 
(with  a  misprint),  iirecTKevaff /xfva  -/iv  ra  viro^vyta,  olof  iarpw^aricTixeva.  The 
ellipsis  of  vTTo^iyia  is  natural,  when  we  take  the  word,  with  Pollux,  as  "  hav- 
ing saddled  ". 


PLATE  XIV. 


Fig.  20.— Sarcophagus  in  the  Ruins  near  the  Arch  of  Severus 

(Mrs.  Christie  of  Tarsus). 

Tofacc  p.  268.  S(Cp.2Si. 


Questions  269 

the  modern  so-called  "  critical "  theories  about  them  could 
never  have  been  proposed,  had  the  authors  possessed  a  clear 
idea  of  the  whole  life  and  history  of  the  period.  From  such 
falseness  of  view,  and  from  other  possible  distortions  in  a 
different  direction,  Dr.  Hort  was  saved,  partly  of  course  by 
his  natural  genius,  but  to  a  considerable  extent  by  his 
university  training ;  and  I  hope  the  day  is  far  distant  when 
theologians  will  start  without  such  preliminary  discipline 
in  historical  facts  and  method.  Perhaps  also  one  may  ex- 
press the  hope,  with  which  I  know  that  Dr.  Hort  strongly 
sympathised,  that  the  day  will  soon  come  when  the  his- 
torians will  recognise  how  much  they  sacrifice  by  their 
almost  complete  overlooking  of  the  early  Christian  writers 
as  authorities  for  the  general  history  of  the  period. 

The  first  time  that  I  had  the  opportunity  of  meeting 
Dr.  Hort — in  Dr.  Westcott's  house  at  Cambridge  in  1887 — 
was  only  sufficient  for  me  to  learn  what  a  vigorous,  sym- 
pathetic, wide  and  masculine  intellect  his  was.  But  the 
only  occasion  on  which  I  could  really  profit  by  his  know- 
ledge was  in  June,  1892,  when  his  health  was  already 
broken.  Dr.  Sanday  ordered  me  (for  his  advice  I  accepted 
as  a  command)  to  call  on  him,  and  had  arranged  that  my 
call  should  not  seem  an  intrusion.  The  conversation  was 
entirely  about  the  lectures  which  I  had  just  had  the  honour 
of  giving  at  Mansfield  College ;  and  I  was  much  encouraged 
to  find  that  many  of  the  views  I  had  expressed  met  with 
his  cordial  approval,  and  that  his  criticisms  on  matters  of 
detail  as  a  rule  only  strengthened  the  general  position.  In 
one  point  I  owe  him  eternal  gratitude.  I  mentioned  that 
the  period  to  which  tradition  assigned  the  New  Testament 
documents  seemed  to  me  to  be  correct  in  all  cases  except 
one :  First  Peter  appeared  to  me  to  be  fixed  inexorably  to 


270  X.   Questions 

a  period  A.D.  75-85.  Before  I  could  go  on  to  state  the  in- 
ference which  appeared  to  me  necessary,  and  which  I  had 
drawn  in  one  of  my  lectures — that  the  Epistle  could  not  be 
the  work  of  the  Apostle — he  broke  in  with  much  animation 
that  he  had  always  felt  that  there  was  no  tradition  of  any 
value  as  to  the  date  of  Peter's  death :  the  martyrdom  was 
clearly  and  well  attested,  but  its  period  rested  on  no 
authority.  I  caught  from  him  at  once  the  idea,  which  I 
have  since  worked  out  at  some  length,  that  First  Peter, 
though  composed  about  A.D.  75,  is  still  a  genuine  work. 
At  the  time  he  seemed  very  favourably  inclined  to  this 
date,  and  suggested  several  points  bearing  on  it.  Perhaps 
on  subsequent  reflection  he  may  have  seen  objections  to  it 
which  did  not  come  up  in  conversation ;  nor  do  I  wish  to 
claim  him  as  finally  supporting  this  view,  because  he  for  a 
short  time  busied  himself  in  suggesting  circumstances  that 
told  in  its  favour,  several  of  which  were  of  a  kind  that  I 
cannot  myself  use,  as  I  restrict  myself  to  external  and 
archaeological  evidence.  But  certain  it  is  that  I  left  him 
(after  he  had  kept  me  so  long  that  I  feared  it  would  do  him 
harm  in  his  obviously  weak  state)  with  the  impression  in 
my  mind  that  he  would  work  out  the  idea  in  lines  different 
from  mine,  and  in  a  way  that  I  could  not  attain  to. 
Whether  he  afterwards  rejected  it  or  not  will  now  perhaps 
never  be  known. 


PLATE  XV. 


Fig.  21. — Looking  up  towards  the  Cilician  Gates  (Mrs.  W.  M.  Ramsay). 

See  p.  282. 


PLATE  XVL 


Fig.  22. — In  the  Cihcian  Gates  (Mrs.  W.  M.  Ramsay). 
To  face  p.  270.  See  p.  283. 


XI 


ST.  PAUUS  ROAD  FROM  CILICIA  TO 
ICONIUM 


XI 

ST.  PAUL'S  ROAD  FROM  CILICIA  TO  ICONIUM 

The  western  part  of  Cilicia  is  a  triangular  plain,  whose  base 
is  the  sea,  and  whose  apex  lies  in  a  corner  formed  by  the 
Taurus  Mountains  bounding  Cilicia  on  the  north.  In  the 
apex  the  river  Saros  issues  from  its  wonderfully  romantic 
course  of  more  than  a  hundred  miles  through  the  lofty  Taurus 
and  enters  the  low  sea  plain.  There  was  a  time  when  this 
level  plain  was  a  great  gulf  of  the  sea.  The  gulf  has  been 
gradually  filled  up  by  the  two  great  Cilician  rivers,  the 
Pyramos  and  the  Saros,  probably  aided  by  slight  elevations 
of  the  level  of  the  land ;  ^  and  of  the  two  rivers  the  Saros 
has  been  the  chief  agent  in  determining  the  character  of  the 
plain. 

The  road  from  Syria  and  the  East  enters  the  western 
Cilician  plain  by  a  pass  through  which  the  Pyramos  also 
enters  the  plain.  At  the  western  end  of  this  pass  the  river 
turns  down  towards  the  south,  and  the  road  crosses  it  by  a 
large  bridge  (Fig.  lo).  The  crossing  has  always  been  a  highly 
important  point  in  all  military  operations  in  Cilicia,  A  gar- 
rison and  a  fortress  had  to  be  placed  there  to  guard  the 
passage  of  the  river.  Thus  arose  the  city  of  Mopsou-Hestia, 
"the  Hearth  of  Mopsus  "  (the  Greek  prophet  and  interpreter 
of  the  will  of  the  Greek  god  Apollo,  who  marks  the  advance 
of  the  old  Ionian  colonists  into  the  Cilician  land).     In  this 

^  Dr.  Christie  of  Tarsus  has  observed  a  series  of  raised  sea  beaches. 
(273)  18 


274  ^^ 

exposed  situation  Mopsou-Hestia,  whose  name  has  gradually 
degenerated  into  the  modern  form  Missis,  was  exposed  to 
the  force  of  every  invasion.  Every  enemy  that  would  enter 
the  fertile  plain  must  first  capture  the  city,  whose  situation 
was  not  susceptible  of  any  strong  defence  in  ancient  warfare. 
Every  successful  invader  first  destroyed  the  city,  and  then 
restored  it  to  guard  the  passage  against  future  invaders.  No 
city  has  experienced  a  more  calamitous  history  and  been 
more  frequently  captured  than  Missis.^ 

The  road  passes  on  over  the  plain  to  Adana  on  the  Saros, 
which  again  is  crossed  by  a  long  bridge  (Fig.  1 1).  Adana  is 
situated  near  the  apex  of  the  plain.  It  is  the  natural  centre 
of  distribution  for  the  whole  plain,  and  capital  of  the  country. 
In  the  beginning  it  must  have  been  the  capital  of  Cilicia  ;  it 
has  a  splendid  acropolis  ;  and  the  natural  path  across  Taurus 
leads  up  from  Adana  into  Cappadocia.  But  it  is  far  from 
the  sea,  and  the  mouth  of  the  Saros  has  never  been  navig- 
able, so  that,  when  maritime  intercourse  was  important,  the 
presidency  of  the  country  passed  either  to  Mallos  on  the 
Pyramos,  or  to  Tarsus  on  the  small  river  Cydnus.  Those 
two  disputed  the  primacy  for  centuries.  In  the  Turkish 
period,  when  navigation  ceased  to  be  of  any  importance, 
the  primacy  in  the  country  passed  again  to  Adana. 

From  Adana  the  road  goes  on  to  Tarsus.  In  modem 
time  it  crosses  the  river  Cydnus  just  before  entering  the 
city  (Fig.  12).  But  in  ancient  time  the  river  flowed  in  a 
different  channel  through  the  heart  of  the  city.  The  change 
in  its  course  was  the  work  of  Justinian  in  the  sixth  century 
after  Christ.  The  channel  of  the  Cydnus  required  to  be 
carefully  kept,  in  order  to  provide  for  the  unimpeded  course 

^Langlois,  in  Revue  Archeologique,  1855,  p.  410  ff.,  describes  the  remains 
of  the  city. 


PLvVTE  XVII. 


Fig.  23.— In  the  Vale  of  Boi^anti  (Mrs.  \V.  M.  Ramsay). 
To  face  p.  274.  Seep.  284. 


S^.  PauPs  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconium      275 

of  the  water  ;  as  the  energy  and  prudence  of  government 
degenerated  in  later  Roman  time,  the  channel  was  allowed 
to  get  into  bad  order,  and  part  of  the  city  was  liable  to  be 
flooded.  Justinian  cut  a  relief  channel,  which  was  intended 
only  to  carry  off  the  surplus  water  in  time  of  flood  and  pour 
it  into  the  channel  of  a  small  stream  (dry  except  in  time  of 
rain)  which  flowed  parallel  to  the  old  Cydnus  on  the  east 
side  of  the  city.  But  gradually  the  bed  of  the  Cydnus 
within  the  city  was  blocked  ;  and  the  new  channel  carried 
more  and  more  of  the  water.  In  early  modern  time  travellers 
saw  both  channels  flowing ;  but  now  only  the  new  channel 
carries  any  permanent  flow  of  water.  An  artificial  water- 
course for  purposes  of  irrigation  diverts  part  of  the  Cydnus 
through  the  gardens  on  the  north  and  west  of  the  modern 
town ;  but  it  does  not  coincide,  either  in  its  exit  from  the 
main  stream  or  in  its  channel,  with  the  old  Cydnus  bed, 
which  can  be  traced  in  the  southern  part  of  the  city. 

The  walls  of  Tarsus  have  been  pulled  down  in  com- 
paratively recent  time.  There  remains  now  only  one  frag- 
ment, a  gateway  on  the  west  side  of  the  town  with  a  small 
part  of  the  wall  adjoining.  A  second  gate  on  the  east  side, 
which  was  in  even  better  preservation,  was  destroyed  only 
a  few  years  ago.  The  one  remaining  gate  is  popularly  called 
"St.  Paul's  Gate"  (Fig.  13),  but  there  is  no  justification  for 
attaching  the  Apostle's  name  to  it.  The  walls  and  gates 
were  wholly  a  work  of  the  mediaeval  period ;  and  at  "  St. 
Paul's  Gate "  one  sees  fine  stones  of  the  Roman  time  em- 
bedded in  the  centre  of  the  masonry.  The  work  though 
late  is  of  good  character ;  and  it  is  probable  that  these  walls 
were  substantially  the  defences  built  by  Haroun-al-Raschid, 
when  he  restored  and  refortified  and  repeopled  Tarsus  about 
A.D.  780-800,  to  serve  as  basis  of  operations  in  his  attempt 


2  76  XI 

to  concentrate  the  military  power  of  the  Khalifate  on  the 
conquest  of  the  Roman  Empire,  though  they  were  often  in- 
jured and  repaired  since  his  time. 

The  building  of  the  walls  implies  that  Tarsus  had  sunk 
into  decay.  The  reason  lay  in  the  growth  of  a  second 
Tarsus  on  the  hills  in  front  of  Taurus,  about  ten  to  twelve 
miles  north  of  the  city  of  the  plain.  The  old  Tarsus  had 
been  defenceless,  without  a  citadel  and  without  strong  walls. 
In  the  later  Roman  Empire,  when  these  lands  became  ex- 
posed to  invasion,  the  situation  was  too  unsafe  ;  and  a  more 
defensible  city  gradually  formed  itself  on  the  high  ground, 
as  will  be  described  below.  The  modern  Tarsus  on  the 
ancient  site  was  the  creation  of  Haroun-al-Raschid.  It  has 
retained  the  ancient  name,  which  has  lasted  with  only  the 
slightest  change  from  the  Tarshish  of  Genesis  x.  4  in  the 
second  millennium  B.C.  ^  to  the  Tersous  of  the  present  day. 

The  most  striking  episode  in  the  wars  of  Haroun, 
"  Aaron-the-Just,"  is  associated  with  the  writing  of  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  letters  in  all  history.  The  Romans 
were  in  the  habit  of  paying  a  yearly  tribute  to  the  Khalifs  ; 
Irene,  who  made  herself  Empress  by  assassinating  her  own 
son  the  Iconoclast  Constantine  and  with  difficulty  maintained 
herself  in  that  position  through  the  strenuous  support  of  the 
Orthodox  party,  had  so  slight  a  hold  on  the  reins  of  power 
that  she  had  submitted  to  accept  this  mark  of  servitude. 
When  Nicephorus  I.  succeeded  her  in  A.D.  802,  he  wrote  to 
Haroun,  refusing  to  pay  any  longer  the  tribute  which  only  a 
timid  woman  would  have  consented  to  pay,  declaring  that 
the  rightful  relation  between  the  Empires  was  that  the 
barbarians  ought  to  pay  double  that  tribute  to  the  Roman 

^  On  the  identity  of  Tarshish  and  Tarsus,  see  the  discussion  in  Ex- 
positor, April,  1906,  p.  366  ff. 


PLATE  XVIII. 


Fig.  24. — Looking  up  towards  White  Bridge  (Mrs.  W.  M.  Ramsay). 

Sec  p.  286, 


PLATE  XIX, 


l-'iu.  ^5. — Loukini 
To  face  p.  276. 


dow  n  towards  White  Bridge  (Mrs.  W.  M.  Ramsay). 

See  p.  287. 


SL  Paid's  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconium      277 

sovereign,  and  appealing  to  the  issue  of  war.  The  ambassa- 
dors, after  delivering  his  letter,  which  was  expressed  in  the 
form  "  From  Nicephorus,  Emperor  of  the  Greeks,  to  Aaron, 
King  of  the  Arabs,"  were  instructed  to  throw  down  a  bundle 
of  swords  before  the  steps  of  the  Khalifs  throne. 

The  Khalif,  according  to  the  story  of  the  Arabs,  drew 
his  scimitar  of  supernatural  fabric  and  hacked  the  Greek 
swords  in  twain  without  turning  the  edge  of  his  weapon. 
Then  he  dictated  his  answer  to  the  Emperor's  letter — -an 
answer  whose  brevity  left  nothing  omitted  : — 

In  the  name  of  God  the  All-Gracious,  the  All-Merciful, 
Aaron-the-Just,  Commander  of  the  Faithful,  to  the 
dog  of  the  Greeks.  I  have  read  thy  letter,  thou  son 
of  an  infidel  mother.  The  answer  thou  shalt  not 
merely   learn,  thou  shalt  see  with  thine  own  eyes. 

The  answer  appeared  in  the  march  of  a  mighty  army. 

Owing  to  that  apparently  complete  break  in  the  history 
of  Tarsus,  there  was  necessarily  an  interruption  in  the  con- 
tinuity of  Christian  tradition.  No  memory  of  Pauline  sites 
could  have  survived,  as  there  was  no  continuous  Christian 
society  to  preserve  the  recollection.  Besides  the  false  "  St. 
Paul's  Gate,"  there  is  a  "  Well  of  St.  Paul "  shown  in  the 
courtyard  of  a  house  in  Tarsus ;  but  the  owner  of  the  house, 
an  educated  and  intelligent  Syrian,  of  a  family  settled  for 
three  generations  in  Tarsus,  who  speaks  English  with  ease 
and  exceptionally  good  accent,  told  me  that  the  sole  founda- 
tion for  the  name  was  that  a  marble  plaque  bearing  the  name 
of  the  Apostle  had  been  found  when  his  father  had  had  the 
well  cleared  out.  The  plaque  was  discovered  in  a  small  cell 
or  chamber  which  opened  on  to  the  shaft  of  the  well. 

The  road  from  Tarsus  to  the  West  and  to  Rome  by 
Derbe  and   Ephesus  has  to  cross  the  lofty  mountains  of 


278  XI 

Taurus,  snow-clad  during  great  part  of  the  year,  as  they 
are  seen  from  the  little  hill  beside  the  American  College  (in 
Fig.  I  5).  This  hill  is  really  formed  by  the  accumulation  of 
soil  over  ancient  buildings,  and  is  not  a  natural  elevation. 
The  pass  by  which  the  road  crosses  the  mountains  carries 
the  only  road  practicable  for  wheeled  traffic  from  Cilicia  to 
the  central  plateau  of  Asia  Minor.  The  importance  of 
Tarsus  in  history  was  to  a  great  extent  due  to  its  position 
at  the  end  of  this  great  historic  road.  The  road  had  to  be 
cut  by  hand  through  the  rock  for  a  considerable  distance  at 
several  points  ;  and  it  was  the  energy  of  the  Tarsians  in 
making  the  road  many  centuries  before  Christ  which  laid 
the  foundation  for  the  future  greatness  of  the  city.  It  was 
probably  the  enterprise  of  the  early  Greek  colonists  that 
planned  and  undertook  this  really  great  engineering  work. 
This  artificial  road  was  far  superior  to  the  natural  path 
from  Adana  across  the  mountains;  and  there  is  no  proof 
that  the  people  of  Adana  ever  seriously  tried  to  improve 
their  road. 

If  the  primacy  of  Cilicia  passed  from  Adana  to  Tarsus, 
the  reason  lay  in  the  superior  energy  and  enterprise  of  the 
Tarsians,  which  counterbalanced  the  superior  natural  ad- 
vantages of  Adana.  The  same  activity  and  boldness  were 
shown  by  the  Tarsians  in  opening  their  city  to  the  sea.  The 
Cydnus  ran  through  the  centre  of  Tarsus  and  entered  a 
shallow  lagoon  a  io.^  miles  below  the  city ;  it  had  no  direct 
navigable  communication  with  the  sea.  A  bank  of  sand 
over  which  the  sea  broke  barred  the  communication.  En- 
gineering operations  assisted  nature,  defined  the  lagoon, 
formed  it  into  a  lake  which  made  a  splendid  land-locked 
harbour  for  ships,  cleared  and  deepened  the  lower  course  of 
the  river,  embanked  and  bordered  the  river  and  the  lake  with 


PLATE  XX. 


Fig.  26. — Above  White  Bridge  :  Rock-gate  cut  to  take  the  Ancient  Road 

(Mrs.  W.  M,  Ramsay). 

See  p.  288, 

PLATE  XXL 


Fig.  27. — At  Twin  Khan,  looking  up  the  Water  of  Bulghar  Maden 
To  face  p.  278.  (Mrs.  W.  M.  Ramsay).  Sec  p.  288. 


S^.  PauFs  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconium      279 

piers  and  docks.     Thus  Tarsus,  like  modern  Glasgow,  made 
its  own  river  and  its  own  harbour. 

Just  as  the  cutting  of  the  road  over  Taurus  gave  Tarsus 
the  advantage  over  Adana,  so  the  great  engineering  opera- 
tions in  its  river  and  lake  made  it  superior  to  Mallos,  and 
ousted  that  city  on  the  great  river  Pyramos  from  its  old 
rank  as  the  chief  port  of  Cilicia.  In  the  making  of  the 
harbour  it  stands  out  clear  that  the  Greek  maritime  colonists 
in  Tarsus  again  played  the  leading  part.  It  was  as  a  meet- 
ing-place of  oriental  Cilicians  and  occidental  lonians  that 
Tarsus  became  great.  Hence  it  is  mentioned  in  Genesis  x. 
4  as  Tarshish  child  of  the  Ionian  (Javan). 

The  crossing  of  Taurus  is  made  by  way  of  the  great 
historic  pass  called  "  the  Cilician  Gates,"  which  lies  about 
thirty  miles  north  of  Tarsus.  The  road  therefore  issues 
from  the  city  on  the  north  side,  and  immediately  crosses  the 
new  channel  which  Justinian  made  for  the  river  Cydnus  and 
which  is  now  the  only  channel.  Close  above  the  little  bridge 
is  a  waterfall,  where  the  river  flows  over  a  ledge  of  rocks  in 
a  picturesque  and  irregular  cascade  of  about  ten  to  fifteen 
feet  in  height  (Fig.  16).  Before  the  river  was  diverted  into 
this  course  the  rocks  were  cut  to  form  graves ;  and  when  the 
water  is  low  many  of  these  graves  can  be  seen,  which  are 
hidden  from  view  when  the  Cydnus  is  swollen  by  the  melt- 
ing snows  of  Taurus. 

The  modern  road  was  constructed  by  Ibrahim  Pasha  of 
Egypt  during  his  gallant  attempt  in  i832-i840to  overthrow 
the  Ottoman  Sultan  and  to  make  his  father  the  supreme 
ruler  of  Turkey,  an  attempt  in  which — after  inflicting  on 
Von  Moltke,  then  an  officer  in  the  Turkish  service,  the  only 
defeat  which  that  great  general  ever  sustained — he  was 
finally  foiled  by  the  British  guns  under  Sir  Sidney  Smith 


28o  XI 

and  the  bombardment  of  Acre.  The  road  fell  into  disrepair 
after  1840,  and  was  restored  by  a  series  of  spasmodic  efforts 
made  from  time  to  time  during  the  last  twenty-six  years. 
It  ascends  the  valley  of  the  little  stream,  into  which  Justinian 
conducted  the  surplus  waters  of  the  Cydnus,  and  then  turns 
in  a  winding  course  west  across  the  undulating  hills  to  enter 
the  glen  of  the  Cydnus  at  about  thirty-seven  kilometres 
(twenty-four  miles)  from  Tarsus,  and  keeps  on  up  a  branch 
of  the  Cydnus  to  the  Cilician  Gates,  fifty-four  kilometres 
(thirty-four  miles)  from  Tarsus. 

The  Roman  road  followed  a  straighter  line.  It  went 
nearly  north  over  the  plateau  that  divides  the  glen  of  the 
Cydnus  from  the  more  open  valley  which  the  modern  road 
prefers.  Its  course  can  be  traced  for  miles  in  this  part,  and 
the  surface  is  sometimes  quite  good,  being  formed  of  rec- 
tangular slabs  of  stone  (Fig.  17).  About  twelve  miles  from 
Tarsus,  near  the  village  of  Bairamli,  it  is  spanned  by  a 
triumphal  arch  (Figs.  18  f),  which  I  conjecture  to  have  been 
built  in  honour  of  the  Emperor  Septimius  Severus,  who 
marched  down  this  road  towards  his  final  victory  over  his 
rival,  Pescennius  Niger,  in  the  battle  near  Issus,  A.D.  194. 
A  four-horse  car.  Quadrigae,  once  stood  on  the  top  of  the 
arch ;  and  the  place  is  mentioned  on  coins  of  Tarsus  under 
the  name  Kodrigai  (in  Greek  letters).^  Langlois,  in  his 
excellent  paper,  Revue  Archcologiqiic,  1856,  p.  481,  is  dis- 
posed to  date  the  arch  under  Constantine. 

The  arch  is  near  the  highest  part  of  a  broad  ridge,  about 
1,400  feet  above  the  sea;  and  it  commands  a  magnificent 
view  of  the  entire  Cilician  coast  with  the  gulf  of  Issus,  the 

'  I  have  described  the  evidence  in  the  Bulletin  dc  Corrcsp.  HclUn.,  1898, 
p.  234.  A  different  view  was  taken  by  Professor  Kubitschek,  Nnmismat. 
Zcitschrift,  xxvii.,  p.  87  f. 


PLATE  XXII. 


Fig.  28. — Old  Turkish  Bridge  in  the  Gorge  above  Twin 
Khan  (Mrs.  W.  M.  Ramsay). 

To  face  p.  280.  See  p.  2i 


St  Patios  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconium      281 

western  plain,  and  the  mountain-wall  of  Taurus  on  the 
north. 

Around  the  arch,  and  especially  on  the  west,  stretching 
as  far  as  the  gorge  of  the  Cydnus,  is  a  bewildering  mass  of 
ruins,  temples,  houses,  tombs,  sarcophagi,  etc.,  overgrown 
with  brushwood  and  difficult  to  traverse.  These  form  a 
city,  strongly  fortified  by  great  walls  which  skilfully  take 
advantage  of  the  hilly  ground.  We  have  here  a  second 
Tarsus,  belonging  to  the  late  Roman  period,  not  a  mere 
adjunct  to  the  city  of  the  plain,  but  a  really  great  city, 
which  however  was  not  independent  but  merely  part  of 
Tarsus,  for  it  stands  within  the  territory  of  that  city.  It  is 
shown  by  the  coins  that  all  the  territory  up  to  the  "  Bounds 
of  the  Cilicians  "  belonged  to  Tarsus  (Fig.  20). 

Originally,  this  second  Tarsus  was  doubtless  a  mere 
summer  city  and  country  residence  for  the  population  of 
the  lower  town.  But,  when  the  danger  of  invasion  made 
the  Tarsians  seek  for  stronger  defences,  it  is  probable  that 
this  hill  city  became  the  principal  place,  as  being  a  great 
walled  city  offering  military  strength  and  safety  to  the 
whole  population  of  Tarsus.  The  Jerusalem  Itinerary, 
which  belongs  to  the  fourth  century,  puts  Tarsus  twenty- 
four  Roman  miles  south  of  the  Cilician  Gates ;  and  probably 
this  hill  city  was  the  Tarsus  which  the  Jerusalem  pilgrim  ^ 
saw.  From  this  city,  then,  he  turned  east  to  Adana,  and 
never  went  south  to  the  Tarsus  of  the  plain. 

The  Roman  road  must  touch  the  modern  road  somewhere 
near  the  thirty-third  kilometre  from  Tarsus.  It  is  still  unde- 
termined whether  it  thereafter  followed  the  winding  modern 
line,  or  went  straight  on  over  the  hilly  ground  direct  towards 

^  He  travelled  by  land  from  Bordeaux  to  Jerusalem  and  back,  a.d.  333. 


282  XI 

the  Gates.  On  the  modern  road,  in  the  Cydnus  glen,  about 
thirty-eight  kilometres  from  Tarsus,  is  a  khan  called  Mazar- 
Oluk  with  a  large  fountain  of  water.  If  the  Roman  road 
took  this  course,  the  fountain  would  have  to  be  regarded  as 
the  ancient  Mopsou-krene,  Fountain  of  Mopsus,  often  men- 
tioned as  a  station  between  Tarsus  and  the  Gates,  whose 
name  furnishes  the  proofs  that  Ionian  Greek  colonists  were 
(as  we  have  said)  instrumental  in  building  and  cutting  that 
great  Tarsian  road.  But  I  am  disposed  to  think  that  the 
ancient  road  crossed  the  modern  road  at  right  angles  and 
went  straight  on  over  the  hills  northwards.  In  that  case 
Mopsou-krene  would  have  to  be  sought  in  the  hilly  ground 
east  of  the  Cydnus  gorge  ;  and  its  discovery  by  some  ex- 
plorer may  be  hoped  for. 

The  whole  of  this  ground  over  which  the  road  winds  is 
undulating,  and  the  valleys  between  the  rising  grounds  are 
cultivated,  fertile  and  well-watered.  The  wild  olive  and  wild 
vine  abound.  The  gorge  of  the  Cydnus  is  very  picturesque, 
and  becomes  wilder  and  grander  as  we  travel  northward. 
The  country  is  well-wooded  with  wild  olive,  various  kinds 
of  fir,  plane  trees,  oaks,  cedars,  etc. 

About  kilometre  forty-four  we  reach  Sarishek-Khan. 
Here  the  Roman  road,  if  it  took  the  short  route  over  the 
hills,  would  join  the  modern  road ;  and  here  a  road  comes 
in  from  Adana.     This  is  an  ancient  site. 

Thereafter  we  ascend  rapidly,  and  the  scenery  becomes 
grander.  We  have  reached  the  steep  slopes  of  the  Taurus 
proper.  After  a  few  more  kilometres,  the  Cilician  Gates 
(kilometre  fifty-four)  appear  in  front  of  us  (Fig.  21),  3,750 
feet  above  the  sea.  The  Gates  are  a  deep  gap,  worn  by  the 
Cydnus  through  a  lofty  wall  of  rock  that  runs  athwart  our 

•  See  p.  273. 


PLATE  XXIII. 


J^^i^'S 


Fig.  29.— The  Castle  of  Loulon  (Mrs.  W.  M.  Ramsay). 
To  face  p.  282.  Sec  p.  28 


SL  Paul's  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconmnt      283 

path.  Originally  there  was  only  room  for  the  stream,  until 
the  Ionian  Tarsians  cut  out  of  the  rock  on  the  west  bank 
space  for  a  waggon-road.  The  pass  is  singularly  grand ; 
and  a  strong  wind  seems  always  to  blow  up  it  from  the  hot 
country  of  Cilicia  to  the  cold  summit  of  Taurus.  A  mediae- 
val castle  crowns  the  rock  wall  at  the  western  edge  of  the 
Gates ;  and  there  is  a  path  across  this  mountain  wall,  by 
which  it  would  be  possible  in  ancient  times  for  an  enemy  to 
turn  the  flank  of  the  defenders  in  the  Gates.  Inscriptions  of 
Roman  time  on  the  rocks  place  here  the  "  Bounds  of  the 
Cilicians"  (Fig.  22). 

That  narrow  gorge  must  have  been  a  serious  obstacle  to 
the  first  Crusaders,  one  of  whose  armies  at  least,  under  Tancred 
and  Baldwin,  passed  this  way.  They  called  it  "  the  Gate  of 
Judas,"  because  it  was  the  enemy  of  their  faith  and  the  be- 
trayer of  their  cause.  ^ 

North  of  the  Gates  the  road  rises  rapidly  for  a  few  kilo- 
metres until  it  reaches  a  bare  broad  pass,  now  called  Tekir, 
about  4,250  feet  high,  bounded  right  and  left  by  hills  a  few 
hundred  feet  higher,  behind  which  the  mountains  rise  still 
more.  While  the  Gates  were  the  natural  point  of  defence 
in  ancient  time,  the  Tekir  summit  is  the  line  of  defence  in 
modern  warfare  ;  and  here  Ibrahim  Pasha  drew  his  military 
lines,  when  he  was  compelled  to  abandon  his  conquests 
farther  north.  On  the  sides  of  this  bare  summit  the  snow 
must  be  deep  and  even  dangerous  in  winter.  In  B.C.  314 
Antigonus  attempted  to  march  from  Cilicia  northwards,  but 
lost  many  of  his  soldiers  in  the  snow,  and  had  to  return 
into  Cilicia.  A  second  attempt  at  a  more  favourable  oppor- 
tunity was  successful.^  Haroun-al-Raschid  crossed  the  pass 
in  the  early   winter   of  A.D.  803-804,  and    thus    took   the 

^  Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches,  p.  lo.         ^  Diodorus,  xix.,  6g,  2. 


284  XI 

Byzantine  Emperor  Theophilus  unawares.^  A  hardy  traveller, 
by  watching  his  opportunity,  can  cross  the  pass  even  in  the 
winter  season.  But  the  peaceable  population  in  ancient 
times  seem  to  have  regarded  the  mountains  as  closed  (like 
the  sea)  in  winter,  and  to  have  expected  the  return  of 
summer  before  attempting  to  traverse  them.^  And,  in  truth, 
there  are  times  when  it  would  be  dangerous  for  any  traveller 
to  attempt  the  crossing. 

Somewhere  on  the  sides  or  top  of  the  Tekir  summit 
there  was  a  large  khan  in  ancient  times  for  the  benefit  of 
travellers.  It  was  probably  maintained  by  the  State,  and 
hence  is  specially  mentioned  under  the  name  Panhormus. 

From  Tekir  the  road,  which  hitherto  has  had  a  northerly 
direction,  descends  rapidly  towards  north-east,  down  a  narrow 
glen  beside  a  little  stream.  At  kilometre  seventy-three  we 
enter  the  Vale  of  Bozanti,  the  ancient  Podandos  (2,800  feet), 
a  little  valley  about  two  and  a  half  miles  long  from  north  to 
south,  and  one  and  a  half  broad,  entirely  surrounded  by 
lofty  mountains  (Fig.  23).  Basil  describes  it  with  horror 
in  his  Epist.,  64  :  "  When  I  mention  Podandos,  suppose  me 
to  mean  the  pit  Ceadas  at  Sparta  or  any  natural  pit  that 
you  may  have  seen,  spots  breathing  a  noxious  vapour  to 
which  some  have  involuntarily  given  the  name  Charonian  ". 
It  is  a  very  beautiful  little  valley,  as  we  have  seen  it,  in 
bright  sunny  weather. 

High  over  us  on  the  right,  as  we  enter  the  Vale  of 
Bozanti,  perched  on  the  summit  of  the  mountains  is  a 
Byzantine  castle,  Anasha-Kale,  described  by  Langlois^  as 

^  Weil,  Geschickte  der  Khali/en,  ii.,  p.  159. 

2  See  the  quotations  in  Art.  XV.  from  Basil,  describing  a  country  more 
open  and  less  exposed  to  snow-drifts  than  the  Taurus  Pass. 

'His  paper  in  Revue  Archcologiquc,  1850,  p.  481  ff.,  is  well  worth  study. 


PLATE  XXIV. 


Fig.  30. — Looking  South-East  up  the  River  towards  the  Snowy  summit 
of  Taurus  ;  Ibriz  on  the  right. 

To  face  p.  284.  See  p.  261. 


SL  Paul's  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconiwm      285 

built  of  black  marble.  This  castle,  called  Rodentos  by  Con- 
stantine  Porphyrogenitus,  was  held  by  the  Crusaders  for  a 
time,  and  their  historians  call  it  and  the  vale  beneath  it 
Butrentum.  On  a  rock  near  the  castle,  overhanging  the 
precipice,  are  the  little  crosses  which  many  of  the  Crusading 
warriors  cut  as  memorials  of  themselves.  "  Those  armies 
were  led  by  the  noblest  of  their  peoples,  by  statesmen, 
princes  and  great  ecclesiastics.  Yet  not  one  written 
memorial  of  all  those  Crusading  hosts  has  been  found  in  the 
whole  country."  ^ 

The  castle  of  black  marble  among  the  lonely  mountains 
beyond  the  frontier  of  the  Mohammedan  land  is  familiar  to 
every  reader  of  the  Arabian  Nights :  it  occurs  in  more  than 
one  of  the  tales,  if  I  remember  rightly,  but  the  story  whose 
scene  is  most  evidently  laid  in  the  Vale  of  Bozanti  will  be 
mentioned  on  the  following  page. 

Through  the  Vale  of  Bozanti  flows  a  river,  called  Tchakut- 
Su  or  Bozanti-Su,  which  runs  away  south-eastwards  to  join 
the  Saros  a  little  above  Adana,  The  mountains  close  in 
around  it  below  the  Vale,  and  its  course  cannot  be  followed 
except  by  wading  through  the  water,  which  is  too  deep  for 
comfort  and  even  safety  in  some  places.  Colonel  Massy, 
formerly  Consul  in  Mersina,  informed  me,  on  the  authority 
of  the  engineers  who  made  the  survey  for  the  Bagdad  Rail- 
way, that  the  mountains  actually  close  in  overhead  and  the 
river  runs  through  a  tunnel ;  but  neither  he  nor  I  can  vouch 
for  this  from  eye-witness.  This  seems  to  be  the  only  possible 
route  for  the  Railway,  which  will  be  very  expensive  in  this 
section. 

1  Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches,  p.  lo,  where  the  illiteracy  of  the 
Crusaders,  a.d.  iioo,  is  contrasted  with  the  general  power  of  writing  pos- 
sessed by  Greek  and  Carian  mercenaries  in  the  Egyptian  service  b.c.  600. 


286  XI 

The  Tchakut-Su  rises  on  the  central  plateau  south  of 
Tyana  and  west  of  Ulu-Kishla,  and  offers  an  easy  gradient 
for  the  Railway  through  the  Taurus,  though  much  rock- 
cutting  and  building  for  protection  against  loose  rock  will 
be  necessary  in  some  parts  of  its  course. 

Our  road  goes  north  two  miles  along  the  western  edge 
of  the  vale  and  then  turns  westwards  up  the  glen  of  the 
Tchakut-Su,  which  is  singularly  grand  and  picturesque. 
The  gorge  narrows  and  the  mountains  rise  more  and  more 
steep  as  we  advance.  After  kilometre  eighty  we  cross  to  the 
north  bank  by  the  White  Bridge  (Ak-Keupreu),  which  in 
1890,  when  I  first  saw  it,  was  a  quaint  little  mediaeval  bridge 
with  pointed  arch  and  low  parapet,  but  was  soon  afterwards 
rebuilt  in  incongruous  style  with  considerable  stone  em- 
bankments on  each  side  concealing  one  of  the  springs  of 
water  that  rise  close  to  it  on  the  southern  side.  In  Fig.  24 
the  White  Bridge  is  hid  from  view  at  the  left  side  of  the 
picture. 

Space  does  not  permit  me  to  repeat  here  the  legends 
which  are  told  about  these  fountains,  the  Black  Water  (Kara- 
Su)  and  Sugar  Spring  (Sheker-Bunar),  and  the  tale  of  the  fish 
which  caused  the  death  of  the  Khalif  Al-Mamun  in  A.D.  883.^ 
But  the  connection  of  the  localities  with  a  tale  in  the  Arabian 
Nights  demands  a  word  of  notice.  The  tale  of  the  fisherman, 
who  caught  the  strange  fish  of  four  colours,  Christian,  Moslem, 
Jew  and  Magian,  had  its  origin  in  Tarsus,  the  city  of  the 
Sultan  Al-Mamun  (who  died  there).  The  fish  were  caught 
"  in  a  pond  situated  betwixt  four  hills,  beyond  the  mountain 
which  was  seen  from  the  city  ".     These  are  the  fish  of  the 

^They  are  narrated  in  an  article  "  Ciiicia  Tarsus  and  the  great  Taurus 
Pass"  (Geogi'aph.  Journal,  Oct.,  1903,  pp.  391-393);  the  last  also  in  Im- 
pressions of  Turkey,  p.  28b  f. 


PLATE  XXV. 


Fig.  31. —  The  Sarcophagus  of  Sidamaria. 


To  face  p.  286. 


See  p.  293. 


S^.  Paul's  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconium      287 


Sugar  Spring  beside  White  Bridge  (now  destroyed,  but  still 
a  picturesque  pond  as  late  as  1891,  when  I  saw  it  for  the 
second  time).  In  the  tale  the  Sultan  encamped  beside  this 
pond,  just  as  the  Khalif  Al-Mamun  encamped  beside  White 
Bridge ;  and  from  the  pond  the  Sultan  went  away  alone, 
"till  he  saw  before  him  a  great  building:  when  he  came 
near  he  found  it  was  a  magnificent  palace,  or  rather  a  very 
strong  castle,  of  fine  black  polished  marble,"  the  castle  of 
Butrentum.  The  crossing  of  the  mountain  of  Taurus,  visible 
from  Tarsus,  the  descent  into  the  plain  between  mountains 
on  all  four  sides,  the  pond  with  the  marvellous  fish,  the 
castle  of  black  marble  among  the  mountains — all  these  are 
true  details  of  the  Vale  of  Bozanti. 

The  ancient  road  did  not  cross  at  White  Bridge,  but 
kept  on  the  north  bank  for  some  distance  down  the  river. 
Much  cutting  was  needed  to  carry  it  through  the  rock  below 
White  Bridge,  and  three  "  Gates "  were  carved  through 
projecting  spurs  of  the  northern  cliffs.  At  the  western 
end  of  the  western  "  Gate "  is  an  early  Byzantine  inscrip- 
tion, probably  the  work  of  some  pilgrim  bound  for  Jeru- 
salem, *'  Lord  !  help  Martyrius  the  Deacon  ".  The  northern 
pier  and  part  of  the  roadway  of  another  mediaeval  bridge, 
narrower  and  older  than  White  Bridge  and  about  one 
hundred  yards  below  it,  can  be  seen  in  Fig.  24.  At  no 
other  place  can  the  work  of  the  ancient  road  be  better 
studied. 

The  White  Bridge  is  now  the  boundary  of  Cilicia,  divid- 
ing Adana  Vilayet  from  Konia  Vilayet ;  and  it  was  also  the 
boundary  between  Ibrahim  Pasha's  country  and  the  Otto- 
man territory  as  fixed  in   1839  ^o^'  ^  short  time. 

Above  and  west  of  this  bridge  the  gorge  grows  deeper 
and  gloomier  (Fig.  25).     On  the  south  a  wall  of  rock,  which 


288  XI 

one  would  guess  to  be  1,500  feet  in  sheer  perpendicular 
height/  borders  the  stream  for  more  than  a  mile. 

The  road  follows  the  north  bank,  and  frequently  traces 
of  ancient  cutting  can  be  observed  beside  the  easily  distin- 
guished blasting  for  the  modern  road  (Fig.  26).  The  ancient 
road  was  destroyed  during  the  Arab  wars  between  A.D,  660 
and  960  in  order  to  render  the  passage  between  Arab  Cilicia 
and  Byzantine  territory  more  difficult. 

The  road  passes  the  Wooden  Bridge  (Takhta-Keupreu), 
which  spans  an  affluent  from  the  plateau  on  the  north ;  and 
goes  on  due  west,  until  after  six  or  seven  miles  we  reach 
Twin  Khan  (Tchifte-Khan),  one  of  the  most  beautiful  spots 
I  have  ever  seen  (Fig.  27).  Two  waters  meet  at  the  Khan, 
one  coming  from  the  south-west  down  an  open  glen  from 
the  old  Hittite  silver-mines  of  Bulghar-Maden,  and  one  from 
the  west  through  a  gorge  so  narrow  that  in  some  places  it 
looked  as  if  one  could  jump  across  it  a  full  hundred  feet  above 
the  water.  The  water  here  has  cut  its  way  so  sharp  and 
clean  through  a  bed  of  rock,  that  the  walls  on  each  side  are 
perfectly  perpendicular  and  apparently  about  twelve  feet 
apart^  At  the  bottom  of  this  narrow  cleft  the  water  foams 
and  rushes.  The  road  keeps  near  this  water,  but  ascends  to 
a  higher  level.  Farther  on  the  river-bed  opens  out  a  little, 
and  an  old  Turkish  road  crosses  it  (Fig.  28).  The  modern 
road,  which  was  excellent  in  1902,  keeps  on  a  much  higher 
level.  In  this  part  the  scenery  is  very  desolate  and  bare 
for  some  distance. 

1  It  seems  actually  to  overhang,  as  if  from  the  summit  one  could  drop  a 
stone  clear  of  the  rock  wall ;  but  the  eye  is  a  fallible  judge  of  height  and 
character. 

2  We  overlooked  the  cleft  from  the  road,  but  did  not  go  down  to  it :  the 
estimate  is  mere  guesswork. 


Fig.  i8. — The  Arch  of  Severus  with  Students  of  the  American  College  in 
Tarsus  (Mrs.  Christie  of  Tarsus). 


PLATE  XIII. 


Fig.  ig.— The  Arch  ot  Severus  at  Bairamli  (Mrs.  Christie  of  Tarsus). 
To  face  p.  2S8.  'SV.'/.  280. 


PLATE  XXVI. 


Fig.  32. — The  Castle  of  Karamanat  Laranda. 
To  face  p.  288.  Sec  p.  294. 


Sf.  P aril's  Road  fro7n  Cilicia  to  Iconium      289 

After  four  miles  we  reach  a  point  whence  we  see  the 
Castle  of  Loulon  in  the  distance,  and  overlook  the  Vale  of 
Loulon,  into  which  the  road  now  descends.  This  vale  is 
very  narrow  at  the  eastern  end,  but  opens  out  as  we  go  on. 

We  are  now  some  ten  miles  north  of  the  front  main 
ridge  of  Taurus,  and  are  thus  able  to  get  a  view  of  it. 
Previously  we  were  too  near  to  see  its  summits.  It  runs 
east  and  west,  a  long  ridge  about  9,000  or  10,000  feet  in 
height,  making  an  imposing  background  to  the  view  over 
intervening  hills.  Snow  lies  on  it  through  great  part  of  the 
year.  In  June,  1902,  with  the  clouds  covering  its  shoulders, 
and  its  long  snowy  summit  rising  above  them,  it  offered  a 
strikingly  beautiful  picture,  which  a  photograph  reproduces 
only  imperfectly. 

After  a  few  miles  the  vale  forks,  where  two  streams 
meet :  one  glen  runs  up  south-west  into  the  hills,  the  other 
ascends  in  a  direction  slightly  north  of  west  and  along  this 
goes  the  road.  At  the  apex  of  the  low  hills,  which  divide 
the  two  streams,  a  little  plateau  faces  us  on  the  left ;  this  is 
the  site  of  the  Roman  Colonia  Faustiniana,  called  in  Greek 
Faustinopolis ;  and  two  miles  up  the  northern  stream  we 
find  the  site  of  the  old  village  Halala  ^  adjoining  the  road. 
When  the  Emperor  Marcus  Aurelius  was  travelling  along 
this  road,  his  wife  Faustina  died  at  Halala,  and  the  Emperor 
made  a  new  city  to  perpetuate  her  name. 

Standing  on  the  road  beside  Halala,  we  look  up  to  the 
Castle  of  Loulon,  on  a  lofty  peak  which  rises  above  the 
village  on  the  north.  This  castle  commands  the  northern 
end  of  the  pass  which  we  have  just  traversed  from  Tarsus  ; 
and  hence  it  played  a  very  important  part  in  the  Saracen 

1  See  p.  182. 
19 


290 


XI 


wars,  A.D.  660-965.  When  it  was  in  Byzantine  possession, 
Arab  armies  could  not  use  the  pass  except  with  consider- 
able difficulty,  and  would  have  to  leave  a  strong  force  to 
confine  the  garrison  of  Loulon.  When  the  Saracens  held 
it,  the  Roman  armies  could  not  traverse  the  pass  towards 
Cilicia;  hence  Al-Saffsaf  (as  the  Arabs  called  Loulon)  was 
to  them  the  "Bulwark  of  Tarsus".  The  possession  of  this 
critical  fortress  was  keenly  contested.  It  often  changed 
hands,  but  was  generally  Byzantine,  for  the  Arabs  never 
succeeded  in  permanently  holding  any  point  north  of  Taurus. 
The  Arab  geographer  of  the  ninth  century,  Ibn  Khordadhbeh, 
calls  it^  "the  camp  of  the  King  of  the  Romans".  Here 
was  the  first  beacon-fire  on  the  line  of  communication  with 
Constantinople.  As  soon  as  a  Saracen  army  was  known  to 
be  crossing  the  pass,  Loulon  lit  its  beacon,  and  flashed  the 
news  along  a  series  of  fires  to  the  capital.  In  the  photo- 
graph, Fig.  29,  the  tall  peak  is  dwarfed. 

A  few  hundred  yards  farther  on  towards  the  west,  the 
ancient  and  the  modern  road  alike  fork.  One  branch  goes 
off  at  right  angles  to  the  north  through  a  break  in  the  hills 
at  the  western  foot  of  the  castle-peak  to  Tyana  and  Cap- 
padocia  generally.  The  other  keeps  straight  on  for  four 
miles  along  the  river  to  Ulu-Kishla,  where  the  hills  on  the 
north  end  ;  and  the  road  enters  on  the  open  central  plateau 
of  Anatolia  and  attains  its  highest  elevation,  about  4,600  feet 
above  the  sea.  The  "  long  barracks,"  Ulu-Kishla,  are  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  old  Turkish  buildings. 

The  traveller  who  is  making  for  Iconium  and  the  West 
has  a  choice  of  routes  from  this  upland  to  the  next  import- 
ant station,  Herakleia-Cybistra,  about  thirty  miles  west  of 

^  Or  perhaps  a  camp  in  the  low  ground  beneath  the  castle.  The  localities 
need  careful  examination. 


►S*/.  Paul's  Road  from  Cilicia  to  IcOnium      291 

Ulu-Kiskla.  In  modern  time  waggons  keep  well  out  to  the 
north  into  the  open  plain  ;  but  I  believe  that  the  Roman 
road  continued  straight  on  over  undulating  and  hilly  country, 
until  it  entered  a  valley  with  a  stream  which  flows  direct 
to  Cybistra.  Horses  can  now  use  this  route ;  but  it  could 
easily  be  adapted  to  wheeled  traffic,  and  the  Roman  road 
ought  to  be  traced. 

Where  the  valley,  just  mentioned,  opens  on  the  main 
Lycaonian  and  Cappadocian  plain,  about  six  miles  south- 
east of  Eregli  (now  a  railway  station),  it  is  joined  on  the 
left  by  the  water  of  Ibriz,  and  above  it  on  the  right  rises  the 
last  of  those  outlying  northern  hills,  a  peak  bearing  the 
strong  Castle  of  Herakleia,  called  Hirakla  by  the  Arabs. 
The  beautiful  glen  of  Ibriz,  with  its  remarkable  Hittite 
sculpture,  is  described  in  Article  VI.,  p.  172  f.,  of  this  volume. 
Hirakla  was  one  of  the  fortresses  most  disputed  in  the 
Saracen  wars,  as  it  guarded  and  commanded  the  road  to  the 
West ;  it  was  often  captured,  e.g.,  by  Haroun-al-Raschid,  and 
always  retaken  by  the  Greeks.  Looking  back  towards 
south-east,  as  we  stand  at  the  entrance  on  the  Lycaonian 
plain,  we  have  the  view  shown  in  Fig.  30. 

Cybistra  is  generally  identified  with  the  modern  town 
Eregli  {i.e.,  Herakleia) ;  but  perhaps  it  may  hereafter  be 
found  more  correct  to  say  that  Eregli  stands  among  the 
gardens  of  Cybistra,  and  that  the  ancient  city  occupied  a 
stronger  position  on  the  hills  (perhaps  somewhere  as  yet 
undiscovered  near  the  Castle  of  Hirakla). 

From  Eregli  onwards  the  general  character  of  the  road 
does  not  vary.  It  runs  on  an  almost  dead  level,  hardly 
varying  from  the  elevation  of  3,100  to  3,300  feet.  The  route 
keeps  to  the  southern  edge  of  the  great  central  plateau.  On 
the  left  hand  rises  the  outer  front  of  Taurus  like  a  great 


292  XI 

wall.  On  the  right  spreads  out  the  boundless  level  plain 
of  Lycaonia.  But  amid  this  uniformity  there  is  constant 
variety  in  the  picture  presented  to  the  traveller's  eyes. 
Taurus  is  sometimes  nearer,  sometimes  more  distant,  as  the 
road  winds ;  in  some  places  it  seems  to  rise  like  a  continu- 
ous wall,  in  other  cases  it  is  broken  into  distinct  peaks  of 
varied  forms.  The  level  plain  to  the  north  is  never  mono- 
tonous, for  it  is  dotted  with  lofty  islands  of  mountain  that 
spring  bold  and  sharp  from  the  sea  of  plain.  Due  north  of 
Eregli,  at  a  distance  of  forty  to  fifty  miles,  are  the  beautiful 
double  cones  of  Hassan-Dagh,  the  ancient  Argeos  or  Argos,^ 
nearly  ii,ooo  feet  high.  Thirty  miles  to  the  west  of  it, 
Karadja-Dagh  looks  like  a  low  blue  island  on  the  horizon. 
In  front,  about  forty  miles  from  Eregli,  barring  the  view  to 
Iconium,  is  Kara-Dagh,  a  black  volcanic  jagged  mass,  behind 
which  in  dark  nights  of  May  or  June  the  lightning  plays 
with  strangely  beautiful  effect  during  the  frequent  thunder- 
storms of  those  months.  In  the  intervals  between  these 
mountains  stretches  the  dead  level  plain,  over  which  nothing 
except  its  own  weakness  appears  to  prevent  the  eye  from 
looking  away  to  infinity. 

Beyond  Eregli  the  road  in  ancient  times  passed  along  the 
south-eastern  end  of  the  White  Lake,  close  to  the  hole  under 
the  mountains  into  which  the  lake  discharges  its  waters,^ 
crosses  a  rocky  ridge,  where  the  ancient  cutting  to  carry  it  is 
well  marked,  to  a  village  called  Serpek  or  Ambararassi,  the 
site  of  the  ancient  town  Sidamaria.  Here  was  found  the 
immense  sarcophagus  of  late    Roman   time  adorned   with 

1  It  is  to  be  distinguished  from  Mount  Argaios  farther  east  and  out  of 
sight. 

2  See  p.  172  f.  The  modern  road  and  railway  go  direct  to  Karaman  by 
a  more  southerly  route,  shown  on  the  map,  p.  48. 


St  Pauls  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconium      293 


elaborate  sculptures— probably  the  largest  known  sarcophagus 
of  Greek  or  Roman  time— which  is  now  in  the  Imperial 
Museum  at  Constantinople.  When  I  was  travelling  with 
Sir  Charles  Wilson  in  1882  he  had  this  monument  dug  up; 
and,  as  the  heads  of  the  two  colossal  figures  on  the  top 
of  the  sarcophagus  have  long  since  disappeared,  we  are 
assumed  to  have  broken  them  off  and  carried  them  away. 
The  sole  foundation  for  this  idea,  which  is  openly  declared 
by  high  Turkish  officials,  is  that  there  were  two  ancient 
heads  and  two  Englishmen.  As  a  matter  of  fact  there 
were  no  heads  on  the  figures  when  we  uncovered  them ;  and 
had  there  been,  the  art  of  the  two  figures  is  so  bad,  and  the 
heads  would  have  been  so  weighty  (as  the  figures  must  be 
about  twelve  feet  long)  that  there  would  have  been  no 
temptation  to  carry  them  away.  Their  sole  interest  would 
lie  in  keeping  them  attached  to  the  bodies  (Fig.  31). 

The  character  of  the  subject  shown  in  the  accompanying 
photograph  of  one  side  of  the  sarcophagus  is  discussed  in 
Studies  in  the  History  and  Art  of  the  Eastern  Provinces}  p.  59. 

Ambararassi  lies  in  the  level  plain,  but  three  miles  on 
to  the  west  is  the  true  ancient  site,  a  fortress  on  a  hill  at 
Kale-Keui  (Castle  Village).  Beyond  this  the  road,  which 
hitherto  has  been  going  straight  towards  the  dark  mass  of 
Kara-Dagh,  turns  south-west,  passes  the  old  fort  of  Sidero- 
palos  on  a  mound  in  the  plain,  now  a  formless  ruin  two 
miles  from  the  railway  station  Sidirvar  (Sidivre),  and  reaches 
Karaman,  the  ancient  Laranda,  metropolis  of  South-eastern 
Lycaonia  from  the  beginning  of  history,  now  a  railway 
station,  103  kilometres  from  Iconium  and  %"]  kilometres  from 

1  London,  Hodder  &  Stoughton,  1906.  See  also  M.  Th.  Reinach  in 
Monuments  Plot,  and  M.  Mendel  in  Bulletin  de  Cotrespondence  Hellen.,  1902. 


294  XI 

Eregli.^  It  lies  in  a  triangular  recess  of  the  Taurus,  where  the 
mountains  recede  and  the  level  plain  stretches  far  south ;  and 
the  road  makes  a  great  southward  bend  in  order  to  reach  it, 
attracted  by  its  economic  importance.  The  view  of  the  castle 
on  a  hill  in  the  centre  of  the  city  is  given  as  a  specimen  of  a 
kind  of  military  architecture  common  in  this  country,  and 
probably  early  Turkish  in  origin.  The  old  name  Laranda 
is  known  to  the  Greeks,  a  small  body  of  whom  preserved  a 
continuous  existence  through  the  Turkish  period ;  but  the 
name  of  an  old  Seljuk  chief,  Karaman,  has  replaced  it  in 
Mohammedan  use  (Fig,  32). 

We  now  turn  north  of  west  past  Ilistra  (which  keeps  its 
ancient  name)  to  Cassaba,  the  old  Pyrgos,  a  picturesque 
little  town,  in  the  open  plain,  entirely  surrounded  by  high 
mediaeval  walls.'-^  Thence  the  modern  road  goes  straight 
over  the  plain  north-north-west  to  Iconium ;  but  the  Roman 
road  in  the  first  century  went  on  a  little  north  of  west  past 
the  villages  Passola  or  Possala  (which  retains  the  ancient 
name)  and  Losta,  which  are  one  ancient  town,  to  Derbe. 
Over  all  three  towers  a  huge  conical  mountain  of  bare 
limestone  rock,  of  singularly  grand  and  bold  outline,  which 
presides  like  a  giant  guardian  over  Southern  Lycaonia,  and 
assumes  an  element  of  personality  even  to  the  unimaginative 
Turks.  This  mountain  is  called  the  "  Pilgrim  Father," 
Hadji-Baba;  and  it  is  a  striking  feature  in  the  view  from 
all  Southern  and  Central  Lycaonia,  until  one  crosses  the 
ridges  of  Boz-Dagh,  behind  which  it  is  concealed  from 
view ;  but  if  the  traveller  continues  to  go  north,  it  emerges 

^  The  road  by  Ambararassi  is  distinctly  longer  than  the  railway  line. 

'■'That  was  the  case  when  I  saw  it  in  1890;  but  old  walls  are  frequently 
pulled  down,  and  sold  as  building  material ;  the  price  passes  into  the  pocket 
of  officials  [an  isolated  case  of  local  resistance  to  such  jobs,  by  a  Protestant 
native,  is  described  in  Impressions  of  Turkey,  p.  233]. 


*<. 


S^.  Paul's  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconium      295 

again  after  some  distance  and  rises  sharp  over  the  long  low 
line  of  the  Boz-Dagh  as  one  looks  back  from  the  higher 
ground  in  Northern  Lycaonia.  As  is  usual  with  photo- 
graphs, the  effect  of  its  height  is  dwarfed  in  Fig.   33, 

Near  Derbe  on  the  east,  close  to  the  road,  lies  a  tomb- 
stone with  a  dedication  to  Paul  the  Martyr.  The  Christians 
of  the  district  regard  this  stone  as  a  proof  that  Paul  visited 
the  place,  but  are  ignorant  that  it  is  the  site  of  Derbe.  The 
place  was  deserted,  and  the  tradition  perished  ^  (see  Fig.  38 
on  p.  322).  A  view  of  the  deserted  site  is  given  in  the 
Church  in  the  Roman  Empire^  page  55,  and  is  here  repeated. 
The  Byzantine  ruins  shown  in  the  photograph  (Fig.  34) 
have  all  been  pulled  down  to  get  building  material  for  the 
new  village. 

There  are  at  least  three  cities  or  settlements  connected 
with  Derbe :  the  Greek  and  early  Roman  Derbe  on  a 
mound  in  the  plain,  the  late  Roman  and  Byzantine  city  at 
Bossala  and  Losta,  and  an  early  hill-fort  high  above  the 
plain  on  a  peak  of  Taurus  (west  of  the  Pilgrim  Father),  a 
view  in  which  is  shown  in  Fig.  35. 

The  great  Roman  Imperial  road  during  the  first  century 
went  north-west  from  Derbe,  entered  the  I  saurian  hills  after 
a  few  miles,  and  reached  Lystra  in  the  most  northerly  valley 
of  those  hills,  about  twenty-five  miles  from  Derbe,  From 
Lystra  it  went  to  Pisidian  Antioch,  passing  a  few  miles  to 
the  south-west  of  Iconium,  with  which  it  was  connected  by 
a  side-road.  As  one  approaches  from  Derbe,  the  first 
glimpse  of  Lystra  and  Khatyn  Serai,  "  Lady's  Mansion," 
the  modern  village  a  mile  south-east  of  the  ancient  site,  is 
picturesque  with  trees  and  greenery  to  a  degree  rare  in 
Lycaonia  (Fig.  36).     The  hill  of  Lystra,  very  similar  to  the 

1  The  modern  village  is  a  recent  erection  by  refugees  from  Roumelia. 


296  XI 

site  of  Derbe,  is  shown  in  Fig.  -i^j^  taken  from  the  Church 
in  the  Roman  Empire,  page  47,  where  a  description  is  given 
(as  also  by  Rev.  H,  S.  Cronin  \r\  Journal  of  Hellenic  Studies, 
1904). 

But  the  importance  of  Iconium  was  far  too  great  to 
allow  it  to  remain  on  a  mere  branch-road.  Lystra  was  only 
a  hill  town,  whose  sole  claim  to  importance  was  that  it  had 
been  selected  as  a  Roman  garrison  and  colony  at  the  time 
when  the  Pisidian  and  Isaurian  mountaineers  were  a  press- 
ing danger.  When  that  danger  passed  away,  not  even  the 
honour  of  a  Roman  colony  could  maintain  its  consequence 
in  the  country.  Even  Derbe  was  only  a  second-rate  city. 
Iconium  was  the  natural  and  inevitable  metropolis  of  Western 
and  Central  Lycaonia.  Derbe  and  Lystra  therefore  passed 
out  of  the  system  of  Roman  roads,  and  the  line  of  com- 
munication went  direct  from  metropolis  to  metropolis,  from 
Laranda  by  Pyrgos  to  Iconium,  across  the  level  plain. 
About  half-way,  or  a  mile  beyond  half-way,  is  a  low  ridge, 
from  which  the  traveller  gets  the  first  view  of  Iconium. 
Straight  behind  the  city  rises  a  remarkable  conical  peak, 
about  2,000  feet  above  the  level  of  the  plain,  called  Takali 
by  the  Turks,  Dakalias  by  the  Saracens  in  the  ninth  century, 
and  St.  Philip  by  the  Greeks  at  the  present  day.  If  we 
now  look  back  towards  Laranda,  the  Pilgrim  Father  attracts 
and  fills  the  view.  As  we  look  east  the  Kara-Dagh  shuts 
out  everything  else  from  sight.  Away  to  the  north  of 
Iconium,  above  Laodicea  (Ladik),  and  screening  it  from 
view  is  a  massive  peak,  conspicuous  alike  from  the  south 
and  the  north.  In  Byzantine  times  all  these  doubtless  got 
Christian  titles ;  but  long  before  that  they  were  probably 
considered  to  be  the  guardians  of  the  land.  The  belief  in 
the  divinity  of  mountains  is  as  natural  as  in  the  divinity  of 


5/.  Paul's  Road  from  Cilicia  to  Iconium      297 

rivers,  and  is  attested  for  the  Anatolian  land.  Argaios 
towers  over  Caesareia-Mazaka  and  is  represented  on  all 
the  city-coins.  Mount  Viaros  (probably  the  tall  peak  of 
Egerdir)  is  a  common   type  on  coins  of  Prostanna. 

Those  four  mountains  of  Western  Lycaonia  are  the  most 
prominent  and  imposing/  and  the  Christian  names  of  three 
are  known  or  can  be  guessed.  The  Christians  celebrate  a 
Panegyris  of  Araba  Georgi,  St.  George  of  the  Car,  near  the 
peak  over  Ladik  annually  on  23rd  April ;  and  there  as  the 
story  goes,  "  at  dawn  water  and  milk  flow  in  a  dry  place " 
(see  p.  188).  St.  Philip  still  dominates  Iconium,  and  the 
Greeks  hold  a  Panegyris  there  on  24th  November.  Hadji- 
Baba  may  be  taken  as  a  Turkish  rendering  of  a  title  de- 
scribing the  travelling  Apostle  Paul  as  the  guardian  of 
Derbe.  We  remember  how  Ephesus  extended  from  St. 
Paul  by  the  sea  to  St.  John  on  the  eastern  hill ;  and  we 
may  look  for  similar  cases  in  many  parts  of  Anatolia.  The 
Christian  names  exemplify  the  permanence  of  older  religious 
feeling  under  Christian  forms  (Article  VI.). 

A  mile  farther  on  towards  Iconium  the  road  descends  a 
hundred  feet  to  a  river  which  flows  from  the  heart  of  the 
Isaurian  mountains,  and  is  lost  in  the  plain  north-east  of 
Kara-Dagh.  The  water  of  the  Lystra  Valley  would  flow 
into  it,  if  it  could  reach  so  far  ;  but  it  is  dissipated  in  the 
plain  and  used  up  for  irrigation  or  to  supply  the  villages. 
The  Arabs  called  this  stream  Nahr-el-Ahsa,  the  River  of 
Subterranean  Waters.  This  is  doubtless  a  reference  to  the 
fact  that  the  water  of  the  great  lake  Trogitis  (Seidi-Sheher- 
Giol)  was  formerly  brought  into  it  by  a  cutting  through  the 

^  They  are  not  the  loftiest,  but  they  dominate  the  plain.  Ala-Dagh  is 
loftier  than  Hadji-Baba,  and  Elenkilit  than  the  other  three ;  but  both  are  far 
from  the  plain,  in  the  heart  of  mountainous  districts. 


298  XI 

rock.  The  purpose  of  this  cutting  was  partly  to  keep  the 
lake  low  and  set  free  a  large  tract  of  fertile  soil  for  agriculture, 
partly  to  supply  water  for  irrigating  the  great  plain  of  Iconium. 
The  latter  project  has  been  revived  in  recent  years,  and  the 
engineers  who  surveyed  the  route  for  connecting  the  lake 
with  the  river  discovered  the  old  cutting,  which  is  now 
blocked.  In  1905  the  water  of  the  lake  Trogitis  rose  so 
high  that  villages  and  a  great  deal  of  cultivated  land  around 
it  were  submerged.  From  the  bridge  which  carries  the 
road  over  this  river  it  is  about  twenty-four  miles  to  Iconium, 
whose  acropolis  is  crowned  with  the  church  of  St.  Amphil- 
ochius  (Plate  III.,  p.  170). 

Between  Iconium  and  Derbe  lies  a  region  rich  beyond 
all  others  in  early  monuments  of  Christian  art.  Four  ex- 
amples are  given  in  Figs.  7  (p.  162),  9  (p.  216),  14  (p.  300), 
31  (p.  322)  and  39  (facing  p.  i),  taken  from  Miss  Ramsay's 
article  on  Early  Christian  Art  in  this  region.  Studies  in  the 
History  and  Art  of  the  Eastei^n  Provinces^  1906,  pp.  23,  34, 
38,  54,  61. 


XII 

THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  ACTS 


E N 9 AAErHK^TEXlAYPlTP|CKON/El  HTPoNi! 
EoNTAE20X0NHA\k:lK:ETTlETED  EiMKON"  ^ 
ANECTKCENA  E  A.Y>NT  I  MOG  E  0  C  X  |oC 


Tomb  of  a  Christian  Physician  (see  p.  298). 


XII 

THE  AUTHORSHIP  OF  THE  ACTS 

Recently  a  friend,  in  whose  judgment  I  place  great  con- 
fidence, remarked  in  a  letter  to  me  that  Dr.  McGiffert's 
book  on  the  History  of  CJiristianity  in  the  Apostolic  Age 
contained  the  most  powerful  statement  known  to  him  of 
the  view  that  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  could  not  have  been 
written  by  Luke,  the  friend  and  pupil  of  St.  Paul ;  and  he 
urged  that  I  should  state  clearly  and  precisely  the  attitude 
which  I  hold  towards  the  argument  so  ably  stated  by  the 
distinguished  American  Professor.  The  very  fact  that  in 
several  important  points,  such  as  the  Galatian  question.  Dr. 
McGiffert  has  come  to  the  same  opinion  as  I  hold,  makes 
the  difference  between  us  as  regards  authorship  all  the  more 
marked ;  and,  as  the  Editor  also  asks  me  to  write  a  review 
of  this  important  book,  it  seems  advisable  to  state  why  I 
remain  unconvinced  by  its  arguments  against  the  Lukan 
authorship.  It  is  rather  confusing  that  Luke  is  spoken  of 
as  "  the  author "  in  many  pages  of  Dr.  McGiffert's  book ; 
but  this  is  merely  done  for  brevity,  and  the  Professor  is 
most  clear  and  emphatic  in  denying  the  Lukan  authorship. 
The  judgment  which  has  been  quoted  in  my  opening 
sentence  may  be  taken  as  a  proof  that  the  book  is  character- 
ised by  deep  study  and  knowledge,  long  deliberation,  and 
remarkable  dialectical  skill.     I  do  not,  however,  intend  to 

(301) 


302  XII 

write  a  review  of  the  book  as  a  whole ;  but  content  myself 
with  a  brief  statement  of  the  strong  qualities  shown  in  it. 
I  should  mention,  as  an  example  of  the  book  at  its  best, 
the  defence  of  the  Pauline  authorship  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Colossians,  which  is  an  admirably  concise  and  powerful  piece 
of  reasoning.  And  there  occur  many  other  similar  passages, 
some  of  which  critics  may  rank  higher  than  the  one  which 
I  have  selected.  The  same  qualities  appear  everywhere 
throughout  the  book.  It  will,  however,  be  better  to  confine 
myself  to  one  subject — the  authorship  of  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles  (with  which  of  course  goes  the  Third  Gospel). 

Dr.  McGififert  goes  over  the  book  of  Acts  paragraph  by 
paragraph,  dissecting  every  statement ;  and  with  remorseless 
logic  piles  up  argument  upon  argument.  The  cumulative 
effect  of  these  is  to  show  such  a  series  of  erroneous  state- 
ments in  the  book  as  are  absolutely  inconsistent  with  the 
idea  that  the  writer  could  have  been  an  intimate  friend  of 
Paul  and  of  other  actors,  or  himself  an  actor,  in  the  events 
described.  The  book  of  Acts  is  pronounced  to  be  a  second- 
hand work  throughout :  and  the  proper  and  only  profitable 
method  of  historical  study  and  criticism  in  reference  to  it  is 
found  to  be  an  analysis  of  its  sources. 

On  any  theory  as  to  the  authorship  of  Acts  and  the  Third 
Gospel,  the  question  of  sources  is  one  of  great  importance. 
The  author  is  almost  universally  admitted  to  be  a  Greek,  a 
stranger  to  Palestine  (which  he  knew  only  from  a  visit), 
probably  born  after  many  of  the  events  which  he  records 
had  occurred ;  and  he  expressly  states  that  many  written 
accounts  of  the  period  treated  in  his  First  Book  {i.e.,  the 
Third  Gospel)  were  known  to  him.  The  question  as  to  his 
sources  is  of  prime  consequence  ;  and  we  all  admit  that  some 
of  his  sources  were  written.     But  I  have  been  concerned  to 


The  Authorship  of  the  Acts  303 

maintain  that  great  part  oi  Acts  is  not  dependent  on  written 
sources,  but  is  partly  gathered  from  the  jnouths  and  from 
the  oral  accounts._of_aetocs  (especially  Paul),  and  partly 
written  down  from  personal  knowledge  (in  which  case  the 
author  uses  the  first  personal  form  of  narrative).  The 
author's  view  as  a  whole  throughout  the  book  is,  as  I  main- 
tain, Paul's  view;  and  in  great  part  of  it  we  must  trace  the 
hand  of  a  pupil  of  Paul's,  accustomed  to  hear  Paul's  opinion 
and  to  be  largely,  almost  entirely,  guided  by  it.  But,  in 
certain  cases,  I  think  that  statements  resting  on  other  au- 
thority are  admitted :  in  chaps,  i.  and  ii.  traces  of  popular 
traditions  are  visible,  in  chap.  xii.  12  it  is  distinctly  given 
the  reader  to  understand  that  John  Mark_was  the  authority  : 
the  comparison  of  viii.  40  with  xxi.  8,  10  gives  an  equally 
distinct  hint  that  Philip  was  the  authority  for  chap.  viii. 
In  the  Ephesian  narrative,  chap,  xix.,  I  recognise  probably 
a  statement  of  populai^Aiian  belief  in  verses  11-19,  and  in 
verses  ib-J  a  narrative  of  non-Pauline  tone,  intended  by  ar. 
admirer  of  Paul  to  bring  out  that  Apollos  was  indebted  to 
Paul's  teaching  (conveyed  through  Aquila  and  Priscilla)  for 
a  great  advance  in  his  spiritual  knowledge  and  power :  the 
author  was  fully  aware  of  Apollos'  gifts  and  grace,  but  he 
was  clearly  desirous  that  it  should  be  known  that  these 
were  acquired  only  after  Apollos  had  come  in  contact  with 
Pauline  influence.  I  cannot  recognise  any  hint  conveyed 
by  the  author  as  to  the  source  of  his  narrative  about  Peter ; 
but  probably  a  better  knowledge  of  the  author's  life  and 
circumstances  would  reveal  some  hint  as  plain  as  that  in 
xii.  12,  or  that  which  lies  in  the  comparison  of  viii.  40  and 
xxi.  8,  10. 

These  may  serve  as  examples  to  show  how  it  would  be 
possible  to  draw  out  a  detailed  argument  that  the  author  of 


304  XII 

Acts^  while  sharing  the  general  carelessness  of  ancient  his- 
torians as  to  stating  precisely  their  sources  of  information, 
does  nevertheless  suggest  intentionally  to  the  reader  in 
various  cases  the  idea  that  definite  persons  were  the  authori- 
ties for  certain  statements.  Further,  the  author's  style  marks 
the  difference  between  those  parts  where  he  had  been  a  wit- 
ness and  those  where  he  \yas  dependent  on  the  reports  of 
others.  Studied  according  to  the  canons  of  criticism  which 
govern  the  study  of  the  ordinary  classical  authors,  Acts  must 
be  recognised  as  a  work  in  which  the  expression  is  perfectly 
clear  and  natural  in  the  person  to  whose  pen  it  is  attributed 
by  tradition,  and  is  unexplained  and  unintelligible  in  any 
other  person.  Further,  the  tradition  makes  clear  the  genesis 
of  much  of  the  book,  and  enables  the  reader  to  follow  back 
most  of  the  statements  to  their  exact  source.  In  the  case  of 
any  ordinary  classical  author,  this  line  of  reasoning  would  be 
treated  as  conclusive,  and  the  inference  would  never  have 
been  doubted.  The  literary  history  of  the  book  in  its  growth 
stands  before  us  clear,  simple,  self-consistent  and  harmonious 
with  the  facts  known  from  other  sources,^  provided  one  does 
not  twist  it,  or  squeeze  it,  or  thrust  into  it  such  absurdities 
as  the  North-Galatian  theory  (pardonable  and  hardly  avoid- 
able when  Phrygia  and  Galatia  were  unknown  lands,  but 
now  persisting  only  through  the  strength  of  prejudice). 

From  the  literary  point  of  view,  the  proper  object  of 
study  is  the  author,  his  attitude  towards  his  sources,  and  his 
method  of  using  them  ;  and  I  believe  that  that  method  of 
study  is  the  most  profitable  as  regards  Acts,  as  is  recognised 

^  That  difficulties  remain  to  be  elucidated  and  obscurities  to  be  illumi- 
nated, I  have  always  declared;  but  that  is  universal  in  classical  literature, 
and  the  discovery  of  new  documents,  while  solving  many  old  questions,  adds 
continually  to  the  number  of  difficult  points  in  all  departments  of  ancient 
scholarship. 


The  Authorship  of  the  Acts  305 

in  the  case  of  every  other  book.  But  the  *'  Source-Theory," 
as  one  may  term  it,  turns  the  study  of  that  book  into  a  mere 
analysis  of  Sources ;  it  proceeds  as  if  the  author's  method 
and  personahty  had  no  significance  except  as  a  cause  of  error, 
and  makes  it  a  fundamental  principle  that  the  one  and  only 
important  question  in  every  case  is  whether  the  author  had 
a  good  or  a  bad,  an  early  or  a  later.  Source  for  every  state- 
ment. 

Dr.  McGiffert  has  not  convinced  me :  in  other  words,  I 
think  his  clever  argumentation  is  sophistical.  In  examining 
it,  I  should  like  as  much  as  possible  to  concentrate  attention 
on  the  impersonal  aspect  as  a  problem  in  history ;  and,  to 
avoid  obtruding  the  personal  reference  on  the  reader,  it  will 
be  better  to  speak  as  far  as  possible  of  "  the  Source-Theory," 
meaning  always  the  special  form  set  forth  in  the  work  under 
review.  Dr.  McGiffert  and  I  are  desirous  of  reaching  the 
truth,  starting  from  different  sides. 

A  true  critical  instinct  makes  Dr.  McGiffert  recoil  from 
the  extremest  form  of  the  "Source-Theory".  The  funda- 
mental difference  between  the  Source-Theory  and  the  liter- 
ary method  of  study  is  that,  wherever  any  characteristic 
is  observed  in  the  book,  the  former  attributes  it  to  the 
"  Source,"  while  the  latter  sees  in  it  an  example  of  the 
author's  method  and  style  in  using  his  sources.  Take,  for 
example,  the  transition  from  the  name  Saul  to  the  name 
Paul  during  the  interview  with  Sergius  Paulus  {Acts  xiii.  4 
ff.).  Dr.  McGiffert  rightly  says,  on  page  176,  that  in  this 
case  "  the  author,  with  the  instinct  of  a  true  historian,  evi- 
dently felt  the  significance  "  of  the  interview.  On  the  other 
hand,  many  scholars  see  there  only  the  transition  from  a 
"  Source,"  in  which  the  Apostle  was  called  by  the  name  Saul, 

to  another  "  Source,"  in  which  he  was  called  Paul.     Now 

20 


3o6  XII 

what  authority  have  we  for  the  confidence  (which  Dr. 
McGiffert  rightly  entertains)  that  the  author  of  Acts  "felt 
the  significance  "  of  the  situation  ?  What  reason  is  there  for 
rejecting  the  theory  that  the  peculiar  constitution  of  the  text 
at  this  point  springs  simply  from  the  "  Sources  "  ?  Our  only 
ground  is  the  literary  instinct  which  recognises  with  absolute 
and  unfaltering  force  that  here  the  author  is  not  dominated 
by  his  sources,  but  dominates  them  and  moulds  them  into  a 
powerful  narrative,  showing  the  hand  of  a  master,  not  of  a 
mere  editor. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  find  the  statement  on  page  257, 
"There  are  certain  features  in  his  report  of  Paul's  stay  in 
Athens  which  can  be  explained  only  on  the  supposition  that 
he  had  in  his  hand  an  older  document  which  he  followed  in 
the  main  quite  closely".  But  we  search  in  vain  for  any 
reasoning  to  prove  that  the  literary  skill  which  was  recog- 
nised in  the  Paphian  episode  was  inadequate  to  frame  the 
Athenian  narrative  out  of  information  which  the  author  re- 
ceived and  moulded  to  his  own  purposes.  It  is  simply 
assumed  that,  because  the  narrative  is  at  this  point  generally 
trustworthy,  therefore  it  uses  "an  older  document".  The 
same  assumption  is  made  time  after  time  in  the  course  of 
the  keen  scrutiny  to  which  the  narrative  oi  Acts  is  subjected. 
In  this  scrutiny,  as  a  rule,  the  "Source-Theory"  starts  by 
begging  the  whole  question  ;  and  the  admission  which  has 
just  been  quoted  from  page  176  is  a  temporary  divergence 
from  the  regular  method. 

It  is  a  rule  of  criticism  that  when  a  theory  of  authorship 
is  propounded,  the  supposed  author  must  be  a  conceivable 
and  natural  personality.  It  is  not  admissible  to  make  the 
imagined  author  in  one  place  of  one  character,  and  in 
another  to  attribute  to   him  different   qualities.     But   this 


The  Authorship  of  the  Acts  307 

compiler  of  Acts  is  never  presented  to  us  as  a  self-consistent 
and  possible  and  imaginable  character.  Inconsistent  and 
contradictory  qualities  are  assigned  to  him.  "  He  was  keenly 
alive  to  the  dramatic  possibilities  of  the  position  in  which 
the  Apostle  found  himself  placed"  at  Athens  (p.  257);  but 
he  sternly  resisted  the  temptation  to  work  up  those  possi- 
bilities in  a  way  contrary  to  the  real  facts  recorded  in  his 
sources.  Now,  only  a  person  endued  with  considerable 
literary  feeling  and  historical  sympathy  is  able  to  be  "  keenly 
alive  to  the  dramatic  possibilities"  of  a  situation  in  past 
time  and  in  a  strange  country ;  and  only  a  person  who  has  a 
strong  sense  of  veracity  will  resist  the  temptation  to  touch 
up  the  situation  whose  possibilities  he  is  so  keenly  alive  to, 
and  will  rigorously  deny  himself  the  slightest  embellishing 
touch  which  does  not  stand  in  the  record.  Yet  this  person 
did  not  shrink  from  the  most  shameless  and  stupid  mendacity 
in  other  cases  :  he  found  in  two  "  Sources  "  accounts  of  a 
visit  of  Paul  to  Jerusalem,  and  he  thought  they  described 
two  separate  visits,  and  invented  a  whole  chapter  of  false 
history  in  order  to  work  in  the  second  visit  which  his 
stupidity  had  conjured  up :  ^  he  invented  a  Decree  (or  rather 
made  up  a  Decree  from  real  materials  which  belonged  to 
another  time  and  situation),  and  placed  this  Decree  in  the 
mouth  of  the  Apostles  assembled  at  Jerusalem  (xv,  22-29)  ■ 
he  invented,  without  justification  or  suitability,  two  sentences 
(xix.  28,  29),  which  he  put  in  Paul's  mouth  in  the  same  in- 
cident where  otherwise  he  showed  such  self-denial  and 
rigorous  adherence  to  truth  and  the  record ;  and  so  on  in 
endless  succession.  How  reconcile  these  contradictions? 
Who  is  this  author,  who  shows  at  once  such  literary  feeling 
and  such  helplessness  in  literary  expression,  such  scrupulous 
^  See  below,  p.  310  f.,  on  this  point,  and  p.  311  on  the  Decree. 


3o8  XII 

veracity  and  such  unscrupulous  disregard  to  truth  ?  Who  is 
it  that  sometimes  transfers  to  his  pages  fragments  of  a 
"  Source  "  more  awkwardly  than  the  feeblest  Byzantine  com- 
piler, for  he  forgets  to  change  a  first  person  to  a  third,  at 
another  time  selects  and  remodels  till  he  has  constructed  a 
narrative  which  shows  "the  instinct  of  a  true  historian," 
"  keenly  alive  to  the  dramatic  possibilities  of  the  situation  "  ? 
The  charge  is  frequently  brought  against  the  author  of 
Acts  that  he  gives  a  false  picture  of  Paul's  sphere  of  work  in 
the  cities  of  Asia,  Galatia,  Macedonia  and  Achaia,  describ- 
ing Paul's  work  as  conducted  largely  among  the  Jews, 
whereas  Paul's  own  words  show  that  it  was  mainly  among 
the  Gentiles.  This  is  not  taken  by  the  critics  as  a  proof  of 
mendacity  :  but  as  simply  the  result  of  ignorance ;  and  the 
inference  is  that,  if  the  author  had  really  been  a  friend  of 
Paul,  he  would  have  known  better.  It  is  indisputable  that 
in  Acts  the  reader's  attention  is  always  pointedly  drawn  to 
Paul's  work  among  the  Jews.  Dr.  McGiftert  draws  from  this 
the  inference  that  the  author  knew  no  better.  Mr.  Baring- 
Gould,  on  the  contrary  (as  we  shall  see  in  the  following 
article),  draws  the  inference  that  Paul  misstated  or  misjudged 
the  facts,  when  he  represents  himself  as  the  Apostle  of  tlie 
Gentiles.  To  me  it  seems  that  Luke,  while  devoting  most 
space  to  the  account  of  Paul's  work  among  the  Jewish  part 
of  his  audiences,  makes  it  clear  that  the  Gentiles  were  vastly 
more  numerous  than  the  Jews  in  the  Churches  of  Galatia, 
Thessalonica,^  Asia,  etc.  I  find  no  such  contradiction  be- 
tween Paul  and  Acts  as  Dr.  McGiffert  does.  Paul  speaks 
more  of  the  Gentiles  and  to  the  Gentiles,  because  they  were 
the  most  numerous,  but  usually  makes  it  quite  clear  that 

'  The  question  of  reading  comes  in  here  :  St.  Paul  the  TraveUcr,  p.  235  f. 


The  Authorship  of  the  Acts  309 

there  were  Jews  also  in  the  Church  which  he  is  addressing. 
Luke  speaks  at  greater  length  of  the  appeal  to  the  Jews 
because  he  lived  through  the  struggle  against  the  Jews,  and 
sympathised  with  Paul  under  the  attacks  made  against  him 
as  unfriendly  to  his  own  nation,  and  was  keenly  desirous  to 
prove  that  Paul  always  gave  full  opportunity  and  welcome 
to  the  Jews  in  every  city.  Such  a  desire  is  very  natural  in  a 
personal  friend  of  Paul  ;  but  we  see  no  reason  why  a  stranger, 
writing  after  the  conflict  was  long  past,  should  be  so  eager 
to  defend  Paul  against  dead  enemies  and  a  buried  enmity 
and  a  people  which  had  ceased  in  A.D.  70  to  be  a  nation. 

In  this  connection,  take  one  example.  In  Acts,  Paul  is 
represented  at  Corinth  as  going  to  the  Jews,  and  only  after 
their  refusal,  turning  to  the  Gentiles,  and  doing  so  at  first 
by  means  of  the  half-way  "house  of  a  certain  proselyte, 
Titus  Justus".^  But,  "in  Paul's  own  epistles  there  is  no 
hint  of  any  such  procedure "  ;  and  his  statement  "  is  hardly 
calculated  to  confirm  Luke's  account "  (p.  268).  And  yet, 
"  it  must  be  recognised  that  there  are  some  striking  points 
of  contact "  between  Luke's  and  Paul's  accounts  of  Corinthian 
affairs  (p.  269).  Crispus  is  common  to  both  accounts  ;  and 
though  Paul  does  not  mention  that  his  Crispus  was  a  Jew, 
"  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  he  is  the  man  whose  con- 
version Luke  reports".     Obviously  Paul  is  not  concerned  to 

^  It  is  unfortunate  that  the  bare  term  "  proselyte  "  is  sometimes  inaccur- 
ately used  in  the  book  under  review  to  designate  a  "  God-fearing  "  Gentile. 
In  a  question  so  delicate  and  so  vexed,  it  is  desirable  to  use  the  technical 
term  very  strictly.  In  my  St,  Paul,  p.  43,  I  used  "  proselyte"  in  the  same 
loose  way,  to  indicate  a  "  God-fearing  "  person,  because  I  had  not  yet  defined 
the  terms,  and  added  the  definition  in  the  next  paragraph  ;  but  friendly  critics 
pointed  out  that  it  was  best  to  avoid  absolutely  this  loose  use  of  "  proselyte  ". 
Titus  Justus  (rather  Titius  Justus)  was  not  a  "  proselyte,"  but  only  one  of 
the  "  God-fearing "  Gentiles,  who  had  been  attracted  to  the  circle  of  the 
Synagogue. 


3IO  XII 

mention  the  nationality  of  the  persons  whom  he  names  among 
the  Corinthians — he  is  entirely  nbsorbed  in  a  different  pur- 
pose ;  and  it  is  mere  hypercritical  special  pleading  to  argue 
that  Luke  is  inaccurate,  because  Paul  gives  no  account  of 
the  stages  by  which  his  mission  in  Corinth  developed.  If 
he  converted  a  ruler  of  the  Synagogue  (and  Paul  does  not 
himself  think  it  necessary  to  mention  that  Crispus  was  so), 
it  is  pretty  clear  that  he  must  have  addressed  himself  directly 
to  the  Jews.  He  would  never  convert  a  Jew,  if  he  addressed 
only  Gentiles. 

But  I  cannot  stop  to  show,  step  by  step,  how  unfair  and 
sophistical  the  "  Source-Theory "  is :  to  do  so  would  need 
a  book.  I  can  only  ask  the  "  Source-Theorists "  what 
points  they  lay  most  stress  on,  and  examine  these. 

Beyond  a  doubt,  the  one  serious  reason  which  must  weigh 
heavily  with  every  reasoning  man,  and  make  him  doubt 
whether  the  author  of  Acts  could  have  been  an  intimate 
friend  and  companion  of  Paul,  is  the  topic  discussed  on 
pages  170-172,  194-201,  208-217.  Paul,  in  his  letter  to  the 
Galatians,  speaking  with  the  strongest  emphasis,  and  with 
a  solemn  adjuration  that  he  is  speaking  the  absolute  truth 
— "touching  the  things  which  I  write  unto  you,  behold, 
before  God,  that  I  lie  not " — declares  that  in  his  first  two 
visits  to  Jerusalem  after  his  conversion,  he  learned  nothing 
from  the  older  Apostles,  that  he  carried  no  message  from 
them  to  his  own  Churches,  that  they  imparted  nothing  to 
him,  but  merely  approved  of  his  schemes  and  ratified  his 
mission.^     Now  the  second  visit  is  by  most  scholars  identi- 

^  Dr.  McGiffert  puts  this  clearly  and  well,  p.  211 :  "  It  is  a  point  of  the 
utmost  significance  that  Paul  distinctly  asserts  that  those  who  were  of  repute 
in  the  Church  of  Jerusalem  imparted  nothing  to  him  ((jal.  ii.  6)  ...  in 
other  words,  he  was  left  entirely  free  by  them  to  preach  to  the  Gentiles  ex- 
actly as  he  had  been  preaching". 


The  Authorship  of  the  Acts  311 

fied  with  the  visit  described  in  Acts  xv.  But,  in  that  visit, 
so  far  from  the  Apostles  imparting  nothing  to  Paul,  as 
he  declares,  they,  according  to  Acts^  were  the  supreme 
authority  to  whom  he  referred  a  question  for  decision ;  they 
imparted  to  him  a  Decree  on  this  question.  He  carried  this 
Decree  to  his  Churches,  and  "delivered  them  the  Decree 
for  to  keep,  which  had  been  ordained  of  the  Apostles  and 
Elders  that  were  at  Jerusalem"  {Acts  xvi.  4).  Rightly  and 
honestly,  Dr.  McGiffert  is  revolted  by  this  contradiction 
between  Paul  and  Acts :  rightly  and  honestly,  he  refuses  to 
shut  his  eyes  to  it,  or  to  whittle  it  away  and  minimise  it, 
and  delude  himself  into  the  idea  that  he  thereby  gets  rid  of 
it :  the  clear  contradiction  exists  in  a  most  vital  and  serious 
matter.  If  Acts  is  right,  and  if  the  common  theory  is  to 
be  followed,  Paul  was  throwing  dust  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Galatians ;  therefore,  the  inference  is  drawn  that  Acts  is 
wrong,  and  that  the  supposed  Decree  was  never  issued  by 
the  Council,  or  carried  by  Paul  to  his  Churches.  The 
"Decree"  is  a  mere  fabrication  by  the  compiler  of  Acts; 
or,  rather,  "  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  so  peculiar  a  docu- 
ment an  invention  of  the  author  of  Acts,"  and,  therefore, 
"  some  historic  basis  for  it  must  be  assumed  ".  The  basis 
is  found  by  supposing  that  it  was  probably  made  up  out  of 
James's  speech  {Acts  xv.  13-21),  or  that  it  was  promulgated 
at  some  other  time,  and  wrongly  attributed  by  the  author 
to  this  Council  (p.  212  f.). 

Another  difficulty  exists  in  this  connection,  and  the 
"Source-Theory"  is  again  invoked  to  solve  it.  "  It  is  clear 
that  Paul  intended  the  Galatians  to  understand  that  during 
the  fourteen  years  ^  that  succeeded  his  conversion,  he  had 
been  in  Jerusalem  only  twice."  But  in  Acts  three  visits 
^  Or,  as  some  hold  (wrongly,  in  my  opinion),  seventeen  years. 


312  XII 

are  mentioned,  according  to  the  ordinary  view ;  and  Dr. 
McGiffert  rightly  refuses  to  accept  the  sophistical  excuse 
that  the  middle  visit  was  only  a  little  one,  or  an  unim- 
portant one,  and  might  therefore  be  omitted  by  Paul,  even 
though  he  takes  his  oath  to  the  Galatians  that  he  is  telling 
them  the  absolute  truth.  Once  more  the  explanation  is 
sought  in  an  error  of  the  author  of  Acts.  He  found  in  two 
"Sources"  two  different  accounts  of  the  same  visit,  viz.,  a 
visit  paid  in  A.D.  48,  in  which  Paul  and  Barnabas  carried  to 
Jerusalem  the  money  collected  by  the  Antiochian  Church 
{Acts  xi.  29),  and  at  the  same  time  propounded  the  difficulty 
as  to  Gentile  Christians  for  solution  by  the  Apostles  and 
Elders  {Acts  xv.).  These  accounts  were  so  different  that 
the  author  mistook  them  for  accounts  of  two  separate  visits, 
for  one  Source  "  might  well  be  interested  to  record  only  the 
generous  act  of  the  Antiochian  Church,  while  another  might 
see  in  the  settlement  of  the  legitimacy  of  Gentile  Christianity 
the  only  matter  worthy  of  mention ".  Inasmuch  as  the 
Gentile  question  fell  immediately  after  the  first  missionary 
journey,  the  compiler  made  the  unhappy  guess  that  the 
money  had  been  carried  to  Jerusalem  before  that  journey, 
and  thus  falsely  evolved  an  intermediate  unhistorical  visit 
of  Paul  and  Barnabas  to  Jerusalem. 

If  this  view  hits  the  truth,  then  assuredly  Acts  was  not 
written  by  Luke,  the  friend  of  Paul.  It  is  impossible  that 
a  companion  of  Paul  in  many  journeys  and  for  many  years 
should  be  so  ignorant  of  a  most  important  epoch  in  Paul's 
life  as  this  theory  makes  out.  But  there  are  difficulties 
besetting  the  theory.  We  may  well  grant  that  the  author 
of  Acts  may  have  "  found  two  independent  accounts  of  the 
same  journey  in  his  sources".  But  these  accounts  would 
not  be  divorced  from  all  surroundings ;  each  of  them  would 


The  Authorship  of  the  Acts  313 

necessarily  relate  the  events  before  and  after,  and  would 
make  the  succession  of  events  moderately  clear,  for  these 
sources  were  historical  narratives  traversing  part  of  the 
same  ground  that  Acts  treats  of.  I  can  find  no  fair  parallel 
in  literary  history  for  a  supposition  so  violent.  One  is 
used  to  such  maltreatment  of  history  among  ignorant 
students,  who  are  experimenting  to  discover  what  is  the 
minimum  of  knowledge  which  will  be  accepted  for  a  "  pass  " 
by  an  examiner.  But  except  among  the  examination  papers 
of  passmen,  I  have  seen  nothing  to  parallel  the  audacious 
and  shameless  ignorance  which  is  thus  attributed  to  the  com- 
piler— an  ignorance  which  might  almost  suggest  the  theory 
that  Acts  is  the  rejected  examination  paper  in  history  of 
some  lazy  candidate  for  matriculation  in  an  ancient  Univer- 
sity. The  compiler  is  supposed  by  Dr.  McGiffert  to  have 
written  under  Domitian,  between  81  and  96,  at  a  time  when 
one  Christian  had  been  martyred  in  Pergamos  and  none  in 
Smyrna,^  when  many  pupils  and  friends  and  associates  of 
Paul  and  the  Apostles  were  still  living,  when  the  real  facts 
must  have  been  known  to  great  numbers  of  persons,  and 
when  any  doubt  could  have  been  cleared  up  with  the 
utmost  ease.  We  are  asked  to  believe  either  that  the  com- 
piler was  so  extraordinarily  stupid  as  to  imagine  that  the 
accounts  of  one  event  given  in  two  historical  narratives  were 
accounts  of  two  different  events,  feeling  no  doubt,  and  boldly 
lifting  one  account  out  of  its  place  and  thrusting  it  in  at  a 
point  several  years  earlier,  or  that  he  was  so  careless  and 

1  On  the  date  see  page  437  f. ;  on  the  view  that  so  few  martyrs  suffered  in 
Asia  under  Domitian,  see  page  635  (where  it  is  apparently  implied  that  there 
had  been  no  serious  persecution  in  any  of  the  seven  Churches  of  Asia,  except 
the  martyrdom  of  Antipas  :  that  is  as  much  as  to  say  there  had  been  no  per- 
secution in  Asia,  against  which  see  Letters  to  the  Seven  Churches,  ch.  ix). 


314  XII 

lazy  that   he  would  not   test  by  a  very  easy   process  the 
doubts  which  did  suggest  themselves  to  him. 

While  the  form  which  is  given  to  the  "  Source-Theory  " 
in  this  work  is  in  many  respects  most  ingenious  and  able, 
the  early  date  assigned  to  the  compilation  involves  the 
Theory  in  many  difficulties,  which  it  was  free  from  on  the 
old  supposition  of  second-century  authorship.  But  that 
supposition  in  its  turn  is  involved  in  difficulties  which  have 
led  Dr.  McGiffert  to  abandon  it. 

My  own  theory  of  the  visits  to  Jerusalem — that  the 
second  visit  of  Ac^s  is  the  second  visit  as  described  by  Paul 
in  Galatians  ii.  i  ff.,  and  that  the  third  visit  o{  Acts  lies  out- 
side of  Paul's  argument  (because  he  is  merely  discussing 
what  was  his  original  message  to  the  Galatians,  whether  of 
God  or  from  the  Apostles,  whereas  the  third  visit  did  not 
occur  till  after  the  Galatians  were  converted) — is  briefly 
dismissed  as  impossible  on  page  172  note.  The  reason  is 
noteworthy:  "The  discussion  recorded  in  Acts  xv.  can 
have  taken  place  only  on  the  occasion  which  Paul  describes 
in  Gal.  ii.  i  sq."  and  neither  earlier  nor  later.  We  ask 
how  and  where  Dr.  McGiffert  acquires  the  knowledge  of 
that  obscure  period  which  enables  him  to  pronounce  so 
absolutely  that,  on  a  subject  which  (unless  Acts  is  hope- 
lessly wrong)  was  debated  for  years  with  much  bitterness, 
the  particular  discussion  mentioned  in  Acts  xv.  can  have 
occurred  only  in  A.D.  48  and  at  no  other  time.  His 
authority  is  Acts  itself,  an  authority  which  he  discredits  at 
almost  every  point  to  some  greater  or  less  degree ;  yet  from 
this  poor  authority  he  can  gather  absolute  certaint}^  as  to 
the  exact  period  when  alone  one  discussion  of  this  much- 
debated  topic  can  have  occurred.  The  fact  is  that  unless 
Acts  is  accepted  as  a  good  authority,  we  must  resign  our- 


The  Authorship  of  the  Acts  315 

selves  to  be  ignorant  about  the  Apostolic  period,  and  must 
cease  to  make  any  dogmatic  statements  as  to  what  is  possible 
or  impossible. 

Every  reader  must  be  struck  with  the  enormous  part 
that  is  played  in  the  discussion  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
by  the  argument  from  the  author's  silence.  Wherever  we 
learn  from  any  other  source  of  any  incident  or  detail,  how- 
ever slight  it  may  be,  which  is  not  recorded  in  Acts,  the 
inference  is  almost  always  drawn  that  the  author  was 
ignorant  of  it,  or  rather  that  he  had  an  inadequate  or  in- 
accurate "  Source  ".  For  example,  in  the  Athenian  narra- 
tive "  his  account  betrays  a  lack  of  familiarity  with  some 
of  the  events  that  transpired  at  this  period"  (p.  257);  and 
yet  the  author  here  "  followed  in  the  main  quite  closely  "  a 
document,  which  is  stated  in  the  following  pages  to  be  old 
and  trustworthy.  Moreover,  the  author  "  was  keenly  alive 
to  the  dramatic  possibilities  of  the  position  in  which  the 
Apostle  found  himself  placed "  ;  which  implies  a  high 
degree  of  historical  insight  and  sympathy.  Here,  then, 
we  have  a  case  in  which  an  author,  who  possessed  great 
literary  and  historical  power,  and  had  access  to  a  good  and 
early  authority  of  Athenian  origin,  is  pronounced  ignorant 
of  certain  minJiticB  of  the  going  and  coming  of  Timothy, 
because  he  does  not  enumerate  them.  Surely  the  sup- 
position should  here  be  entertained  that  he  thought  these 
minutice  too  unimportant  to  deserve  enumeration  in  a 
highly  compressed  history  of  the  developing  force  of  Chris- 
tianity within  the  Roman  Empire. 

Many  critics  seem  to  have  failed  utterly  to  realise  that 
the  author  of  Acts  is  not  a  biographer  but  a  historian,  that 
he  selects  the  points  which  are  important  in  his  conception 
of  the  developing  Church,  and  stands  quite  apart  from  little 


3i6  XII 

details  regarding  the  precise  number  of  times  that  Timothy 
went  back  and  forward  between  Achaia  and  Macedonia. 
It  is  enough  that  the  author  says  nothing  that  is  contra- 
dictory of  what  Paul  mentions  in  writing  to  the  Thessalo- 
nians  (as  is  frankly  conceded  on  p.  257);  beyond  that  it  is 
mere  pedantic  niggling  to  insist  that,  if  the  author  had 
known  how  many  times  Timothy  went  to  and  fro,  he  must 
have  told  it. 

It  is  impossible  in  a  necessarily  short  j  paper  to  touch  on 
every  point  raised  as  regards  Acts.  But  I  have  taken  those 
which  seemed  most  characteristic.  Let  me  add  one  only. 
On  page  280  f,  the  Ephesian  residence  is  discussed.  From 
the  word  used  by  Paul  himself,  "  I  fought-with-beasts  at 
Ephesus  "  {e67)pLoix,a')(7](Ta,  I  Cor.  xv.  32),  it  is  inferred  that 
the  Apostle  had  been  condemned  to  death,  exposed  to  wild 
beasts  in  the  amphitheatre,  and  escaped  in  some  way  from 
death.  This  penalty  could  only  be  inflicted  by  the  supreme 
official  of  the  province,  the  Proconsul ;  and  therefore  it  is 
maintained  that  "an  uproar  resulted,  and  he  was  arrested 
and  condemned  to  death  as  the  cause  of  it"  ;  the  Proconsul 
had  the  power,  "when  the  contest  in  the  arena  did  not 
result  fatally,  to  set  him  free".  As  Dr.  McGiffert  rather 
humorously  observes,  "  doubtless  he  was  convinced  that 
Paul  would  avoid  creating  any  more  disturbances^'. 

When  Paul  recounts  to  the  Corinthians  his  sufferings, 
2  Cor.  xi.  23  f.,  he  did  not  think  it  worth  while  to  mention 
that  most  remarkable  of  all  escapes  and  dangers,  though  he 
mentions  many  far  less  striking  and  impressive,  because  he 
had  already  mentioned  it  in  the  first  Epistle,  and  it  "  may 
have  seemed  unnecessary  to  do  so  in  the  second".  Why 
not  apply  the  "Source-Theory"  here?  ,  The  two  Epistles 
use  different  Sources ! 


The  Authorship  of  the  Acts  317 

I  need  not  discuss  such  a  shadowy  and  hypothetical 
substitute  for  the  realistic  and  impressive  narrative  of  Acts} 
I  venture  to  doubt  if  any  two  scholars  in  the  whole  of 
Europe  will  accept  this  interpretation  of  the  fundamental 
word  "  fought- with-beasts ".  The  sketch  of  the  supposed 
trial  and  condemnation  and  fight  in  the  amphitheatre  and 
pardon  is  too  false  to  Roman  habits  of  administration,  and 
to  the  surroundings  of  Epheso-Roman  society,  to  have  any 
claim  to  be  taken  seriously.  It  is  simply  a  blot  upon  a 
very  clever  and  learned  book. 

The  conclusion  from  a  long  examination  of  the  Ephesian 
incident  is  that  "it  is  impossible  to  discover  a  satisfactory' 
reason  for  the  omission  of"  so  many  occurrences  as  are 
known  to  us  from  Paul's  own  words,  or  why  the  author 
failed  to  relate  the  events  which  were  of  most  interest  and 
concern  to  Paul  himself  (p.  283),  except  that  his  "Sources" 
are  to  blame.  But  why  was  Luke  bound  to  guide  his 
history  according  to  the  thread  of  interest  which  guided 
Paul  in  writing  to  the  Corinthians?  Paul  was  arranging 
his  topics  to  suit  the  special  circumstances  of  the  Corinthian 
Church ;  Luke  was  arranging  his  history  according  to  his 
idea  of  the  real  importance  of  the  topics. 

This  method  of  studying  the  Acts,  and  distinguishing 
between  what  is  true  and  what  is  false  or  only  half-true 
in  it,  is  generally  practised  with  a  view  to  eliminate  the 
"miraculous"  element,  and  leave  a  solid  basis  of  non- 
miraculous  facts.  The  miraculous  element  is,  undoubtedly, 
a  serious  diflficulty ;  but  no  honest  process  of  criticism  can 
get  rid  of  it.     It  is  implicated  in  the  inmost  structure  of  the 

1  Dr.  McGiffert  himself  says  about  part  of  it,  "  Tiie  general  trustworthi- 
ness of  Luke's  account  cannot  be  questioned.  The  occurrence  is  too  true  to 
life  and  is  related  in  too  vivid  a  way  to  permit  a  doubt  as  to  its  historic  reality  " 
(p.  282). 


3i8  XII 

whole  New  Testament,  and  in  the  very  nature  of  the  men 
who  wrote  its  books.  Dr.  McGiffert  sees  clearly  and 
frankly  recognises  that  the  miraculous  element  cannot  be 
expelled  from  Acts ;  that  Paul,  and  his  contemporaries,  and 
the  oldest  and  best  "  Sources "  of  Acts,  all  believe  and 
accept  and  record  miraculous  events  and  miraculous  powers. 
He  leaves  the  marvellous  element  in  Acts. 

Accordingly,  the  miraculous  healing  of  the  lame  man  at 
Lystra  "  is  too  striking  and  unique  to  have  been  invented  " 
(p.  189).  Some  of  the  accompaniments,  however,  are  pro- 
nounced doubtful.  There  are  analogies  to  Acts  iii.  2  ff. 
and  X.  26;  and  the  words  of  xiv.  i^b-i^  "are  much  like 
Paul's  words  in  his  address  to  the  Athenians  recorded  in 
the  seventeenth  chapter  of  Acts".  Therefore  these  touches 
are  declared  to  result  from  the  author's  feeling  "the  in- 
fluence of  other  accounts  given  elsewhere  in  his  work".  If 
I  understand  this  phrase  rightly,  it  means  that  the  author 
could  not  resist  the  temptation  of  touching  up  his  narrative 
here  by  introducing  words  and  details  from  other  incidents 
belonging  to  other  years  and  countries.  This  is  the  same 
author,  who,  as  we  saw^,  so  sternly  resisted  the  temptation 
to  touch  up  his  narrative  at  Athens  (except  the  speech  of 
Paul,  which  he  did  embellish). 

Moreover,  when  we  turn  to  the  passages  which  are  said 
to  have  furnished  the  materials  which  are  worked  up  in  the 
Lystran  incident,  we  find  that  they  also  have  themselves 
been  touched  up,  and  are  not  pure,  unadulterated  early 
sources.  How  marvellous  is  the  unerring  art  which  can 
distinguish  every  layer  in  this  complicated  construction,  and 
can  determine  how  far  the  Lystran  incident  is  taken  from 
a  good  and  trustworthy  source,  what  details  are  added,  from 
what  secondary  source  each  added  detail  is  derived,  what  is 


The  Authorship  of  the  Acts  319 

the  character  of  the  secondary  sources,  and  what  elements 
in  them  are  good  and  what  are  bad  !  But  this  elaborate 
process  is  not  recognised  as  permissible  by  profane  historical 
critics  :  it  is  too  clever  for  us. 

The  term  "  an  older  source  "  is  used  in  a  very  vague  way, 
which  defies  strict  analysis,  throughout  the  book.  Where- 
ever  there  is  found  in  Acts  any  fact  which  can  be  accepted 
as  true,  it  is  lattributed  to  the  use  by  the  author  of  "an 
older  source  ".  As  the  author  was  not  the  pupil  and  friend 
of  Paul,  we  get  the  general  impression  that  his  authorities 
about  events,  none  of  which  were  known  to  him  on  his  own 
authority  as  an  actor  in  them,^  were  partly  older  and  good, 
and  partly  later  and  bad. 

With  this  classification  of  the  authorities  in  our  mind, 
we  turn  to  page  647  ff.  There  we  find  that  the  term  "the 
Apostles "  is  used  by  the  author  of  Acts  in  a  peculiar  and 
narrow  sense,  viz.,  denoting  the  primitive  body  of  Twelve 
Apostles  (to  whom  Paul  is  added  as  an  equal,  though  of 
later  appointment) ;  whereas  "in  the  Gospels  of  Matthew, 
Mark,  and  John,  and  in  the  Epistle  of  Barnabas,"  as  well 
as  in  the  Apocalypse  and  the  Didache,  the  term  "  Apostles  " 
is  used  in  a  broader  sense  (which  was  the  common  use  of 
the  word,  while  the  original  Apostles  are  "  the  Twelve  "). 

"  In  the  book  of  Acts,  on  the  other  hand,  the  broader 
meaning  appears  only  twice  (xiv.  4,  14),  and  that  apparently 
under  the  influence  of  an  older  source."  In  contrast  to  that 
"  older  source,"  the  ordinary  Lukan  use  of  Apostles  in  the 
narrower  meaning  of  "the  Twelve"  with  Paul,  is,  as  we 
must  understand,  under  the  influence  of  a  later  source.  This 
"  later  source  "  was,  however,  of  strongly  Pauline  character, 
for  the  narrower  sense  occurs  during  the  first  century  "  only 
1  On  that  point  Dr.  McGiffert  is  quite  clear  and  emphatic. 


320  XII 

in  the  writings  of  Paul  himself,  and  of  those  authors  who 
had  felt  his  influence".  Now  the  "  older  sources"  described 
events  in  almost  every  stage  of  Paul's  life,  and  therefore 
those  on  which  chapters  xiii.  to  xxviii.  were  founded  can 
hardly  have  been  written  before  A.D.  60-70.  The  "later 
source"  is  closely  connected  with  Paul  and  under  his  in- 
fluence, and,  as  it  was  employed  by  an  author  who  composed 
his  history  between  A.D.  80  and  95,  it  must  have  been 
written  as  early  as  A.D.  70-80.  The  distinction  is  remark- 
ably subtle  between  the  two  classes  of  "  source,"  and  does 
great  credit  to  the  acumen  of  the  scholar,  who  can  preserve 
his  balanced  judgment  as  he  walks  along  this  sharp  knife- 
edge,  and  can  unhesitatingly  distinguish  between  the  older 
and  the  later  source. 

In  the  time  of  Bentley  it  was  a  proof  of  genius,  a  matter 
requiring  great  acuteness  and  wide  knowledge,  to  distin- 
guish, as  earlier  and  later,  between  works  whose  time  of 
composition  was  divided  by  centuries.  In  the  present 
century,  after  discussion  and  minute  examination  by  many 
generations  of  scholars,  opinions  vary  widely  as  to  the  period 
to  which  many  works  belong.  The  Niix  is  taken  by  some 
critics  for  a  youthful  work  of  Ovid,  while  others  would  refer 
it  to  a  time  after  Ovid's  death.  One  of  the  greatest  of 
modern  scholars  considers  that  the  Epicedion  Drusi  was 
composed  in  the  fifteenth  century  after  Christ ;  many  be- 
lieve that  it  was  written  in  the  first  century  before  Christ 
immediately  after  the  death  of  Drusus  (B.C.  9). 

But,  although  the  original  works  are  lost,  the  "  Source- 
Theorist"  decides  with  unhesitating  confidence  whether 
the  source  for  some  half-sentence  or  half-paragraph  of 
Luke  is  old,  dating  from  60-70,  or  later,  dating  from 
A.D.  70-80.     We  humble  students  of  history  cannot  come  up 


The  Authorship  of  the  Acts  321 

to  such  skill  as  that ;  and  we  are  so  rude  and  barbarous  as 
to  smile  at  it  and  disbelieve  in  it.  We  think  that,  if  the 
"  Source-Theorists "  had  spent  twenty  years  in  the  school 
of  Mommsen  and  the  great  pagans,  instead  of  among  the 
theologians,  they  would  see  that  they  are  attempting  an 
impossibility,  and  would  be  as  much  amused  at  it  as  we 
profane  scholars  are.  All  theories  of  Acts,  except  one, 
result  in  hopeless  confusion. 

We  have  in  Dr.  McGiffert's  work  a  book  which  shows 
many  very  great  qualities,  and  which  might  have  ranked 
among  the  small  number  of  really  good  books,  if  it  had  not 
been  spoiled  by  a  bad  theory  as  to  the  fundamental  docu- 
ment, on  which  it  must  rest.  But  it  will  do  good  service  in 
bringing  home  to  us  that,  if  the  author  was  Luke,  then  the 
acknowledged  difficulties  in  Acts  must  not  be  solved  by  the 
theory  of  insufficient  information.  Whom  should  we  look 
to  for  knowledge  of  Paul,  if  not  to  Luke,  his  companion  in 
so  many  captivities  and  journeys  (the  times  when  Paul 
would  be  least  occupied  with  the  daily  cares  of  preaching 
and  teaching)  ?  Those  who  contend  for  Lukan  authorship 
must  deny  themselves  the  easy  cure  of  inadequate  know- 
ledge. There  was  abundant  opportunity  for  Luke  to  acquire 
exact  information,  if  on  any  point  he  lacked  it,  for  intercom- 
munication was  the  life  of  the  early  Church,  and  numerous 
witnesses  were  living.  Dr.  McGiffert  has  destroyed  that 
error,  if  an  error  can  be  destroyed. 


21 


5"         fO " 

Paul  the  Martyr  of  Derbe  (see  p.  295). 


XIII 

A  STUDY  OF  ST.  PAUL  BY  MR.  BARING- 
GOULD 


XIII 

A  STUDY  OF  ST.  PAUL  BY  MR.  BARING- 
GOULD 

In  my  Sit.  Paul  the  Traveller  a  conception  of  Paul's  char- 
acter is  stated,  which  seems  to  me  to  be  so  patent  in  the 
narrative  of  Acts,  that  it  must  have  been  the  conception 
entertained  by  the  author.  My  aim  in  that  book  was 
rather  to  show  clearly  what  was  Luke's  conception  of  Paul 
than  to  state  my  own  views  of  the  Apostle's  character; 
though,  to  a  certain  extent,  my  own  conception  necessarily 
tinges  the  picture.  The  attempt  was,  of  course,  a  delicate 
and  difficult  one;  it  is  founded  on  a  certain  theory  of 
Luke's  own  character  and  action,  and  partakes  of  the  un- 
certainty that  attaches  to  that  theory.  The  evidence  of 
the  Epistles  is  interpreted  according  to  my  conception  of 
the  situation,  as  they  would  appear  to  Paul's  contempo- 
raries, not  as  they  appear  to  us  in  the  nineteenth  century. 
This  whole  process  is  so  delicate  that  the  opportunity  of 
weighing  and  pondering  over  a  conception  of  the  Apostle's 
character,  formed  by  one  who  takes  much  the  same  view  as 
I  do  of  the  historical  facts  and  incidents  and  dates,  is 
valuable;  and  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Baring-Gould  for 
several  good  ideas  ^  and  much  interest ;  but  also  I  must 
confess  that  I  have  often  felt  repelled  by  the  way  he  belittles 

1  E.g.,  that  the  loss  of  the  offerings  of  the  "  God-fearing,"  whom  Paul 
tempted  away  from  the  synagogues,  annoyed  the  Jews  (p.  i8o,  etc.). 

(325) 


326  XIII 

and  (in  my  opinion)  misrepresents  a  great  man.  The 
passage  at  foot  of  page  327  is  a  libel  on  Paul :  "  Paul  is 
thoroughly  Oriental  in  his  indifference  to  the  welfare  and 
sufferings  of  the  brute  creation.  .  .  .  He  imputes  to  the 
Almighty  the  same  insensibility  to  pity  and  care  for  the 
dumb  beast  that  he  possessed." 

Mr.  Baring-Gould  defines  his  aim  in  this  book  as  follows : 
"  The  line  I  have  adopted  is  that  of  a  man  of  the  world,  of 
a  novelist  with  some  experience  of  life,  and  some  acquaint- 
ance with  the  springs  of  conduct  that  actuate  mankind  "  ; 
and  he  describes  the  novelist  as  "one  who  seeks  to  sound 
the  depths  of  human  nature,  to  probe  the  very  heart  of  man, 
to  stand  patiently  at  his  side  with  finger  on  pulse.  He 
seeks  to  discover  the  principles  that  direct  man's  action,  to 
watch  the  development  of  his  character,  and  to  note  the 
influence  that  surroundings  have  on  the  genesis  of  his  ideas 
and  the  formation  of  his  convictions." 

The  programme  was  quite  fascinating  to  one  who,  like 
myself,  has  attempted  (in  a  humbler  way  and  on  a  less  am- 
bitious plan  than  Mr.  Baring-Gould)  "  to  take  Church  His- 
tory for  a  moment  out  of  the  hands  of  the  theologians," 
and  treat  it  on  freer  lines.  I  have  none  of  the  prejudice, 
which  he  anticipates,  against  a  novelist's  attempt  to  under- 
stand and  depict  the  mind  of  Paul.  On  the  contrary,  the 
most  illuminative  page  that  I  have  ever  read  about  the 
central  scene  of  Paul's  life,  that  scene  whose  interpretation 
determines  our  whole  conception  of  Paul's  work,  the  appear- 
ance of  Jesus  to  him  "  as  he  drew  nigh  unto  Damascus,"  is 
in  a  tale  by  another  novelist,  Owen  Rhoscomyl.^  Hence 
I  welcome  the  application  of  Mr.  Baring-Gould's  method,  as 
he  defines  it,  to  the  personality  of  Paul.  He  has,  however, 
^  This  illuminative  page  is  quoted  in  The  Education  of  Christ,  p.  9  f. 


A  Study  of  St.  Paul  by  Mr.  Baring-Gould    ^t'^'j 

not  given  himself  fair  play.  Instead  of  trying  simply  to 
present  his  own  view  to  the  reader,  he  tries  too  much  to 
correct  the  views  of  others  ;  he  lays  so  much  stress  on  those 
sides  of  Paul's  character  which  have,  in  his  opinion,  been 
too  little  regarded,  that  his  picture  of  the  Apostle  is  one- 
sided. The  qualities  on  which  he  insists,  and  to  which  he 
returns  with  painful  frequency,  are  so  unpleasant  that  the 
character  which  he  sets  before  us  is  repulsive  and  almost 
detestable.  It  is  rare  that  any  sentence  is  devoted  to  the 
good  or  great  qualities  of  Paul's  mind.^  His  blunders,  his 
failures,  his  weaknesses,  his  domineering  nature,  fill  up  most 
of  the  book.  Mr.  Baring-Gould  knows  that  he  was  even  a 
bad  workman  (p.  296). 

My  objection  to  Mr.  Gould's  book  as  a  whole  is,  not  that 
it  is  a  novelist's  view,  but  that  it  is  not  a  novelist's  view.  I 
have  not  been  able  to  feel  that  he  presents  Paul  as  an  intelli- 
gible character,  clearly  understood  by  the  author,  and  there- 
fore easily  recognisable  by  the  reader ;  and  he  leaves  Paul's 
work  and  influence  more  completely  a  riddle  than  before. 
One  seems  in  this  book  to  see  two  Pauls,  sometimes  coalesc- 
ing more  or  less  into  a  single  picture,  sometimes  separate 
from  one  another,  as  if  one  were  looking  through  a  badly 
focussed  optical  instrument;  and  neither  of  the  figures  of 
Paul,  which  thus  dance  before  one's  eyes,  seems  to  suit  the 
work  and  life  that  are  shown  us  in  Acts  and  the  Epistles. 
The  author  describes  his  aim  in  the  words,  "  I  treat  the 
great  Apostle  as  a  man  ".  I  went  to  the  book,  hoping  to 
find  a  man  there.  I  found  much  that  was  interesting;  I 
found  a  view  so  different  from  my  own  that  it  was  bound  to 
be  instructive  by  forcing  me  to  try  to  understand  the  causes 
which  had  produced  it.  But  I  do  not  find  in  it  a  man :  I 
1  Examples  on  pp.  127,  434,  436  f. 


328  XIII 

find  a  conception,  half  double,  half  single,  like  the  Siamese 
twins.  Now,  as  I  have  been  requested,  I  shall  state  the 
reasons  for  this  opinion,  though  I  feel  as  if  it  were  ungrateful 
to  do  so,  after  the  kind  terms  in  which  he  has  referred  to  my 
work  on  the  subject.  I  would  not  have  promised  to  write 
this  paper,  had  I  not  thought  at  first  that  it  was  likely  to  be 
far  more  laudatory  than  it  is. 

Briefly,  I  may  say  at  the  beginning  that  on  almost  all 
the  main  controversies  as  to  the  facts  of  Paul's  life,  I  find 
myself  in  agreement,  or  nearly  so,  with  Mr.  Baring-Gould. 
It  is  in  the  general  conception  that  he  does  not  persuade 
me.  I  do  not  insist  that  I  am  right,  and  I  am  eager  to 
study  any  view  that  differs  from  mine,  but  I  feel  very  sure 
that  his  v'vsm  is  not  right,  because  it  fails  to  make  history 
intelligible. 

To  make  Mr.  Gould's  position  clear,  it  should  also  be 
mentioned  that  the  author  accepts  all  the  Epistles  attri- 
buted to  Paul  as  his  genuine  work,  and  as  divinely  inspired 
writings,  and  that  he  is  fully  convinced  of  the  miraculous 
character  of  Paul's  conversion.  He  accepts  the  Divine  ele- 
ment in  the  narrative  of  the  early  Church,  holding  "  that  to 
eliminate  that  is  to  misconceive  the  story  of  Paul  altogether  ". 
But  he  is  "  indisposed  to  obtrude  the  Divine  and  miraculous, 
wherever  the  facts  "  can  be  explained  without  such  a  sup- 
position. 

Before  criticising  details,  I  will  quote  what  I  thought 
one  of  the  best  passages  in  the  book :  "  As  the  moon  has 
one  face  turned  away  from  earth,  looking  into  infinity,  a 
face  we  never  see,  so  it  is  with  the  mystic.  In  him  there  is 
the  spiritual  face — mysterious,  inexplicable,  but  one  with 
which  we  must  reckon.  And  this  it  is  that  makes  it  so 
difiicult  to  properly  interpret  the  man  of  a  constitution  like 


A  Study  of  St.  Paul  by  Mr.  Baring- Gould    329 

Paul.     We  have  to  allow  for  a  factor  in  his  composition 
that  escapes  investigation"  (p.  138). 

We  must  try  to  put  shortly  the  character  of  the  man 
Paul  according  to  Mr.  Baring-Gould,  and  it  will  be  best  to 
do  so  as  much  as  possible  in  his  own  words.  The  central 
point  in  his  theory  is  thus  stated  :  "  The  generally  enter- 
tained idea  of  St.  Paul  as  the  Apostle  to  the  Gentiles, 
preaching  to  the  unconverted,  drawing  the  net  of  the  Church 
in  untried  waters,  must  be  greatly  modified.  He  did  not 
carry  the  Gospel  to  the  heathen,  though  he  certainly  travelled 
among  them"  (p.  417,  compare  148,  435,  etc.). 

Paul  was,  it  seems,  rarely  able  to  persuade  others  fully 
as  to  his  sincerity  or  his  authority  as  an  Apostle.  "  Ob- 
viously the  Apostles  did  not  altogether  trust  Paul's  account 
of  his  vision  seen  at  Antioch,  They  thought  he  had  un- 
wittingly coloured  it  to  suit  his  own  wishes"  (p.  121).  "It 
must  be  allowed  that  he  possessed  a  faculty  of  giving  these 
matters  a  partial  aspect,  and  embroidering  them  to  suit  his 
purpose,  which  is  calculated,  if  not  to  awake  suspicion,  at 
all  events  to  call  forth  reserve"  (p.  122).  "Were  they  {ix.^ 
the  elder  Apostles)  to  accept  the  assurance  of  a  man  of  whom 
all  they  knew  was  that  he  was  a  weather-cock  in  his  religious 
opinions,  and  that  in  a  matter  of  supreme  importance  ?  " 

Extreme  and  ill-regulated  statements  of  this  kind  prevent 
the  author  from  achieving  a  fair  presentation  of  his  own 
case,  and  will  tend  to  prevent  the  good  points  in  the  book 
from  being  appreciated. 

Further,  the  author  seems  sometimes  almost  to  doubt  if 
Paul  had  any  faith  in  his  mission.  For  example,  on  page 
239,  he  asks,  "  could  Paul  have  thought,  could  these  shallow 
sciolists  have  conceived  it  possible,  that  the  badly  expressed 
words  in  which  he  professed  his  convictions  would  outlast 


330  XIII 

and  overmaster  all  their  cobweb-spinning,  and  that,  in  a 
few  years,  deep  into  the  rock  where  Paul  stood  and  received 
their  jeers,  the  cross  would  be  cut  ? "  I  should  have  be- 
lieved that  Paul  thought,  and  was  even  firmly  convinced, 
that  his  words  would  last ;  but  Mr.  Gould  apparently  leads 
up  to  a  negative  answer. 

The  reasons  why  Paul  could  never  convert  any  of  the 
Gentiles,  except  certain  God-fearing  proselytes  who  had 
been  already  half-converted  by  the  Jews,  were  various ;  but 
the  chief  were,  first,  his  ignorance  and  utter  want  of  educa- 
tion in  anything  except  the  narrowest  and  straightest  Judaic 
legal  teaching ;  secondly,  his  utter  inability  to  argue. 

As  to  Paul's  ignorance  of  all  things  Greek,  except  a 
certain  fluent  command  of  a  vulgar  provincial  dialect,  so 
bad  that  it  made,  his  language  in  speaking  a  subject  for 
contempt  and  ridicule  in  Athens  and  Corinth  (p.  226, 
etc.),  Mr.  Gould  speaks  with  remarkable  emphasis  in  various 
passages. 

Paul  had  been  altogether  outside  the  circle  of  Greek 
studies ;  and  had  no  knowledge  of  Greek  philosophy  or 
thought.  "  Paul  was  as  incapable  of  appreciating  the  art 
treasures  of  Athens  as  he  was  of  giving  proper  value  to  its 
philosophy."  "As  he  had  no  appreciation  of  art,  so  had  he 
none  for  Nature  "  (p.  227).  "  So,  he  was  ignorant  of  Greek 
history,  and  out  of  sympathy  with  the  noble  struggles  of 
the  past "  {ibid?) ;  for  "  the  entire  system  of  training  under 
Gamaliel  had  been  stunting  to  the  finer  qualities  of  the 
mind"  (p.  228).      "He  had  no  knowledge  of  geography" 

(P-  317)- 

In  Tarsus  during  boyhood  he  did  not  attend  Greek 
schools,  and  was  never  allowed  to  come  "  in  contact  with  the 
current  and  eddies  of  thought  among  the  Greek  students  ". 


A  Study  of  St.  Paul  by  Mr.  Baring-Gould    331 

He  was  even  kept  by  his  strict  father  from  associating  with 
such  Jews  as  were  not  strict  in  their  adherence  to  the  Law 
and  to  the  traditions  of  the  rabbis.  He  learned  nothing  of 
Greek  thought ;  and,  inasmuch  as  "  it  is  not  probable  that 
there  was  an  elementary  school  at  Tarsus"  {i.e.,  a  Jewish 
school),  "  he  learned  texts  of  his  mother  and  the  interpreta- 
tion from  his  father".  "As  he  worked  at  the  loom,  the  old 
Pharisee  laboured  to  weave  as  well  his  prejudices,  inter- 
pretations, hatreds  and  likings  into  the  texture  of  his  son's 
mind."  Thereafter,  as  he  grew  old,  Paul  "  would  be  placed 
under  instruction  in  the  traditions  with  the  ruler  of  the 
synagogue". 

In  this  narrow  system  of  education,  "  which  had  tortured 
his  growing  mind,"  Mr.  Gould  finds  the  explanation  why 
Paul  went  "to  the  opposite  extreme,"  when  he  "deserted 
the  religion  of  his  youth  ".^ 

Not  merely  was  Paul  kept  from  any  share  in  Greek  edu- 
cation ;  but  also  the  amusements  of  the  city  were  forbidden 
to  him.  "  As  Jews,  the  tentmaker  and  his  son  abstained 
from  theatrical  and  gladiatorial  shows " ;  but  at  this  point 
the  author  remembers,  apparently,  how  frequently  Paul  took 
his  illustrations  from  the  games,  and  he  makes  an  exception 
as  regards  the  circus.  Probably  "he  took  advantage  of 
having  a  seat  -  in  the  circus,  and  followed  the  contest  with 
zest". 

But  why  should  we  consider  that  the  circus  was  per- 
mitted   to    Paul,   and   not   the   other   amusements  of   the 

^See  pp.  51-53. 

^  The  idea  that  Paul  had  a  seat  in  the  circus  by  right  (for  which  I  know 
of  no  justification)  seems  to  spring  from  the  mistaken  idea  (p.  60)  that  the 
Roman  citizenship  and  even  equestrian  rank  were  gained  by  Paul's  father 
from  his  having  held  office  in  the  city.     See  the  remarks  below,  on  p.  340. 


ZZ2  XIII 

stadium  and  the  amphitheatre?  He  very  often  takes  his 
illustrations  from  the  foot-races  and  athletic  sports  of  the 
stadium.  Once  at  least  he  uses  an  expression  which  de- 
rives its  force  from  the  venationes  in  the  amphitheatre.^ 
Are  we  not  as  fully  justified  in  supposing  that  attendance 
at  the  stadium  and  amphitheatre  was  permitted  to  Paul 
as  at  the  circus  ?  Is  it  not  obvious  that,  if  we  once  admit 
the  principle  that  Paul's  illustrations  and  comparisons  and 
metaphors  give  a  clue  to  his  own  early  experiences  and 
education,  it  becomes  difificult  to  draw  any  such  hard  line 
of  demarcation  between  the  Jewish  boy  Paul's  surround- 
ings in  Tarsus  and  those  of  the  young  Greeks  ?  Canon 
Hicks  says  well :  "  See  how  essentially  Greek  is  his  per- 
petual employment  of  figures  drawn  from  athletic  games. 
.  .  .  Not  less  essentially  Greek  are  his  metaphors  from 
the  mysteries,  or  from  civic  life,  or  from  education.  It  is 
plain  that  St.  Paul's  mind  is  stored  with  images  taken  from 
Graeco-Roman  life  ;  he  calls  them  up  without  effort.  He 
returns  to  some  of  them  again  and  again.  Even  when  a 
metaphor  is  suggested  by  an  Old  Testament  text  like 
Isaiah  lix.  17  and  xi.  5,  he  works  up  the  illustration  (i 
Thess.  V.  8;  Eph.  vi.  13)  after  the  manner  of  a  pure 
Greek  simply  describing  a  Roman  soldier."-^ 

Those  whose  intellectual  life  has  been  chiefly  spent  in 
Greek,  like  Professor  Ernst  Curtius,  or  Canon  E.  L.  Hicks 
(who  knows  as  much  about  the  Greek  cities  of  the  Asian 
coast  at  the  period  in  question  as  any  living  man),  recognise 
in  Paul  a  man  whose  mind  is  penetrated  with  Greek 
thoughts  and  familiar  with  Greek  ways.  Those  who  are 
come  to  him  fresh  from  Roman  surroundings  recognise  in 

^  St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  p.  230. 

2  St.  Pajtl  and  Hellenism,  p.  7  f.  (Studia  Biblica,  iv.). 


A  Study  of  St.  Paul  by  Mr.  Baring-Gould    333 

him  a  mind  which  works  out  in  practical  life  many  of  the 
guiding  ideas  of  Roman  organisation,  and  which  often  ex- 
presses itself  in  words  whose  full  meaning  is  not  apparent 
without  reference  to  Graeco-Roman  Law. 

That  Paul  was,  above  all  things,  a  Jew  trained  in  the 
Mosaic  Law  and  its  scholastic  or  rabbinical  interpretation 
is  quite  true ;  but  the  old-fashioned  (unfortunately  not 
wholly  old-fashioned)  idea  that  he  was  nothing  more  than 
that  is  miserably  inadequate  and  utterly  misleading.  It  has 
maintained  itself  so  long,  because  Pauline  study  has  usually 
been  almost  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  men  whose  edu- 
cation has  been  directed  in  their  early  years  to  classical 
Greek  authors,  and  then  to  Jewish  life  and  history.  The  life 
of  the  Graeco- Asiatic  cities,  a  life  inarticulate  to  us  because 
its  literature  has  wholly  perished  (and  perished  unregretted) 
— a  life  known  only  to  the  antiquary  through  the  laborious 
piecing  together  of  scattered  fragments  of  stories,  inscribed 
and  uninscribed — is  a  subject  which  the  Pauline  inter- 
preters, as  a  rule,  only  enter  ^  in  search  of  illustrations  ;  but 
he  who  is  to  appreciate  Paul  rightly  must  first  make  him- 
self as  familiar  as  Hicks  and  Curtius  have  been  with  the 
life  and  surroundings  and  education,  amid  which  he  worked 
and  preached,  and  then  proceed  to  study  his  works,  instead 
of  regarding  Paul  always  as  the  Jew,  and  reading  him  with 
a  mind  always  on  the  outlook  for  Judaic  ideas,  and  with 
the  vague  prepossession  that  nothing  is  Greek  which  does 
not  resemble  the  Greece  of  Demosthenes  and  Plato. 

The  author  has  on  page  277  fif.  an  interesting  comparison 

between  the  Roman  Jus   Gentium  (a  statement  of  those 

elementary  and  universal  principles  of  equity  which  were 

recognised,  or  supposed  to  be  recognised,  by  all   nations, 

^  Even  the  best  seem  to  enter  with  minds  already  made  up. 


334  ^III 

and  which  lay  at  the  basis  of  all  right  law)  in  its  relation  to 
the  statute  law,  and  the  Gospel  principles  of  justice  and 
duty  in  their  relation  to  the  Mosaic  Law.^  In  each  case 
the  modification  of  hard,  inelastic,  formal  laws  was  sought 
in  a  return  to  first  principles,  in  an  appeal  to  fundamental 
and  elementary  conceptions  of  moral  rectitude.  The  com- 
parison may  be  considered  perhaps  a  little  fanciful;  but  I 
do  not  think  so.  The  distinction  between  principles  of 
right  and  rigid  regulations  was  in  the  air  at  that  period ; 
and  the  educated  men  were  thinking  of  it,  or,  at  least,  were 
in  that  line  of  thought. 

This  comparison  illustrates  a  point  on  which  Mr.  Baring- 
Gould  differs  diametrically  from  me;  and  the  comparison 
which  he  himself  here  draws  seems  to  tell  strongly  against 
his  view  and  in  favour  of  mine.  It  is  impossible  to  determine 
how  far  Paul  was  distinctly  conscious  of  the  analogies  that 
exist  between  his  conception  of  Christianity  and  certain 
features  of  the  Imperial  system  ;  but,  if  he  had  any  con- 
sciousness of  these  analogies,  he  must  have  been  far  more 
familiar  with  the  Roman  world  than  Mr.  Baring-Gould  is 
willing  to  acknowledge.  And,  even  if  he  were  not  conscious 
distinctly  of  the  Roman  analogies  (though,  for  my  own  part, 
they  are  so  numerous  that  I  cannot  believe  them  to  have 
been  hit  upon  ignorantly  by  him),  yet  at  any  rate  his  point 
of  view  is  that  of  the  educated  men  of  the  period  ;  he  is  not 

1  Dr.  E.  Hicks  refers  to  the  same  subject  less  fully  in  his  suggestive  little 
book  on  Greek  Philosophy  and  Roman  Law  in  the  New  Testament.  See  also 
Htst.  Comm.  on  Galatians,  pp.  337-374.  Mr.  Gould  speaks,  not  quite  accur- 
ately, of  the  Edictum  Perpetuum  as  issued  by  the  prcetores  peregrini ;  but  it 
was  specially  the  declaration  by  the  prcetor  urbanus  of  the  principles  on  which 
he  intended  to  interpret  justice  (;m5  dicer e).  It  is  inferred  that  the  final  codi- 
fied Edictum  Perpetuum  includes  the  equity  of  the  peregrine  praetors  ;  but  the 
record  is  that  it  was  the  codification  of  the  Edictum  Urbanum. 


A  Study  of  St.  Paul  by  Mr.  Baring-Gould    335 

a  mere  narrow  and  ignorant  Pharisee,  as  Mr.  Gould  regards 
him,  but  a  man  familiar  with  the  thoughts  and  questions  of 
the  time. 

In  that  antithesis  lies  the  crucial  fact  on  which  Mr.  Gould 
and  I  are  opposed  to  one  another.  Regarding  Christianity 
as  having  come  "in  the  fulness  of  time,"  when  the  world 
had  been  in  part  brought  to  that  stage  of  education  and 
thought  in  which  the  new  religion  was  comprehensible,  and 
regarding  the  organisation  of  the  Church  as  arising  naturally 
out  of,  and  excellently  suited  to,  the  facts  of  the  time,  I 
cannot  consider  Paul  as  being  wholly  ignorant  of,  and  out 
of  sympathy  with,  the  Greek  and  Roman  world. 

Mr.  Baring-Gould  does  not  consider  that  the  facts  and 
surroundings  of  Paul's  life  are  of  supreme  importance,  "  I 
put  aside,"  says  he,  "  details  unnecessary  to  my  purpose, 
archaeological,  epigraphical,  historical,  geographical.  My 
book  is  not,  therefore,  a  life  of  St.  Paul,  if  incidents  and 
accidents  make  up  a  man's  life,  but  a  study  of  his  mind,  the 
formation  of  his  opinions,  their  modification  under  new  con- 
ditions, and  the  direction  taken  by  his  work,  under  pressure 
of  various  kinds  and  from  different  sides.  At  the  same  time 
I  have  done  my  best  endeavour  to  be  accurate  in  such  details 
as  were  to  my  purpose  to  mention,  having  had  recourse  to 
the  latest  and  best  authorities  "  (p.  ix.). 

After  this  depreciation  of  historical  study  we  are  rather 
surprised  to  find  that  there  is  contained  in  chaps,  i.  and  ii. 
a  general  sketch  of  the  character  of  Jewish  education,  thought 
and  society — such  a  sketch  as  few  would  attempt  to  write 
who  had  not  made  long  and  careful  study  of  the  evidence. 
From  some  pages  we  get  the  impression  that,  in  this  author's 
estimation,  when  you  have  seen  one  Jew  you  have  seen  all 
Jews  ;  and  the  Jew  whom  he  has  seen  is  the  Jew  in  whom 


336  XIII 

the  Talmud  finds  delight,  and  whom  the  rabbis  of  the  early 
centuries  of  our  era  tried  to  train.  Chap,  i,  describes  the 
Palestinian  Jews  according  to  that  type ;  and  chap.  ii.  paints 
the  extra-Palestinian  Jews  as  much  the  same:  "All  the 
Hellenistic  Jews,  to  the  number  of  three  millions,  who  made 
'the  annual  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  to  keep  the  Passover,^ 
dififered  from  the  Jews  resident  in  the  Holy  Land  in  no 
other  particular  than  that  of  language "  (p.  50).  One  rubs 
one's  eyes  after  reading  such  a  statement,  and  goes  over  it 
again  in  order  to  see  if  one  has  read  aright,  and  has  not 
omitted  a  negative,  or  in  some  other  way  got  the  wrong 
sense. 

But  it  is  an  error  to  take  the  Talmudic  picture  of  a 
perfect  Jew  for  a  portrait  of  the  actual  Jew  of  Palestine  in 
Paul's  time ;  and  it  is  a  still  greater  error  to  think  that  the 
foreign  Jews  were  not  often  strongly  affected  by  Greek  and 
Roman  education.^  In  other  places  the  author  speaks  more 
correctly  on  this  last  point. 

Mr.  Baring-Gould  has  not  much  doubt  that  Paul  married 
Lydia  at  Philippi,  or  would  have  done  so  "  but  for  unto- 
ward circumstances,"  falling  "under  the  more  or  less  des- 
potic control^  of  the  rich  shopkeeper,"  like  Hercules  in 
the  palace  of  Omphale,  "  and  delivered  from  it  by  a  very 
peculiar  circumstance,"  viz.^  the  adventure  with  the  slave 
girl.     On  the  whole  Mr.  Gould  concludes  that  it  is  more 

^  Taken  literally,  this  seems  to  imply  that  3,000,000  Jews  annually  came 
to  Jerusalem  from  abroad  for  the  Feast.  "A  man  of  the  world"  would 
hardly  make  such  a  statement ;  but  probably  the  author  has  here  merely 
made  one  of  those  awkward  sentences  which  sometimes  obscure  his  real 
meaning,  and  are  apparently  due  to  haste  (see  below). 

2  Many  examples  in  my  Cities  and  Bishoprics  of  Phrygia,  ch,  xv. 

8  He  thinks  that  the  money  which  Paul  evidently  had  command  of  at 
Caesarea  and  in  Rome  was  all  supplied  by  Lydia  (p.  402). 


A  Study  of  St.  Paul  by  Mr.  Baring-Gould     T^^y 

probable  that  the  marriage  did  not  actually  come  off.  It 
was,  according  to  him,  a  lucky  accident  that  Paul  had  to 
leave  hurriedly,  so  that  "  the  Church  of  Philippi  was  given 
a  chance  of  growth  independent  of  his  presence  " ;  for  the 
idea  seems  to  rule  through  this  book  that  Paul  ruined  every 
Church  which  he  founded  or  interfered  with,  partly  by  his 
lack  of  ability  to  convert,  partly  by  the  bad  influence  which 
he  had  on  those  whom  he  converted.  The  only  persons  on 
whom  he  could  exercise  much  influence  were,  apparently, 
women :  in  Macedonia  "  he  liked  .  .  .  the  independence  of 
the  women  and  their  amenability  to  his  preaching".  Timothy, 
"evidently  a  tender-hearted,  gentle,  sensitive  person,  whose 
bringing  up  by  two  women,  and  whose  delicate  health,  made 
him  wanting  in  initiative,  .  .  .  was  precisely  the  sort  of 
person  Paul  liked  to  have  about  him ;  one  who  would  obey 
without  questioning  and  follow  without  murmur  "  (p.  206). 

The  author  recurs  frequently  to  his  idea  of  a  feminine 
element  in  Paul's  nature.  I  believe  he  is  right,  for  there  is 
always  something  of  that  element  in  every  great  nature; 
but  Mr.  Gould  gives  an  unpleasant,  gibing  turn  to  his  ex- 
pressions on  the  subject.  He  points  out  that,  if  Christianity 
was  to  be  trammelled  by  being  bound  to  the  text  of  the 
Judaic  Law,  it  never  could  become  a  religion  for  the  world, 
nor  one  of  progress.  As  for  Paul,  "  this  he  did  not  see,^ 
but  he  felt  it  by  a  sort  of  feminine  instinct,  and  what  he  felt, 
that  he  was  convinced  was  right".  The  closest  analogy 
which  he  can  find  to  illustrate  Paul's  character  is  in  St. 
Theresa,  who  "  was  a  female  counterpart  of  St.  Paul  "  (p.  1 27, 
a  very  interesting  passage,  well  worth  reading). 

Mr.  Gould  seems  more  than  half  inclined  to  think  that 

^  I  should  have  thought  that,  if  there  were  anything  in  the  world  that 
Paul  saw  more  clearly  than  another,  it  was  this. 

22 


338  XIII 

Stephen  and  Paul  were  wrong  in  method,  and  that  their 
action  was  a  misfortune  to  Christianity,  The  older  Apostles 
preferred  the  wise  and  calm  course  of  work.  "  They  strewed 
the  seed  over  every  tidal  wave  that  rolled  to  Jerusalem  at 
eveiy  feast,  and  then  retreated  to  the  ends  of  the  earth, 
whereas  Paul  darted  about  dropping  grains  here  and  there  " 
(p.  259).  Paul  has  had  the  luck  to  be  the  "  most  advertised," 
and  his  "comet-like  whirls"  are  more  "striking  in  story" 
than  the  quieter  but  more  effective  work  of  the  other 
Apostles,  who  "  sat  at  the  centre,  forming  as  it  were  a 
powerful  battery  sending  out  shock  after  shock  to  the  limits 
of  the  civilised  world"  (p.  259;  see  also  pp.  200,  300).  But 
Paul,  "  as  he  had  no  knowledge  of  geography,  supposed  the 
world  was  very  small,  and  that  he  could  overrun  and  convert 
the  whole  of  it  in  a  very  few  years  "  (p.  317). 

Even  the  blame  of  Nero's  persecution  is  laid  on  Paul. 
"  So  little  did  Paul  conceive  of  the  possibility  of  Nero  be- 
coming a  persecutor,  that  apparently  he  took  the  occasion 
of  his  appeal  to  detach  the  Christian  community  from  the 
Synagogue,  to  organise  it  in  independence,  and  so  place  it 
in  such  a  position  that,  after  the  fire,  the  tyrant  was  able  to 
put  his  hand  down  on  it,  and  select  his  victims.  .  .  .  But 
for  this  step  taken  by  Paul,  it  would  have  been  difficult  to 
distinguish  them  from  the  Jews." 

Still  more  strange  than  the  oft-repeated  diatribes  against 
Paul's  inability  to  convert  the  heathen,  or  to  make  himself 
intelligible  to  them,  are  the  passages  in  which  the  author 
describes  the  evil  consequences  of  Paul's  work.  These 
culminate  in  the  sentence :  "  His  model  Churches  either 
stank  in  the  nostrils  of  the  not  over  nice  pagans  through 
their  immoralities,  or  backed  out  of  antinomism  into  Judaic 
observance"  (p.  316,  compare  p.  304  ff.,  etc.). 


A  Study  of  St.  Paul  by  Mr.  Baring-Gould    339 

I  have  left  myself  no  space  in  which  to  speak  of  the 
many  pages  in  which  ridicule  is  poured  on  Paul's  argument. 
"  His  reasonings  convinced  nobody,  and  he  was  himself 
conscious  at  last  how  poor  and  ineffective  they  were "  (p. 
317).  Nothing  is  more  difficult  than  to  understand  or  sym- 
pathise with  the  style  of  argumentation  current  in  ancient 
times.  Take  Plato's  arguments  in  Republic  I.  Nothing 
could  well  seem  on  a  superficial  view  more  pointless  or  more 
unfair,  except  some  of  those  which  Plato  elsewhere  puts  into 
Socrates's  mouth.  Yet  it  would  be  hardly  more  foolish  to 
consider  Plato  as  incapable  of  arguing  in  a  style  which  his 
public  could  understand  than  it  is  to  pour  contempt  on 
Paul's  reasoning.  Mr,  Gould  has  not  taken  enough  time 
to  understand  it. 

It  must  be  frankly  stated  that  Mr.  Baring-Gould  seems 
not  to  have  given  himself  the  time  to  do  justice  to  his  own 
thesis.  He  has  made  a  number  of  slips  in  details,  both  of 
fact  and  of  style,  which  are  hardly  explicable  except  on  the 
supposition  of  extreme  hurry. 

As  to  errors  of  fact,  he  considers  that  the  breaking  of 
bread,  etc.,  at  Assos  {Acts  xx,  7  f )  took  place  on  the  Satur- 
day afternoon  and  evening,  not  on  the  Sunday,  as  the  words 
plainly  imply  and  the  commentators  whom  I  happen  to  have 
at  hand  all  ^  understand  ;  and  on  this,  apparently,  he  founds 
an  elaborate  theory  as  to  the  origin  and  nature  of  the  Agape- 
meal.-  On  page  74  he  maintains  that  the  seven  deacons  {Acts 
vi.  5)  were  "  all  Hellenistic  Jews.  It  is  hardly  likely  that  as 
yet  a  place  in  the  ministry  would  be  given  to  a  proselyte." 

1  Doubtless  some  others  take  the  same  view  as  Mr.  Baring-Gould,  for 
nothing  in  Luke  or  Paul  is  so  clear,  that  some  will  not  misunderstand  it. 

^See  pp.  188,  253,  etc.  The  Agape-meal  had,  as  he  thinks,  a  totally 
different  meaning  and  origin  in  Jerusalem  and  in  Antioch. 


340  XIII 

But  it  is  expressly  said  by  Luke  that  one  of  them,  Nicolas, 
was  a  proselyte  Antiochian.  On  page  79  he  finds  significance 
in  the  fact  that  Stephen's  burial  "  was  not  conducted  by  the 
believers,  though  they  lamented  his  death ;  but  by  *  devout 
men,'  a  term  specially  applied  to  the  uncircumcised  prose- 
lytes ",  Apparently,  he  has  been  content  with  the  English 
version,  and  has  not  consulted  the  Greek  Text :  the  "  devout 
men,"  who  buried  Stephen,  were  evXa^eU,  a  term  perfectly 
applicable  to  the  believers,  and  not  aej36iJbevoL,  which  is  the 
term  applied  to  "uncircumcised  proselytes".  On  page  242 
Diolcus  seems  to  be  spoken  of  as  a  harbour  on  the  Saronic 
Gulf.  On  pages  224-226  it  would  almost  seem  that  Thessa- 
lonica  and  Beroea  are  treated  as  one  and  the  same  city.  Mr. 
Baring-Gould  describes  the  coming  to  Thessalonica  and  the 
riot ;  and  "  the  result  was  that  Paul  and  Silas  were  expelled 
from  Bercea "  ;  and  this  is  not  a  mere  slip  of  the  pen,  for 
there  is  no  allusion  to  any  visit  to  Beroea;  and  the  con- 
fusion between  the  two  cities  continues  through  pages  225  and 
226.  On  page  60  there  occurs  a  strange  sentence  :  "  As  his 
father  was  a  citizen,  and  he  likewise,  they  were  not  mere 
residents  of  Tarsus,  but  enjoyed  the  privileges  and  position 
of  Roman  citizenship  ".  Taken  strictly,  this  implies  an  idea 
that  Paul's  Roman  rights  belonged  to  him  in  virtue  of  his 
Tarsian  citizenship.^  That  would,  of  course,  be  quite  errone- 
ous ;  but  the  following  paragraph  seems  to  prove  that  such 
was  the  author's  idea,  for  he  goes  on  to  speak  as  if  the  enjoy- 
ment of  office  in  the  city  would  carry  with  it  equestrian  rank. 
I  cannot  close  without  protesting  against  a  passage  on 
page  418  :  "  The  Americans  send  out  and  maintain  missions 

^  On  p.  47  he  speaks  more  correctly  on  this  subject;  but  his  words  there 
are  discordant  with  p.  60.  The  view  stated  on  p.  60  has  been  often  main- 
tained by  writers  on  Paul. 


A  Study  of  St.  Paul  by  Mr.  Baring-Gould    341 

to  the  Mohammedans  in  Mesopotamia  and  Asia  Minor,  but 
the  missionaries  have  long  despaired  of  making  one  convert 
of  the  disciples  of  Islam,  and  they  poach  for  congregations 
among  the  historic  Christian  Churches".  In  every  point  of 
view  this  sentence  is  false.  The  missionaries  to  whom  Mr. 
Baring-Gould  refers  were  sent  out  from  the  first  for  the 
purpose  of  educating  the  Christians,  and  never  with  the 
intention  of  converting  the  Mohammedans.  They  were 
welcomed  and  protected  by  the  three  reforming  Sultans, 
Mahmud  and  his  two  successors,  which  would  never  have 
been  the  case  had  their  action  been  in  any  way  directed  to 
convert  the  Turks  or  other  Mohammedan  peoples.  Further, 
their  primary  object  is  not  to  proselytise  among  the  Ar- 
menians, but  to  provide  an  educational  system  of  schools 
and  colleges  for  a  people  who  had  been  so  repressed  and 
degraded  that  they  were  wholly  without  the  humblest  educa- 
tional organisation.  To  this  day  members  of  many  Churches 
attend  these  schools,  knowing,  after  sixty  years'  experience, 
that  no  attempt  will  be  made  to  interfere  with  their  religion. 
I  have  talked  frequently  with  members  of  the  Armenian  and 
the  Greek  Church  who  have  been  educated  at  the  missionary 
schools ;  and  speak  on  their  authority,  as  well  as  on  that  of 
the  missionaries  themselves.  Moreover,  every  one  who  has 
even  the  most  superficial  acquaintance  with  the  facts  of 
recent  Turkish  history  and  life  knows  that  a  great  number 
of  Bulgarians  were  educated  at  the  Mission  College  in  Con- 
stantinople, Robert  College.  Was  Mr.  Gould  ignorant  of 
this,  and  of  the  part  they  have  played  in  emancipated  Bul- 
garia, or  does  he  think  that  M.  Stoiloff  (who  succeeded  Stam- 
bulofif  as  Prime  Minister)  and  the  other  Bulgarian  College 
students  were  converted,  or  that  the  missionaries  aimed  at 
converting  them  ?      In  the  following  sentence   he  betrays 


342  XIII 

some  apprehension  that  he  may  be  ignorant :  he  proceeds, 
"  these  missionaries,  I  daresay,  give  themselves  out  as  labour- 
ing among  the  unbelievers,  but  all  their  efforts  are  directed 
in  quite  another  direction  ".  This  is  all  dragged  in,  without 
being  relevant  in  any  way  to  the  subject,  simply  in  order  to 
give  Mr.  Baring-Gould  the  opportunity  of  showing  his  dislike 
for  people  of  whom  he  has  heard  vaguely,  but  about  whose 
work  he  knows  nothing,  and  has  not  thought  it  necessary  to 
inquire.  They  seem  to  him  to  resemble  Paul.  In  their 
inability  to  convert  unbelievers,  they  try  to  pervert  Chris- 
tians ;  and  so  "  Paul  would  have  liked  to  convert  the 
heathen,  but  he  could  not  do  it ;  he  had  not  the  faculty. 
He  proposed  it  more  than  once,  but  there  it  all  ended." 

We  should  have  expected  that  a  writer  about  St.  Paul, 
who  adopts  "  the  line  of  a  novelist  with  some  experience  of 
life,"  would  take  some  trouble  to  familiarise  himself  with  the 
general  facts  and  situation  of  the  country  where  his  scene 
lies.  Mr.  Baring-Gould  prefers  to  be  ignorant  of  the  modem 
facts,  though  he  has  certainly  taken  some  trouble  to  acquaint 
himself  with  the  ancient.  But  he  can  never  free  himself  from 
a  ruling  prejudice  against  the  method  of  "any  Paul  or  Bar- 
nabas rushing  about  founding  Churches  "  (p.  260). 


XIV 
THE  PAULINE  CHRONOLOGY 


XIV 

THE  PAULINE  CHRONOLOGY 

New  Testament  chronology  in  general  is  exceedingly 
uncertain  and  obscure.  This  is  no  proof  that  the  history 
which  the  New  Testament  records  is  unhistorical  or  un- 
certain. Owing  to  a  variety  of  causes  ancient  chronology 
as  a  whole  is  full  of  doubtful  points ;  and  the  reasoning  on 
which  the  commonly  accepted  dating  depends  is  in  most 
cases  complicated  and  in  many  cases  very  far  from  certain. 
But  in  profane  history  the  uncertainty  whether  an  event 
commonly  assigned  to  B.C.  301  may  not  have  occurred  in 
302  or  300,  is  of  little  consequence  and  rouses  no  strong  feel- 
ings ;  and  the  popular  books  on  history  give  many  dates 
which  are  known  to  the  accurate  scholar  to  be  mere  rough 
approximations,  but  which  are  accepted  for  want  of  better. 
But  in  New  Testament  history  the  issues  are  of  grave  im- 
portance, and  touch  the  deepest  feelings  in  our  minds.  No 
date  here  is  accepted — no  date  ought  to  be  accepted — 
without  the  severest  scrutiny.  A  false  chronology  often 
causes  apparent  inconsistencies  in  the  narrative,  which  dis- 
appear when  the  chronology  is  corrected. 

It  is  certain  that  Pauline  chronology  has  suffered  from 
being  generally  handled  by  scholars  who  had  no  special 
training  in  ancient  chronological  studies,  but  merely  dipped 
into  the  subject  for  the  single  purpose  of  fixing  early  Chris- 
tian events.     The  present  writer  ventures  to  think  that  great 

(345) 


346  XIV 

part  of  the  history  of  Paul  can  be  dated  with  a  precision  and 
certainty  rare  in  ancient  history,  by  a  series  of  reasons,  drawn 
from  the  most  diverse  sides,  all  of  which  point  to  the  same 
result.  In  ancient  history,  as  a  whole,  new  discoveries  are 
being  constantly  made,  which  sometimes  alter  an  accepted 
date,  sometimes  render  precise  a  date  that  previously  could 
be  stated  only  with  the  saving  word  "  about ".  Practice  in 
these  questions  will  enable  any  one  to  appreciate  the  strength 
of  the  arguments  by  which  Pauline  chronology  can  be  settled. 
Dates  on  coins  or  inscriptions,  given  by  the  number  of  years 
from  an  accepted  era,  are  generally  the  surest  form  of  evi- 
dence ;  but  even  they  can  often  be  cavilled  at,  for  the  era  has 
to  be  fixed,  and  this  is  often  possible  only  by  a  long  and 
perhaps  uncertain  argument.  The  coin  may  date  an  event 
in  the  year  316 ;  but  what  was  the  year  i  ?  And  what  was 
the  opening  day  of  the  year?  In  ancient  times  the  first  day 
of  the  year  was  placed  in  different  seasons  by  different 
nations,  even  by  different  towns.  New  Year's  Day  might 
be  1st  January  in  one  city,  while  neighbouring  cities  celebrated 
it  in  spring,  or  summer,  or  autumn. 

One  great  cause  of  difficulty  may  be  at  once  set  aside. 
The  incidence  of  the  annual  Passover  has  been  the  subject 
of  probably  more  controversy,  and  elicited  more  elaborate 
and  tedious  discussion,  than  any  other  question  in  ancient 
history.  It  has  been  proved  repeatedly  by  the  most  learned 
in  Jewish  archaeology  that  the  day  of  Passover  might  vary 
between  several  days  of  the  month,  and  even  between  two 
months,  according  to  the  phases  of  the  moon ;  and  that  it 
was  only  fixed  by  the  High-priest  after  observation  of  the 
appearance  of  the  new  moon  in  the  month  Nisan,  in  which 
the  feast  was  held.  It  is  contended  by  these  scholars, 
and  has  been  almost  universally  accepted  in  modern  times, 


The  Pauline  Chronology  347 

that  until  about  fourteen  days  before  Passover  was  celebrated 
the  day  and  even  the  month  of  its  incidence  were  uncertain. 
We  need  not  spend  time  in  explaining  the  causes  of  this 
uncertainty :  they  have  been  explained  over  and  over  again 
without  adding  one  iota  to  knowledge  or  advancing  in  any 
degree  the  solution  of  the  question.^ 

It  was  possible  to  be  content  with  about  twelve  days' 
advertisement  of  the  Passover,  while  the  Jews  lived  only  in 
Palestine.  But  in  the  Dispersion,  when  the  Jews  were 
scattered  over  the  Greek  and  Roman  and  even  the  Barbarian 
world,  this  could  not  be  permitted.  It  was  the  common 
Passover  that  held  together  the  scattered  nation ;  the  Jews 
came  back  for  the  Passover  from  great  distances.  Any  un- 
certainty as  to  the  month  would  have  made  this  impossible. 
Even  uncertainty  as  to  the  day  would  have  seriously  detracted 
from  the  value  of  the  feast  as  a  unifying  power.  The  feel- 
ing that  all  Jews,  even  those  who  could  not  go  to  Jerusalem, 
celebrated  the  feast  and  uttered  the  sacred  words  at  the 
same  moment  and  instructed  their  children  in  the  mystic  and 
historic  meaning  of  the  ceremonies  on  the  same  evening — 
that  feeling  was  an  essential  element  in  the  influence  which 
the  Passover  exerted  on  the  whole  race.  No  one  can  read 
Acts  XX.  3-6  without  feeling  that  Paul  and  his  friends  knew 
the  Passover  to  be  the  same,  whether  at  Philippi  or  at 
Jerusalem. 

With  the  slow  communication  of  ancient  times,  it  was 
necessary  that,  if  the  exact  incidence  of  the  Passover  were 
to  be  known  universally  to  the  Jews  in  the  whole  world  with 

1  The  latest  and  perhaps  the  clearest  exposition  of  this  uncertainty  is  by 
Professor  Bacon  of  Yale  in  the  Expositor,  i8gg  and  igoo.  Mr.  C.  H.  Turner, 
in  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  i.,  p.  420,  takes  a  more  reasonable  view, 
but  even  he  allows  too  much  for  supposed  uncertainties,  and  (as  I  venture 
to  think)  spoils  his  chronology  thereby. 


348  XIV 

certainty  and  in  good  time,  the  date  must  be  fixed  on 
scientific  principles  during  the  previous  year.  The  century 
before  and  after  Christ  was  the  age  of  calendar  reform. 
The  required  scientific  knowledge  was  available ;  and  no 
historian  can  doubt  that  it  was  used  for  this  great  purpose 
before  the  time  of  Paul's  journeys. 

The  old  empirical  method  was  not  disused.  It  was  a 
religious  duty  that  the  new  moon  of  Nisan  must  be  observed 
and  reported  to  the  High-priest.  But  the  ceremony  was 
now  formal,  and  its  results  were  mapped  out  and  made 
known  to  the  Jewish  world  months  beforehand.  Later,  as 
the  Christian  element  in  the  Empire  ill-treated  the  Jews,  the 
latter  were  thrown  into  opposition  ;  and  as  the  Empire  be- 
came Christian  and  anti-Jewish  the  Jews  revolted  from  the 
science  that  was  learned  from  the  outer  world  ;  and  there 
was  a  resolute  ignoring  (seen  in  the  Talmud)  of  all  that  they 
had  owed  to  Greek  and  Roman  science  in  the  happier  times 
of  the  early  Empire. 

The  subject  is  so  complicated  by  many  diversities  of  eras 
and  of  new  years,  etc.,  that,  to  give  a  brief  sketch  of  it,  we 
must  omit  all  delicate  points  of  difference  and  speak  through- 
out roughly  in  simple  terms,  according  to  years  of  the  Chris- 
tian era  beginning  on  ist  January.  Especially  the  relation 
of  Eusebius's  dates  to  Jerome's  is  a  complicated  question ; 
and  we  compare  them  roughly.  As  the  Eusebian  chronology 
is  fundamental  in  our  sketch,  we  must  explain  that  Eusebius's 
lost  Chronica  is  known:  (i)  through  an  Armenian  transla- 
tion ;  (2)  through  the  use  of  it  made  by  Syncellus  and 
others ;  (3)  through  the  Latin  translation,  expanded  and 
modified  in  some  cases  by  Jerome,  a  learned  but  not  an 
accurate  man.  When  we  speak  of  Eusebius's  dates  we  refer 
generally  to  the  Armenian  translation. 


The  Pauline  Chronology  349 

The  chronology  of  I  aul  is  most  conveniently  treated  by 
regarding  the  two  years'  captivity  in  Caesarea  (Acts  xxiv. 
27)  as  the  central  point.  From  that  most  of  the  rest  of  his 
life  can  be  readily  reckoned  backward  or  forward.  The 
beginning  of  the  captivity  was  shortly  after  Pentecost,  in 
June,  two  full  years  before  the  end  of  Felix's  administration. 
The  end  of  the  captivity  coincided  with  the  arrival  of  Festus 
to  succeed  Felix  as  the  Roman  governor  of  Palestine,  about 
June  of  a  certain  year. 

Among  the  various  chronological  systems  the  following 
will  engage  and  reward  our  consideration  : — 

I.  The  Eusebian  System  (so-called).^  Eusebius  places 
the  coming  of  Festus  to  Palestine  in  the  last  year  of  Claudius, 
A.D.  54.  Now  Eusebius  knew  perfectly  well  (as  he  says  in 
his  History  of  the  Church)  that  Festus  came  after  Nero's 
reign  began ;  but  the  explanation  of  this  seeming  inconsist- 
ency is  that  the  plan  of  his  chronological  tables  made  him 
call  the  entire  year  in  which  Nero  began  to  reign  the  four- 
teenth of  Claudius,  and  the  next  whole  year  the  first  of 
Nero.-  Apparently,  then,  he  thought  that  Festus  came  after 
Claudius's  death,  in  October,  54,  but  before  the  year  ended. 
Eusebius,  however,  made  some  mistake.  Even  those  scholars 
who  cling  to  what  they  call  the  Eusebian  dating  have  had  to 
acknowledge  that  he  was  wrong  by  one  or  more  years. 

The  prejudices  and  predilections  of  the  present  writer 
were  all  in  favour  of  the  Eusebian  dating ;  but  the  evidence 
against  this  date  is  overwhelming.  Must  we  then  conclude 
that  Eusebius  committed  an  inexplicable  blunder,  making 

1  It  will  be  shown  in  the  sequel  that  this  is  not  the  Eusebian  system, 
but  a  deviation  from  the  Eusebian   system,  owing  to  a  mistake  made  by_ 
Eusebius  himself. 

^So,  e.g.,  he  puts  two  early  acts  of  Caligula  as  Envperor  in  the  last  year„ 
of  Tiberius. 


350  XIV 

his  chronology  for  this  period  quite  untrustworthy?  This 
conclusion  long  seemed  inevitable,  until  recently  a  German 
scholar,  Dr.  Erbes,  gave  the  explanation — so  simple  that  it 
seems  marvellous  how  one  failed  to  see  it  sooner.  Eusebius 
in  his  reckoning  of  the  kings  (which  he  liked  to  make  con- 
tinuous, disregarding  any  interregmmi)^  counted  A.D.  45  as 
the  iirst  year  of  Herod  Agrippa  II.  (Acts  xxvi,),  because 
his  father,  Herod  Agrippa  I.  (Acts  xii.),  died  in  A.D,  44. 
From  an  early  authority  he  learned  that  Festus  came  in  the 
tenth  year  of  Agrippa  II.,  and  wrongly  counting  from  45 
he  set  down  in  his  tables  the  coming  of  Festus  in  A.D.  54. 
But  the  years  of  Agrippa  were  really  counted  from  50,  so 
that  his  tenth  year  was  59.^ 

The  supposition  that  Eusebius  made  such  a  mistake  in 
using  his  authority  is  quite  in  accordance  with  his  practice. 
There  are  several  other  cases  in  which  he  has  failed  to  ob- 
serve that  his  authority  reckoned  on  a  different  principle 
from  himself,  and  identified  the  "tenth  year"  of  a  king 
in  his  authority  with  the  "  tenth  year "  in  his  own  mis- 
take. For  example,  he  rightly  gives  fifty-six  years  six 
months  as  the  total  duration  of  Augustus's  power.  That 
estimate  was  counted  from  the  spring  of  43,  when  Augustus 
attained  high  of^ce.  But  Eusebius  counted  Augustus  as 
following  Julius  Caesar  without  any  interval,  and  he  thus 
goes  wrong  by  an  entire  year ;  and  when  we  count  back 
from  Tiberius  to  Julius  we  find  that  Eusebius  has  dropped 
one  year.  The  present  writer  had  repeatedly  been  baffled 
by  this  mistake  in  Eusebius,  until  Dr.  Erbes's  observation 
about  the  years  of  Agrippa  set  him  on  the  right  track. 

^  Dr.  Erbes  {Todcstage  Pauli  24nd  Petri  in  Gebhardt  and  Harnack's  Texte 
und  Untersuchungen,  xix.,  i),  who  does  not  like  the  plain  issue  of  his  own 
theory,  has  an  elaborate  and  futile  argument  to  show  that  the  eleventh  year 
was  mentioned  by  Eusebius's  authority,  making  the  coming  of  Festus  in  60. 


The  Patiline  Chronology  351 

Thus  we  gather  that  the  coming  of  Festus  to  Palestine 
was  placed  in  A.D.  59  by  the  early  historian,  who  served 
Eusebius  as  the  authority  for  his  dating.  This  authority, 
who  lies  behind  Eusebius,  was  probably  a  first-century  his- 
torian, and  Dr.  Erbes  suggests  that  he  was  Justus  of  Tiberias 
(the  rival  of  Josephus).  We  may  for  convenience  speak  of 
this  date  as  the  Justine-Eusebian,  recognising  that  the  con- 
nection with  Justus  is  only  conjectural,  but  that  the  date 
rests  on  some  old  and  good  authority,  whose  numbers  were 
wrongly  understood  by  Eusebius  owing  to  the  mistake  above 
described. 

2.  Jerome  recoiled  from  the  obviously  false  date  given  by 
Eusebius,  and  in  his  translation  of  the  Chronica  he  brought 
down  the  coming  of  Festus  and  some  connected  dates  by 
two  years.  With  this  we  may  associate  other  modifications 
of  the  Eusebian  dating:  some  German  scholars  advocate  55 
as  the  year  when  Festus  came;  Professor  Bacon  of  Yale 
advocates  57.  The  latter  date  has  absolutely  no  ancient 
authority  in  its  favour ;  and  it  is  a  mere  misnomer  to  call  it 
Eusebian.  These  all  assume  that  Eusebius  made  a  blunder, 
and  fail  to  give  any  reasonable  explanation  why  he  fell  into 
it.  He  had  access  to  good  authorities  ;  and  if  (as  they 
dated)  Festus  came  under  Nero  in  56  or  57,  it  is  inexplic- 
able why  Eusebius  should  have  carried  him  back  to  the  last 
year  of  Claudius. 

3.  The  great  majority  of  scholars  accept  the  date  60  for 
Festus ;  but  they  confess  that  it  is  only  an  approximate  date, 
and  that  there  is  no  decisive  argument  for  it.  But,  being 
accepted  for  want  of  a  better,  it  stands  firm  and  has  posses- 
sion of  almost  all  the  books  on  the  New  Testament,  many 
of  which  do  not  mention  that  it  is  admittedly  uncertain. 
We  shall  prove  that  it  is  entirely  impossible. 


352  XIV 

Let  us  now  accept  the  Justine-Eusebian  date,  and  see 
where  it  leads  us.  We  shall  find  a  series  of  arguments  con- 
firming it — arguments  which  had  led  the  present  writer  to 
advocate  it  for  years  before  Dr.  Erbes's  discovery.  On  this 
system  the  captivity  in  Caesarea  lasted  from  about  June,  57, 
to  about  midsummer,  59;  and  Paul  must  have  travelled 
from  Philippi  to  Jerusalem  in  March  and  April,  57.  The 
following  arguments  confirm  this  date  : — 

I.  A  direct  inference  from  Acts  xx.  5  ff,  Paul  celebrated 
the  Passover  of  57,  Thursday,  7th  Aprils  in  Philippi.  He  re- 
mained there  through  the  days  of  unleavened  bread,  7th  to 
14th  April,  and  then  started_fbr  Jerusalem.  He  "  was  hasten- 
ing, if  it  were  possible  for  Jiimjto  be  at  Jerusalem  the  day 
of  Pentecost "  ;  and  Luke  is  clear  that,  with  the  chances  of 
the  long  journey  before  him,^  he  stayed  only  till  the  feast 
was  ended,  and  forthwith  started  on  the  morning  of  Friday, 
15th  April.  The  journey  to  Troas  lasted  "until  the  fifth 
day " ;  ^  the  time  is  long  (only  three  days  were  needed  in 
Acts  xvi.  11),  but  the  company  had  to  find  a  boat  at 
Neapolis.  They  reached  Troas  on  Tuesday,  19th  April, 
and  stayed  seven  days  there.  Now  the  regular  custom  in 
ancient  reckoning  is  to  include  both  the  day  of  arrival  and 
the  day  of  departure,  even  though  both  were  incomplete.'^ 
The  company,  therefore,  stayed  from  Tuesday,  19th  April, 
to  Monday,  25th  April,  in  Troas,  and  sailed  very  early  on 
the  Monday  morning,  as  Luke  describes. 

The  year  which  our  ancient  authority  assigned  agrees 
exactly  with  Luke's  precise  statement  of  days.  On  the 
other  hand,  if  we  suppose  that  Paul  travelled  in  58,  Passover 

^  At  that  time  travelling  was  easy  and  sure  to  a  degree  unattained  again 
till  this  century,  but  it  was  very  slow. 

2  Such  is  the  exact  force  of  the  Greek  expression,  Acts  xx.  6. 
^See  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  vol.  v.,  p.  474  f. 


The  Pauline  Chronology  353 

in  that  year  fell  on  Monday,  27th  March ;  and  Luke's  state- 
ment of  numbers  and  days  is  inconsistent  with  that.  Simi- 
larly, the  other  years  around  57  are  excluded.  We  come 
then,  to  the  conclusion  that  if  Luke  is  accurate,  Paul's  journey 
to  Jerusalem  was  made  in  57. 

If  Paul  was  hastening,  why  did  he  stay  on  in  Troas  till 
the  following  Monday  ?  Either  he  stayed  because  he  could 
not  find  sooner  a  convenient  ship  bound  on  a  rapid  voyage 
(which  is  the  probable  and  natural  explanation),  or  because 
he  wished  to  make  some  little  stay  in  Troas,  where  on  his 
former  visit  he  had  found  "an  open  door"  which  at  the 
moment  he  was  not  able  to  take  advantage  of  (2  Cor.  ii. 
12  f.).  In  either  case  it  is  plain  that  he  dare  not  linger  in 
Philippi  after  the  feast ;  and  the  supposition  of  some  chrono- 
logists  that  he  did  not  start  immediately  after  the  feast 
seems  mere  cavilling  at  the  plain  interpretation  of  Luke,  in 
defiance  of  the  needs  of  the  situation. 

II.  Our  next  argument  is  founded  on  Josephus,  made 
more  precise  by  dates  on  contemporary  coins ;  and  it  places 
the  coming  of  Festus  not  later  than  A.D,  59.  Some  coins 
of  Agrippa  II.  are  dated  by  an  era,  which  has  been  recog- 
nised by  numismatists  as  the  foundation  and  naming  of 
Neronias  (evidently  a  great  event  ^  in  the  career  of  that 
King).  The  coins  show  that  the  foundation  occurred  in  61-2. 
Now  Josephus  says  that  the  foundation  nearly  synchronised 
with  a  feast  in  Jerusalem,  some  time  after  Albinus  had  suc- 
ceeded Festus  as  governor  of  Palestine — probably  (as  we 
shall  see)  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  i8th  September,  A.D.  61. 
We  put  the  coming  of  Albinus  in  May- June,  61  (see  III.). 

1  For  Agrippa  his  relations  to  the  Roman  government  were  of  critical 
importance ;  and  permission  to  name  his  capital  after  the  Emperor  was  a 
mark  of  Imperial  favour. 

23 


354  XIV 

Now  Festus  had  died  suddenly  in  office ;  news  had  to 
be  carried  to  Rome;  Albinus  was  appointed  to  succeed 
him  ;  his  appointment  was  known  to  the  Jews  in  Jerusalem 
some  time  before  he  arrived,  so  that  they  could  send 
messengers  to  Alexandria  to  meet  him  ;  all  this  occurred  in 
the  winter  season,  when  communication  was  slow ;  this 
carries  back  the  death  of  Festus  to  the  end  of  60. 

Having  now  established  approximately  the  end  of 
Festus's  procuratorship,  we  have  to  fix  the  beginning, 
which  nearly  coincides  with  the  end  of  Paul's  imprison- 
ment. It  is  certain  and  agreed  that  Festus  came  to 
Palestine  in  the  course  of  the  summer  in  some  year.  The 
date  commonly  accepted  in  modern  time  is  A.D.  60.  But 
between  his  coming  and  his  death  events  had  occurred 
implying  a  much  greater  lapse  of  time  than  between  mid- 
summer and  December,  60.  Not  to  mention  his  success- 
ful operations  against  the  assassins,  he  had  been  involyed_ 
in  an  envenomed  dispute  between  his  friend,  King  Agrippa, 
and  the  priests  at  Jerusalem  about  the  King's  action  in 
building  a  tower  overlooking  the  holy  precinct  of  the 
Temple.  After  considerable  quarrelling  Festus  allowed  the 
Jews  to  send  an  embassy  to  Rome,  including  the  High- 
priest,  who  certainly  would  not  be  able  to  go  away  from 
Jerusalem  on  such  a  long  journey  within  a  few  months 
before  a  Passover,  as  he  must  necessarily  be  present  at 
that  feast.  Taking  that  fact  in  conjunction  with  the 
necessities  of  ancient  navigation,  we  have  a  moral  certainty 
that  the  embassy  would  start  in  late  April  or  in  May,^  for 
the  season  of  thoroughly  safe  navigation  began  only  on 
15th  May.  The  voyage  and  the  negotiations  in  Rome  must 
have  occupied  several  months.     At  last  the  embassy  gained 

*  Dr.  Erbes  regards  this  as  certain,  though  it  forces  hiin  to  strange  shifts. 


The  Pauline  Chronology  355 

its  cause  ;  but  the  High-priest  was  detained  in  Rome,  when 
the  rest  were  allowed  to  depart.  The  news  reached  Jeru- 
salem ;  a  new  High-priest  was  needed,  and  Joseph  was 
appointed. 

Now  these  events  would  occupy  the  whole  summer  and 
part  of  the  autumn  :  the  voyage  to  Rome,  the  negotiations, 
the  voyage  back  to  Judaea  (a  more  rapid  journey,  as  was 
always  the  case),  the  proceedings  in  the  election  of  a  new 
High-priest.  The  appointment  of  Joseph  may  be  confi- 
dently placed  about  October.  He  did  not  retain  office 
long,  but  was  after  a  brief  tenure  deposed.  Josephus  places 
the  death  of  Festus  after  the  appointment  and  before  the 
deposition  of  Joseph  ;  and,  as  we  have  seen,  the  death  of 
Festus  occurred  in  the  end  of  A.D.  60.  Thus  the  concluding 
events  in  the  administration  of  Festus  lasted  from  May  to 
the  end  of  the  year  60  ;  and  his  government  cannot  have 
begun  later  than  A.D.  59,  as  it  had  been  going  on  for  at 
least  several  months  before  the  embassy  sailed  for  Rome. 
As  Festus  came  in  summer,  we  must  place  his  arrival  either 
in  59  or  in  some  earlier  year ;  and  his  arrival  was  quickly 
followed  by  Paul's  trial,  his  appeal  to  Caesar,  and  his  voyage 
to  Rome,  which  began  in  the  autumn.  Thus  the  commonly 
accepted  date  in  A.D.  60  is  absolutely  excluded,  if  Albinus 
came  in  A.D.  61.  v^ 

After  Joseph  was  deposed  Ananus  was  appointed  High- 
priest  in  his  place  (early  in  March,  61),  Ananus  held  office 
three  months,  and  was  then  deposed  (late  in  May,  61),  some 
short  time  before  Albinus  came  to  Palestine. 

HI.  That  Albinus  came  in  61  and  not  in  62  to  govern 
Palestine  as  procurator  is  established  with  certainty  by  the 
following  reasoning.  Josephus  mentions  that,  some  time 
after  Albinus  came  to  Jerusalem,  there  occurred  a  feast,  and 


356  XIV 

the  city  of  Caesareia  Philippi  was  refounded  by  Herod 
Agrippa  II.  about  the  time  of  that  feast  under  the  name 
Neronias.  Now  this  was  a  highly  important  event  in  the 
reign  of  Herod.  Neronias  was  his  capital ;  and  an  era  was 
counted  from  its  foundation.  The  numismatists  have  deter- 
mined this  era.  The  year  i  was  A.D.  61-62.  The  year  may 
be  confidently  assumed  to  have  begun  in  the  spring-time,  as 
was  customary  in  Southern  Syria  ;  and  the  custom  with  such 
new  eras  was  to  count  the  current  year  as  i  (not  to  make  the 
new  year  start  from  the  day  of  the  foundation).  The  feast 
at  which  Neronias  was  founded,  therefore,  fell  in  the  year 
beginning  in  spring  61  and  ending  in  spring  62 ;  and  there- 
fore it  was  either  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles,  in  autumn  61,  or 
the  Passover,  in  spring  62.  No  other  feast  can  possibly  be 
taken  into  account.  Albinus,  therefore,  who  had  been  in 
Jerusalem  some  time  before  the  foundation,  must  have  come 
to  Palestine  in  the  spring  or  early  summer  of  61. 

In  the  uncertainty  between  the  Feasts  of  Tabernacles,  61, 
and  Passover,  62,  several  reasons  combine  to  give  the  pre- 
ference to  the  former ;  but  this  is  unimportant  for  our  pur- 
pose. Either  of  them  would  give  the  result  that,  if  Albinus 
came  in  the  early  summer,  he  must  have  come  in  A.D.  61, 
not  in  A.D.  62.  No  other  year  has  the  slightest  claim  to 
be  considered,  or  has  been  thought  of  by  any  recent 
scholar. 

Now,  as  to  the  time  of  year  when  Albinus  came,  that  is 
certain.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  usual  for  officials  to  arrive 
to  take  up  office  at  this  season,  though  sometimes  arrival 
was  delayed  till  midsummer,  and  doubtless  exceptional  cases 
of  arrival  at  other  seasons  occurred. 

In  the  second  place,  our  argument  has  placed  Ananus's 
three  months'  tenure  of  the  high-priesthood  between  March 


The  Pauline  Chronology  357 

and  the  end  of  May,  61.  Soon  after  his  deposition  Albinus 
arrived  ;  and  after  his  arrival  the  tithes  were  collected  from 
the  threshing-floors,  as  Josephus  tells.  That  would  take 
place  about  late  June  or  July,  and  confirms  our  dating  of 
A  nanus's  high-priesthood.  Later  than  that  Josephus  men- 
tions the  feast  (Tabernacles,  61),  and  afterwards  the  founda- 
tion of  Neronias  (fixed  by  coins  in  61-2). 

In  the  third  place,  the  coming  of  Albinus  is  fixed  in  the 
very  end  of  May  or  in  June  by  another  argument  of  very 
illuminative  kind,  which  has  never  before  been  observed,  and 
which  confirms  the  previous  reasoning  in  a  striking  and  con- 
clusive way.  When  the  news  of  the  death  of  Festus  reached 
Rome,  Nero  nominated  Albinus  to  succeed  him.  News  of 
this  was  carried  (of  course  by  the  Imperial  post)  to  Jerusalem. 
In  the  interval  King  Agrippa  deposed  Joseph  and  appointed 
Ananus  High-priest  in  his  place,  during  February  or  early 
March,  A.D.  61.  Thereafter  the  news  that  Albinus  was  ap- 
pointed reached  the  Jews. 

In  the  article  on  "  Roads  and  Travel "  in  Hastings' 
Dictionary  of  the  Bible,  v.,  p.  385,  I  have  calculated  the  post 
time  between  Rome  and  Jerusalem  as  fifty-two  days.  We 
must  double  this  and  allow  five  to  fifteen  days  for  Nero 
to  consider  and  to  register  and  publish  the  appointment. 
Now  Ananus  held  office  only  three  months,  March-May,  and 
the  news  about  Albinus  reached  Jerusalem  probably  about 
the  end  of  March  or  the  beginning  of  April,  at  least  a  full 
month  before  Ananus  was  deposed.^  Festus  then  must  have 
died  (as  we  have  already  seen)  early  in  December,  A.D.  60. 

1  It  must  of  course  be  understood  that  all  these  calculations  are  approxi- 
mate. The  perfectly  normal  rate  of  travelling  could  not  be  always  main- 
tained. But,  approximately,  this  reckoning  may  be  accepted ;  the  actual  facts 
would  not  be  very  far  from  the  reckoning. 


358  XIV 

IV.  Ananus,  soon  after  he  became  High-priest,  brought 
James  the  Just  and  some  other  Christians  before  the  San- 
hedrin  and  had  them  stoned  to  death.  His  violent  and  even 
illegal  conduct  roused  strong  disapproval  even  among  the 
Jews.  Some  of  them  sent  secretly  to  King  Agrippa,  asking 
him  to  forbid  such  conduct  in  future.  Apparently  after 
this  they  learned  of  Albinus's  appointment,  and  sent  mes- 
sengers to  meet  him  in  Alexandria,  denouncing  the  action 
of  Ananus  as  illegal  inasmuch  as  it  had  been  carried  out 
without  the  procurator's  approval  (a  good  and  valid  ground 
of  accusation  likely  to  carry  great  weight  with  the  new 
procurator). 

Two  questions  here  suggest  themselves.  In  the  first 
place,  why  was  Ananus's  action  so  strongly  disapproved  by 
the  Jews  in  Jerusalem,  who  seem  to  have  approved  of  pre- 
vious action  against  the  Christians  ?  A  Christian  historian 
gives  the  answer  to  this. 

Hegesippus,  an  excellent  authority,  describes  the  martyr- 
dom, and  says  that  it  occurred  while  there  were  in  Jerusalem 
many  persons  who  had  come  up  for  the  Passover.  Further, 
the  Hieronymian  Martyrology,  also  an  excellent  authority, 
gives  25th  March  as  the  day  of  the  martyrdom.  We  have 
been  compelled  by  the  preceding  argument  to  place  Ananus's 
high-priesthood  in  the  spring  of  61.  and  24th  March  was  the 
Passover  in  that  year.  In  62  the  Passover  was  on  12th 
April,  in  60  on  4th  April,  in  59  on  15th  April,  which  are  all 
quite  inconsistent  with  the  Martyrology.  But  in  61  the  day 
of  martyrdom  was  the  day  after  the  Passover ;  and  this 
coincidence,  justifying  both  Hegesippus  and  the  Martyrology, 
furnishes  a  strong  argument  in  favour  of  our  dating.  It  was, 
of  course,  against  the  law  to  put  a  criminal  to  death  during 
the  feast ;  but  Ananus  was  bitterly  accused  by  the  Jews 


The  Pauline  Chronology  359 

themselves  (as  Josephus  tells)   for  illegal  and  outrageous 
conduct  on  this  occasion. 

In  the  second  place,  why  did  the  Jews  send  to  Alex- 
andria to  lodge  a  complaint  with  Albinus?  Formerly,  I 
supposed  that  Albinus  had  been  an  official  in  Egypt,  and 
that  when  Nero  appointed  him  to  Palestine,  instructions 
were  sent  to  him,  on  receipt  of  which  he  would  hand  over 
his  Egyptian  office  to  a  successor  and  travel  to  Palestine  to 
take  up  his  new  duties.  The  correct  answer  became  clear 
to  me  while  writing  an  account  of  "  Roads  and  Travel  in 
New  Testament  Times  "  for  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the  Bible, 
vol.  v.,  pp.  375-402.  The  usual  way  of  travelling  from  Rome 
to  Syria  was  by  the  corn-ships  returning  from  Puteoli  to 
Alexandria,  and  thence  by  coasting-vessel  to  Cjesareia  on 
the  coast  of  Palestine  or  Berytus  (Beirout)  on  the  Syrian 
coast.  So,  e.g.,  went  Maecius  Celer  in  A.D.  95,  when  he  was 
about  to  assume  office  in  Syria,  as  Statius,  Silvce  iii.,  2, 
describes.  So  the  Roman  troops  destined  by  Nero  to 
co-operate  with  the  Syrian  armies  in  the  proposed  Parthian 
war  went  first  of  all  to  Alexandria,  and  were  thence  re- 
called :  they  returned  by  the  long  voyage  vid  Cyprus  and 
the  south  coast  of  Asia  Minor  and  Crete ;  and  suffered 
severely  from  the  sea.^  So  when  Agrippa  in  A.D.  38  was 
going  to  take  possession  of  his  Palestinian  kingdom,  which 
Caligula  had  given  him,  he  was  advised  to  avoid  the  long, 
toilsome  journey  by  Brundusium  and  Syria,  and  take  the 
quick  route  by  ship  from  Puteoli  to  Alexandria.  Those 
ships  were  large,  the  sailing-masters  were  skilful  and  ex- 
perienced, and  the  voyage  was  regularly  performed  with 
speed,  ease  and  certainty.^  But  such  voyages  were  made 
only  during  the  season  of  open  sea  from  about  27th  May  to 

^Tacitus,  Hist.,  i.,  31 ;  cp.  i.,  70,  and  i.,  6.        ^Philo  in  Place,  5. 


36o  XIV 

15th  September;  and  the  very  best  season  was  while  the 
regular  Etesian  winds  were  blowing.^  Albinus,  appointed 
about  the  end  of  January,  A.D.  60,  waited  at  Puteoli  for  the 
first  voyage  of  the  season  in  the  latter  part  of  May.  Couriers 
going  by  the  land  road  took  about  fifty-two  days  from  Rome 
to  Jerusalem,  and  the  Jews  heard  of  his  appointment  about 
the  ist  of  April.  But  officials  could  not  travel  like  couriers; 
and  Albinus  was  likely  to  arrive  sooner  via  Alexandria  than 
via  Brundusium,  as  well  as  with  less  fatigue.  Thus  the  Jews 
were  able  to  send  to  meet  him  in  Alexandria.  His  arrival 
in  Palestine  may  be  dated  in  June,  A.D.  61. 

V.  The  Eusebian  chronology  as  a  whole  confirms  our 
dates.  Eusebius  makes  Albinus  succeed  Festus  in  60, 
Jerome  puts  this  in  61  ;  we  have  placed  the  death  of 
Festus  at  December,  60,  and  the  coming  of  Albinus  in 
June,  61,  Eusebius  makes  Florus  succeed  Albinus  in  62,, 
Jerome  in  64 ;  the  latter  date  is  probably  right  (the  only 
alternative  being  January  to  March,  65).  Eusebius  and 
Jerome  put  the  coming  of  Felix  in  51  ;  the  true  date  is  52, 
but  Felix  previously  had  held  command  in  Samaria.  Thus 
Felix  had  governed  Palestine  an  unusually  long  time  when 
Paul  came  before  him  in  57 — "  many  years,"  Acts  xxiv.  10 
(where  the  word  many  is  understood  relatively  to  the  usual 
duration  of  procuratorships). 

It  is  established  by  this  concurring  series  of  arguments 
that  Paul  came  to  Jerusalem  in  May,  57,  and  sailed  for 
Rome  soon  after  midsummer  59.  From  this  we  can  cal- 
culate backward  and  forward.     He  left  Ephesus  (Acts  xx.  i) 

^  Perhaps  20th  July  to  28th  Aug. ;  but  there  is  much  doubt  about  these 
winds.  Modern  scholars  are  apt  to  forget  that  each  sea  has  its  own  Etesian 
winds,  and  the  rule  for  the  .lEgean  does  not  apply  to  the  voyage  across  Adria 
(Acts  xxvii.  27,  Statius,  Silv.  iii.,  2,  87)  from  Italy  to  Alexandria.  Gentle, 
light  westerly  winds  blow  across  Adria  all  summer.     See  p.  364. 


The  Pauline  Chronology  361 

shortly  before  Pentecost  56,  and  spent  a  year  in  Macedonia 
and  Corinth  (writing  2  Corinthians  in  summer  56  and  Romans 
early  in  57).  He  had  spent  in  Ephesus  two  years  and  three 
months  (called  three  years  by  Paul  after  the  usual  ancient 
fashion  of  counting  the  fraction  of  a  .year  at  the  end  as  a 
whole  year) ;  and  must  have  arrived  there  about  December, 
53.  He  had  gone  to  Jerusalem  for  Passover,  22nd  March,  53 
(Acts  xviii.  21  f.),  and  spent  the  summer  and  autumn  of  53 
in  Antioch  and  in  revisiting  and  establishing  all  his  converts 
in  South  Galatia.  Before  going  to  Jerusalem,  he  spent 
eighteen  months  in  Corinth,  August,  51,  to  February,  53.^ 
When  Paul  first  came  to  Corinth,  he  found  there  Aquila 
recently  arrived,  after  being  expelled  from  Rome  by  Claudius. 
Now  Orosius  puts  the  edict  of  expulsion  in  the  ninth  year  of 
Claudius,  and  a  comparison  of  his  dates  with  Tacitus  shows 
that  he  counted  the  first  year  of  Claudius  to  begin  from 
1st  January  following  his  accession,^  so  that  his  first  year  was 
42,  and  his  ninth  50.  If  Aquila  was  expelled  late  in  50, 
he  would  come  to  Corinth  perhaps  in  the  spring  or  summer 
of  51,  some  months  before  Paul. 

Gallio  came  to  Corinth  when  Paul  had  been  there  for  a 
considerable  time.  He  would  in  ordinary  course  arrive  in 
the  summer;  and  we  must  therefore  conclude  that  he  came 
to  Achaia  in  the  summer  52.  While  he  was  in  Achaia  he 
took  fever  and  went  a  voyage  for  his  health.^     There  is  no 

1  The  voyage  from  Corinth  to  Palestine  does  not  require  a  long  period, 
as  ships  ran  specially  for  the  sake  of  Jewish  pilgrims  to  the  Passover,  making 
the  voyage  rapidly;  see  article  "Corinth"  in  Hastings'  Dictionary  of  the 
Bible,  i.,  p.  483,  and  my  St.  Paul  the  Traveller,  pp.  264,  287. 

2  Compare  what  is  said  above  about  the  years  of  Nero. 

'Seneca,  Epist.  Mar.,  104,  i.  Pliny  mentions  that  after  his  consul- 
ship Gallio  went  on  a  voyage  (from  Italy  ?)  to  Egypt  on  account  of  phthisis 
(Hist.  Nat.,  31,  33).     He  of  course  governed  Achaia  before  his  consulship. 


362  XIV 

evidence  outside  Acts  as  to  the  date  of  his  government,  but 
his  brother  Seneca  addressed  him  by  his  old  name  Novatus 
in  the  treatise  De  Ira,  which  was  probably  composed  in 
49  ;  ^  and  he  had  taken  his  adoptive  name,  Junius  Gallio, 
before  he  came  to  Corinth. 

It  is  less  easy  to  reckon  farther  back,  as  the  lapse  of  time 
is  not  so  well  marked  in  that  period.  But  we  may  fairly 
place  the  beginning  of  Paul's  second  missionary  journey 
in  early  summer  50,  allot  summer  and  autumn  50  to  the 
work  in  South  Galatia  (Acts  xvi.  1-6)  with  the  journey  north 
to  the  Bithynian  frontier  and  west  to  Troas.  The  winter 
and  the  summer  of  5 1  were  spent  in  Philippi  and  Thessa- 
lonica  and  Beroea  and  Athens.  Thus  we  find  that  the  third 
visit  to  Jerusalem  (Acts  xv.  .2)  had  come  to  an  end  not  later 
than  the  beginning  of  50. )  That  visit  was  evidently  brief ; 
but  the  residences  in  Antioch  before  and  after  it  are  of  quite 
uncertain  duration.  If  events  hurried  rapidly  on  in  Antioch, 
Paul  may  have  returned  from  South  Galatia  about  August,  49, 
and  the  first  missionary  journey  with  all  its  wide  travels  and 
long  periods  of  preaching  may  have  begun  after  Passover  47. 
But  it  is  perhaps  more  probable  that  the  stay  in  Antioch 
should  be  lengthened  (Acts  xiv,  28),  or  that  the  first  journey 
occupied  longer  time,  or  both.  We  may,  however,  feel  fairly 
confident  that  the  first  journey  would  begin  in  spring  (doubt- 
less after  the  Passover),  either  A.D.  46  or  47,  more  probably 
the  former.  The  second  visit  to  Jerusalem  may  be  supposed 
to  have  occurred  in  45  ;  but  the  length  of  the  "  ministration  " 
there  is  uncertain. 

As  to  the  conversion,  the  evidence  of  a  fourth-  or  fifth- 
century  homily,  wrongly  ascribed  to  Chrysostom,  is  im- 
portant and  probably  embodies  an  early  tradition.     It  states 

'  Lehmann,  Claudius  und  seine  Zeit.,  p.  315  ft'. 


The  Pauline  Chronology  363 

that  St,  Paul  served  God  thirty-five  years,  and  died  at  the 
age  of  sixty-eight.  Eusebius  places  his  death  in  6^^  Jerome 
in  68 ;  but  they  lump  together  the  whole  Neronian  persecu- 
tion, from  64  on,  in  a  single  entry,  not  implying  that  it 
lasted  only  one  year.  In  the  great  political  crisis  of  68, 
trials  of  Christians  must  have  ceased  ;  and  the  death  of  Paul 
must  be  placed  in  65  or  ^^  or  6y.  But  it  seems  clear  that 
Paul  entered  public  life  after  the  crucifixion  ;  and  if  he  did 
so  (as  was  not  rare)  in  his  thirtieth  year,^  he  must  have  been 
under  thirty  at  that  event,  A.Rjzp,  This  seems  to  oblige 
us  to  place  his  birth  in  B.C.i,  his  conversion  in  32  on 
19th  January  (the  traditional  day  may  be  certainly  accepted), 
and  his  death  in  67. 

When  this  chronology  was  first  proposed,  it  was  founded 
solely  on  the  authority  of  Acts,  especially  xx.  5  fif. ;  and 
it  is  employed  in  St.  Paul  the  Traveller  and  later  works 
by  the  present  writer.  For  years  he  thought  that  the 
Eusebian  chronology  was  opposed  to  it,  and  sorrowfully 
rejected  Eusebius.  Now,  after  the  acute  suggestion  of  Dr. 
Erbes,  it  has  been  shown  that  this  system  is  the  Eusebian 
and  the  traditional  chronology.  We  closely  follow  Eusebius 
(or  in  one  case  his  first-century  authority)  everywhere  ;  and 
we  see  that  ancient  traditions,  rejected  by  every  other 
chronologist  simply  because  they  did  not  suit  his  system,  fit 
into  it  exactly,  and  confirm  its  correctness.  We  have  found 
several  of  our  dates  in  ancient  authorities,  and  any  one  proves 
the  others.  Not  a  single  positive  statement  in  any  ancient 
author  supports  the  commonly  accepted  chronology,  which 
is  given  by  its  earlier  supporters  professedly  as  a  makeshift 

1  The  Greek  word  j'e'os,  a  young  man,  was  commonly  used  of  a  person 
from  twenty-two  to  forty  years  of  age ;  so  also  v^av'ias.  Hence  no  stress 
can  be  laid  on  the  description  of  Paul  as  "  a  young  man  ". 


364  XIV 

in  the  dearth  of  positive  evidence,  and  is  scouted  by  many 
excellent  scholars.  Yet  it  is  the  accepted  system  of  the 
school  and  college  handbooks  ;  and  our  system  is  for  the 
present  regarded  as  an  attempt  to  overturn  settled  chron- 
ology, whereas  it  is  really  the  old  tradition  resting  on  positive 
ancient  testimony  of  the  highest  character. 

There  is  urgent  need  for  a  book  on  Eusebius  and  the 
early  Christian  chronology,  showing  his  essential  accuracy, 
and  tracing  the  cause  of  his  occasional  mistakes  (which  are 
due  to  defective  method).  Here  we  cannot  take  up  space 
in  answering  some  of  the  objections  that  are  sure  to  be 
brought  forward  to  our  system  (as,  e.g.,  it  has  been  con- 
tended by  many  that  Aretas  could  not  have  been  in  posses- 
sion of  Damascus  [2  Cor.  xi.  32]  before  A.D.  17,  an  objection 
which  is  answered  beforehand  by  Marquardt,  Romische  Staat- 
salterth,  i.,  p.  404  f ).  We  can  simply  rest  on  the  fact  that 
ours  is  the  ancient  and  authoritative  chronology. 

As  to  the  season  of  open  sea  (p.  359  f.),  the  period  is 
stated  as  27th  May  to  15th  September.  These  dates  are 
stated  absolutely;  but  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  sailors 
were  absolutely  governed  by  them,  regardless  of  weather  in 
each  year.  We  may  feel  quite  confident  that,  if  steady  settled 
weather  and  an  early  season  occurred  in  any  year,  sailors 
would  take  the  opportunity  and  begin  to  sail  earlier  than 
27th  May. 


The  Pauline  Chronology  365 


Table  of  Pauline  Dates 

Birth  of  St.  Paul after  Passover,  b.c.  i 

Entrance  on  public  life  in  his  thirtieth  year   .         .        after  Passover,  a.d.  29 

Conversion January  25,     32 

First  visit  to  Jerusalem  (in  the  third  year,  Gal.  i.  18)     .         .  .  .     34 

Second  visit  to  Jerusalem  (in  the  fourteenth  year,  Gal.  ii.  i)  .  -45 

First  missionary  journey  .  .  (perhaps  March,  47  ;  probably)  March,  46 
Return  to  Antioch  .  (perhaps  August,  49  ;  probably)  about  August,  48 
Third  visit  to  Jerusalem  ;  the  Apostolic  Council ....      early     50 

Second  missionary  journey begins  after  Passover,     50 

„-Hrn  Corinth  (Epistles  to  Thessalonians)  .  September,  51,  to  February,     53 

Fourth  visit  to  Jerusalem  at  the  Passover    .         .         .     March  22  to  29,     53 

Return  to  Antioch  (Epistle  to  Galatians) April,     53 

Third  missionary  journey begins  early  summer,     53 

In  Ephesus  (First  Epistle  to  Corinthians)  .  December,  53,  to  March,  56 
In  Macedonia  (Second  Epistle  to  Corinthians)     .     summer  and  autumn,     56 

In  Corinth  (Epistle  to  Romans) winter,  56,  to     57 

At  Jerusalem  at  Pentecost .  -57 

Imprisonment  in  Caesarea June,  57,  to  June,     59 

Voyage  to  Rome August,  59,  to  February,     60 

Imprisonment  in  Rome       .         .     February,  60,  to  (at  latest)  February,     62 

Later  journeys .  62  to     66 

Taken  prisoner  at  Nicopolis winter  of  66  to     67 

Execution  at  Rome .  -67 


XV 


LIFE  IN  THE  DAYS  OF  ST.   BASIL  THE 

GREAT 


XV 

LIFE  IN  THE  DAYS  OF  ST.  BASIL  THE  GREAT  ^ 

The  publication  of  three  volumes  of  selections  from  the 
works  of  the  great  Cappadocian  Fathers  of  the  fourth  cen- 
tuiy  may  well  attract  notice  even  in  this  busy  time ;  and  the 
careful  and  excellent  scholarship  displayed  by  the  translators 
and  editors  thoroughly  deserves  more  generous  recognition 
than  it  has  yet  received.  The  work  has  been  well  done ;  it 
was  well  worth  doing ;  and  it  was  by  no  means  easy  to  do. 
Gregory  of  Nyssa  is  a  really  difficult  author.  The  style  of 
Basil  is,  like  his  own  character,  direct,  vigorous,  and  much 
too  intense  to  become  so  complicated  as  that  of  his  brother. 

^  Select  Library  of  Nicene  and  Post-Nicene  Fathers  of  the  Christian 
Church.  Edited  by  Dr.  Henry  Wace,  Principal  of  King's  College,  London, 
and  Dr.  Philip  Schaff,  Professor  of  Church  History  in  Union  Seminary,  New 
York. 

Vol.  v.,  Select  Writings  and  Letters  of  Gregory  of  Nyssa.  Translated 
with  prolegomena,  etc.,  by  W.  Moore,  M.A.,  Rector  of  Appleton,  late  Fellow 
of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  and  H.  A.  Wilson,  M.A.,  Fellow  and  Librarian 
of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford. 

Vol.  VIL  :  Part  H.,  Select  Orations  and  Letters  of  S.  Gregory  Nazianzen. 
Translated  with  prolegomena,  etc.,  by  C.  G.  Browne,  M.A.,  Rector  of 
Lympstone,  Devon,  and  J.  E.  Swallow,  M.A.,  Chaplain  of  the  House  of 
Mercy,  Horbury. 

Vol.  Vin.,  Letters  and  Select  Works  of  St.  Basil.  Translated  with  pro- 
legomena, etc.,  by  Blomfield  Jackson,  M.A.,  Vicar  of  St,  Bartholomew's,  Moor 
Lane,  and  Fellow  of  King's  College,  London. 

The  variety  in  the  titulature  of  the  three  Saints  suggests  a  certain  differ- 
ence of  view  among  the  translators. 

C369)  24 


370  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

But  even  Basil  presents  numerous  difficulties  to  the  com- 
prehension of  his  readers  ;  and  the  scholar,  who  studies  an 
author  of  this  period,  with  few  and  poor  editions,  has  a  much 
more  difficult  task  than  the  translator  of  some  author  that 
has  attracted  the  attention  of  generations  and  centuries  of 
learned  leisure.  Dr.  Wace  is  responsible  for  the  editing  of 
the  whole  volume  of  Gregory  Nyssen,  and  part  of  the  volume 
of  Basil ;  and  the  many  difficulties  and  questions  that  con- 
front the  translator  in  every  page  must  all  have  been  weighed 
anew  by  him  in  the  execution  of  a  peculiarly  thankless,  but 
important  task. 

It  is  not  our  intention  to  enter  into  minute  questions  of 
translation  and  criticism,  but  to  attempt  to  illustrate  the 
usefulness  of  work  like  this,  by  giving  some  examples  of 
what  is  to  be  learned  from  the  selected  portions  of  the  three 
authors.  We  shall  disregard  entirely  the  theological  side  of 
their  writings,  and  only  quote  some  of  the  passages  bearing 
on  the  condition  of  society  and  life  at  the  time  and  in  the 
land  where  the  three  Fathers  lived.  It  is  from  Basil  that  we 
learn  most,  partly  because  he  had  a  much  more  practical  and 
statesmanlike  mind  than  either  his  brother  or  his  friend, 
partly  because  almost  the  whole  collection  of  his  letters, 
which  come  into  nearer  relations  to  actual  life  than  the  theo- 
logical treatises,  is  here  translated,^  whereas  only  a  small 
selection  of  the  letters  of  Gregory  Nazianzen  is  given  (and 
these  seem  chosen  more  for  their  theological  or  personal 
interest  than  for  their  bearing  on  the  state  of  society),  and 
only  a  very  few  letters  of  Gregory  Nyssen  have  been  pre- 

1  The  first  299,  with  a  few  specimens  of  the  rest  (including  the  doubtful 
or  spurious  correspondence),  are  included  in  Mr.  Jackson's  volume.  Our 
references  to  Epi%t.  are  to  be  understood  of  Basil's  letters,  unless  another 
name  is  mentioned. 


kS*/.  Basil  the  Great  371 


served.  We  shall,  as  far  as  possible,  narrate  each  incident 
in  the  original  words,  partly  to  preserve  the  true  colouring, 
partly  in  order  to  bring  out  incidentally  the  success  with 
which  the  work  of  translation  has  been  performed. 

The  modernness  of  tone  that  is  often  perceptible  in  the 
literature  of  the  Roman  Empire  strikes  every  reader ;  it 
corresponds  to  and  expresses  a  certain  precocious  ripeness 
— or,  possibly,  rottenness — in  a  too  rapidly  developed  social 
system.  In  the  Eastern  provinces  an  interesting  problem  is 
presented  to  us ;  this  precocious  Western  civilisation  and 
education  was  there  impressed  upon  Oriental  races,  back- 
ward in  development  and  unprogressive  in  temperament, 
by  the  organising  genius  of  Rome  and  the  educative  spirit 
of  Greece.  It  is  an  interesting  process,  whereby  Western 
manners  and  ideas  were  for  a  time  imposed  on,  and  in  a 
small  degree  even  naturalised  among,  an  Oriental  people, 
and  then  died  out  again,  either  because  the  circumstances 
of  the  Byzantine  Empire  were  uncongenial,  or  because  all 
civilisation  and  ideas  were  destroyed  by  the  Turks.  That 
long  process  will  some  time  find  a  historian ;  a  single 
moment  in  it  is  revealed  in  the  pages  of  the  three  great 
Cappadocians. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  passages  for  our  purpose  is 
Gregory  Nyssen's  satirical  sketch  of  the  early  life  of  the  two 
heretics,  vEtius  and  Eunomius.  Their  history,  as  told  by 
Gregory,  is  quite  a  romance ;  though  it  is  doubtful  how  far 
the  account  which  he  gives  of  theological  opponents  is  to  be 
trusted,  ^tius  was  originally  a  serf,  bound  to  the  soil  on  a 
vine-growing  estate. 

Having  escaped — how,  I  do  not  wish  to  say,  lest  I  be  thought 
to  be  entering  on  his  history  in  a  bad  spirit — he  became  at  first  a 
tinker,  and  had  this  grimy  trade  quite  at  his  fingers'  end,  sitting 


372  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 


under  a  goat's-hair  tent,i  with  a  small  hammer  and  a  diminutive 
anvil,  and  so  earned  a  precarious  and  laborious  livelihood.  What 
income,  indeed,  of  any  account  could  be  made  by  one  who  mends 
the  shaky  places  in  coppers,  and  solders  holes  up,  and  hammers 
sheets  of  tin  to  pieces,  and  clamps  with  lead  the  legs  of  pots  ? 

As  the  story  goes,  "  a  certain  incident  necessitated  the  next 
change  in  his  life  ".  A  woman,  attached  to  a  regiment,  gave 
him  a  gold  ornament  to  mend  ;  he  returned  to  her  a  similar 
one  of  copper,  slightly  gilt,  "  for  he  was  clever  enough  in  the 
tinker's,  as  in  other,  arts  to  mislead  his  customers  with  the 
tricks  of  trade  ".  But  the  gold  got  rubbed  off,  and  he  was 
detected  ;  "  and  as  some  of  the  soldiers  of  her  family  and 
nation  were  roused  to  indignation,  she  prosecuted,"  and 
secured  his  condemnation.  After  undergoing  his  punish- 
ment, he  "  left  the  trade,  swearing  that  .  .  .  business  tempted 
him  to  commit  this  theft ".  He  then  became  assistant  to  a 
quack  doctor,  and 

made  his  attack  upon  the  obscurer  households  and  on  the  most 
abject  of  mankind.  Wealth  came  gradually  from  his  plots  against 
a  certain  Armenius  who,  being  a  foreigner,  was  easily  cheated,  and 
.  .  .  advanced  him  frequent  sums  of  money.  He  next  wanted  to 
be  styled  a  physician  himself.  Henceforth,  therefore,  he  attended 
medical  congresses,  and,  consorting  with  the  wrangling  controver- 
sialists there,  became  one  of  the  ranters,  and,  just  as  the  scales  were 
turning,  always  adding  his  own  weight  to  the  argument,  he  got  to 
be  in  no  small  request. 

From  medicine  ^tius  turned  to  theology.     Arius  had 

already  started  his  heresy, 

and  the  schools  of  medicine  resounded  then  with  the  disputes  about 
that  question.     Accordingly  ^tius  studied  the  controversy ;  and, 

^  The  translation  is  certainly  right,  though  "camel's  hair  "  is  a  commoner 
sense  of  the  Greek  word.  Such  tents  are,  and  doubtless  always  have  been, 
common  in  the  country. 


SL  Basil  the  Great  ^ilZ 

having  laid  a  train  of  syllogisms  from  what  he  remembered  of 
Aristotle,  he  became  notorious  for  even  going  beyond  Arius  in  the 
novel  character  of  his  speculations. 

At  this  point  the  inconsistency  of  this  "  veracious "  narra- 
tive strikes  the  reader ;  if  the  life  of  ^tius  as  serf,  tinker, 
quack's  assistant,  and  quack  principal  is  rightly  recorded, 
when  had  he  found  time  and  opportunity  to  study  Aris- 
totle ? 

Eunomius,  the  pupil  of  ^tius,  had  (according  to  his 
theological  opponent)  an  almost  equally  varied,  though  much 
less  disreputable,  career.  He  was  born  at  a  small  village 
— Oltiseris — of  the  Korniaspene  district,  in  the  north-western 
part  of  Cappadocia,  near  the  Galatian  frontier.  His  father 
was  a  peasant  farmer, — 

an  excellent  man,  except  that  he  had  such  a  son.  .  .  .  He  was 
one  of  those  farmers  who  are  always  bent  over  the  plough,  and 
spend  a  world  of  trouble  over  their  little  farm  ;  and  in  the  winter, 
when  he  was  secured  from  agricultural  work,  he  used  to  carve  out 
neatly  the  letters  of  the  alphabet  for  boys  to  form  syllables  with, 
winning  his  bread  with  the  money  these  sold  for. 

This  is  an  interesting  picture  of  the  farmer's  life  in  a 
remote  and  obscure  corner  of  Cappadocia ;  and  it  suggests 
that  the  knowledge  of  letters  and  writing  had  penetrated  to 
a  very  humble  stratum  of  society,  if  a  peasant  farmer  could 
make  money  in  this  way  during  the  long  winter  season, 
when  the  ground  was  covered  with  snow  for  months.  Facts 
like  these  make  it  all  the  more  remarkable  that  a  bishop 
who  was  present  at  the  Council  of  Constantinople,  in  448, 
had  to  get  a  friend  to  sign  on  his  behalf,  eo  quod  nesciam 
litems.  The  Phrygian  Church,  which  had  been  so  flourish- 
ing in  the  second  and  third  centuries,  was  destroyed  with  fire 
and  sword  by  Diocletian,  and  the  country  never  properly 


374  ^^'  Life  in  the  Days  of 

recovered  from  that  crushing  persecution ;  education  and 
prosperity  were  for  a  time  almost  annihilated.  But  Cappa- 
docia  had  not  been  so  thoroughly  Christianised  before  the 
time  of  Diocletian,  and  hence  it  escaped  more  easily.  In 
reading  over  the  Acta  Sanctornm,  every  student  must 
observe  that  a  much  larger  number  of  Cappadocian  than  of 
Phrygian  martyrs  are  recorded  under  that  great  persecution  ; 
but  the  fact  is  that  the  destruction  in  Phrygia  was  so 
thorough  that  the  memory  of  individuals  was  not  preserved. 
Where  a  whole  city  with  its  population  was  burned,  who 
would  record  the  martyrdom  of  any  single  hero?  In 
Cappadocia  many  martyrs  were  tried  and  condemned,  and 
their  memory  embalmed  in  history :  in  Phrygia  the  Church 
in  considerable  districts  was  obliterated  for  the  time,  and  its 
tone  permanently  depreciated. 

Eunomius,  perceiving  that  his  father  led 

a  life  of  laborious  penury,  said  good-bye  to  the  plough  and  the 
mattock  and  all  the  paternal  instruments,  intending  never  to 
drudge  himself  like  that ;  then  he  sets  himself  to  learn  Prunicus' 
skill  of  short-hand  writing ;  and  having  perfected  himself  in  that 
he  entered  at  first,  as  I  believe,  the  house  of  one  of  his  own  family, 
receiving  his  board  for  his  services  in  writing ;  then,  while  tutor- 
ing the  boys  of  his  host,  he  rises  to  the  ambition  of  becoming  an 
orator. 

Here,  again,  we  are  struck  with  the  development  of  edu- 
cation in  this  obscure  district,  when  a  shorthand  clerk  could 
be  found  worth  board  and  lodging  in  a  famil}',  which  must 
have  been  either  rustic  or  of  a  small  provincial  town. 

Gregory  draws  a  veil  over  the  subsequent  stages  in  the 
life  of  Eunomius,  until  the  epoch  when  he  saw  that  his  toil 
"  was  all  of  little  avail,  and  that  nothing  which  he  could 
amass  by  such  work  was  adequate  to  the  demands  of  his 


St.  Basil  the  Great  375 


ambition".  He  accordingly  turned  to  heresy-mongering, 
and  found  that  this  was  a  much  more  lucrative  profession. 
"  In  fact,  he  toiled  not  thenceforward,  neither  did  he  spin ; 
for  he  is  certainly  clever  in  what  he  takes  in  hand,  and 
knows  how  to  gain  the  more  emotional  portion  of  mankind." 
He  made  religion  pleasant  to  his  hearers  and  dupes  ;  "  he 
got  rid  of  '  the  toilsome  steep  of  virtue '  altogether " ;  and 
Gregory  declares  that  he  initiated  them  in  practices  and  vices 
which  it  would  not  be  decent  even  in  an  accuser  to  mention. 
Considering  the  style  in  which  religious  controversy  was 
carried  on  by  almost  all  parties  at  this  time,  we  cannot 
attach  any  special  credibility  to  Gregory's  accusation  that 
Eunomius's  teaching  was  so  profoundly  immoral.  But  it  is 
of  some  interest  to  observe  that  the  charge  of  appealing  to 
the  excitability  and  to  the  vices  of  the  public  was  mutual. 
Eunomius  declared  that  his  great  opponent  Basil,  the  brother 
of  Gregory,  was  "  one  who  wins  renown  among  poor  old 
women,  and  practises  to  deceive  the  sex  which  naturally  falls 
into  every  snare,  and  thinks  it  a  great  thing  to  be  admired 
by  the  criminal  and  abandoned  ". 

In  these  descriptions  of  ^tius  and  Eunomius,  and  in 
many  other  occasional  touches  in  the  writings  of  Basil  and 
Gregory,  we  observe  traces  of  a  certain  contempt  for  the 
low-bom  persons  who  had  to  make  their  living  by  their 
own  work.  The  family  of  Basil  and  Gregory  possessed 
considerable  property  in  land,  and  their  tone  is  that  of  the 
aristocrat,  brought  up  in  a  position  of  superiority,  and  volun- 
tarily accepting  a  life  of  asceticism  and  hardship  to  which 
they  were  not  trained.  Basil  is  distinctly  a  champion  of 
the  popular  cause  against  the  dominant  power  of  the  Em- 
peror and  of  the  wealthier  classes ;  but  his  position  is  not 
that  of  Cleon  and  Hyperbolus,  claiming  rights  for  the  class 


376  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

from  which  they  sprang,  and  not  free  from  a  touch  of 
vulgarity  in  their  speeches  and  a  taint  of  selfishness  in  their 
aspirations.  His  spirit  and  his  aims  are  like  those  of 
Tiberius  Gracchus,  actuated  by  sincere  and  Divine  sym- 
pathy for  the  wrongs  and  miseries  in  which  he  had  no  part, 
and  showing  perhaps  want  of  judgment,  but  not  selfishness. 

From  the  Apostle  Paul  onwards  it  was,  as  a  general  rule, 
the  local  aristocracy  that  produced  the  leading  figures  in 
Anatolian  history  during  the  Roman  period.  Education 
was  indispensable  to  advancement  and  influence  under  the 
Empire ;  and  the  poorer  classes  were  cut  off  from  the  oppor- 
tunity of  getting  education  by  a  chasm  which  very  few  could 
cross.  The  Imperial  system  never  attempted  to  spread  edu- 
cation more  widely  ;  rather,  it  almost  discouraged  any  move- 
ment of  this  kind.  Only  private  individuals,^  or  the  cities  of 
the  provinces,  made  some  attempt  to  increase  the  educational 
opportunities  for  their  own  people.  Basil  and  Gregory  of 
Nazianzos  belonged  to  the  class  of  landed  proprietors  whose 
fortune  opened  to  them  the  path  of  education  and  enabled 
them  to  study  in  Athens  or  some  other  of  the  leading  Uni- 
versities. 

Such  families  belonged  originally  to  a  conquering  class  of 
land-owners,  who  dwelt  as  a  country  aristocracy  amid  an 
older  conquered  population.  They  dwelt  in  a  kind  of  build- 
ing which  was  called  Tetraypyrgion  or  Tetrapyrgia:  quad- 
rangular farm  steadings  enclosing  an  open  courtyard,  with 
towers  at  the  corners  and  over  the  gate.  Such  buildings 
were  made  to  be  defensible ;  and  Eumenes  found  that 
regular  military  operations  were  necessary  to  reduce  them.^ 

'  Pliny  the  younger  may  be  taken  as  typical  of  a  class. 
2  Plutarch,  Ewn.,  8;  Studies  in  the  Eastern  Roman  Provinces,  p.  372  f. 
(Hodder  &  Stoughton,  1906)  ;  Cities  and  Bishoprics  of  Phrygia,  ii.,  p.  419. 


S^.  Basil  the  Great  377 

Their  plan  has  been  preserved  to  the  present  day  in  the 
great  Khans,  built  along  the  principal  roads  by  the  Seljuk 
Sultans  to  defend  the  trade  from  the  wandering  and  unruly 
Nomads. 

According  to  Gregory  of  Nyssa,  Christianity  was  the 
nearly  universal  religion  of  Cappadocia  in  the  second  half  of 
the  fourth  century.  He  says  in  his  Epistle  on  Pilgrimages 
that, 

if  it  is  really  possible  to  infer  God's  presence  from  visible  symbols, 
one  might  more  justly  consider  that  He  dwelt  in  the  Cappadocian 
nation  than  in  any  of  the  spots  outside  it.  For  how  many  Altars  ^ 
there  are  there,  on  which  the  name  of  our  Lord  is  glorified.  One 
could  hardly  count  so  many  in  all  the  rest  of  the  world. 

There  is,  doubtless,  some  truth  in  this  picture ;  but  it  has 
been  considerably  heightened  in  colour,  even  setting  aside 
the  Oriental  hyperbole  of  the  last  words,  which  were  not 
meant  to  be  taken  literally.  Basil,  who  is  always  more  trust- 
worthy than  Gregory,  because  he  was  more  honest  and  more 
earnest,  and  stood  closer  to  real  life,  gives  a  somewhat  different 
account.  He  sees  how  far  the  Christian  spirit  was  from  hav- 
ing extirpated  the  pagan  spirit,  even  where  it  had  triumphed 
in  outward  appearance.  He  gives,  for  example,  an  interest- 
ing account  of  the  Magusaei,  a  people  who  were  settled  in 
Cappadocia  "  in  considerable  numbers,  scattered  all  over  the 
country,  settlers  having  long  ago  been  introduced  into  these 
parts  from  Babylon  ".  Probably  they  had  been  transplanted  to 
Asia  Minor  by  the  Persian  kings,  to  strengthen  their  hold  on 
the  country ;  and  they  had  remained  for  nearly  eight  centuries 
unmixed  with  the  other  inhabitants,  preserving  their  own 
religious  customs  and  separateness  of  blood.     In  a  recent 

1 "  OiKTiao-T^pia,  the  sanctuaries  (with  the  Altar),  into  which  at  this  time 
no  layman  except  the  Emperor  might  enter." 


378  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

book  on  Turkey/  it  has  been  pointed  out  as  one  of  the  worst 
evils  in  the  country  that  the  different  races  remain  apart, 
divided  by  difference  of  custom,  and  by  consequent  mutual 
hatred ;  and  the  existence  of  the  same  evil  in  ancient  time 
might  have  been  stated  even  more  strongly  than  it  is  in  that 
work.  In  the  fourth  century  Roman  rule  and  the  influence 
of  the  Church  had  alike  failed,  as  yet,  entirely  to  obliterate 
racial  differences ;  but  it  is  only  in  incidental  references  like 
this  to  the  Magusaeans,  that  the  existence  of  such  despised 
races  is  admitted  by  the  Cappadocian  Fathers.  As  Basil 
says,  "  Their  manners  are  peculiar,  as  they  do  not  mix  with 
other  men.  .  .  .  They  have  been  made  the  prey  of  the  devil 
to  do  his  will.  They  have  no  books ;  no  instructors  in 
doctrine."  Basil  means,  of  course.  Christian  books  :  it  is  not 
improbable  that  in  secret  they  preserved  and  used  Magian 
books.  "They  are  brought  up,"  as  he  goes  on  to  say,  "in 
senseless  institutions."  Besides  more  obvious  characteristics, 
"  they  object  to  the  slaying  of  animals  as  defilement ;  and 
they  cause  the  animals  they  want  for  their  own  use  to  be 
slaughtered  by  other  people.  They  are  wild  after  illicit 
marriages :  they  consider  fire  divine,"  and  so  on.  These 
illicit  marriages  are  described  by  Eusebius  -  as  being  between 
such  near  relatives  as  father  and  daughter,  brother  and 
sister,  son  and  mother;  and  the  same  writer  says  that  the 
Magusaei  were  very  numerous  in  Phrygia  and  Galatia,  and 
everywhere  retained  the  social  customs  and  mysterious 
religious  ritual  which  they  had  brought  with  them  from 
Persia. 

Illicit  marriages  were  not  confined  to  the  Magusaei,  but 
were  still  admitted  among  the  general  population  of  Cappa- 

^  Impressions  of  Turkey,  p.  95. 

"^  Prcrp.  Ev.,  vi.,  pp.  275,  279,  Viger. 


Sf.  Basil  the  Great  379 

docia,  as  is  evident  from  the  Canonical  Letters,  and  from 
some  incidental  references. 

Apparently,  the  Magusaei  made  a  superficial  pretence  of 
Christianity,  but  retained  their  pagan  customs  almost  un- 
altered ;  as  at  the  present  day  some  races  in  the  same  country 
put  on  an  outward  appearance  of  Mohammedanism,  though 
wanting  its  real  character.  Such,  for  example,  are  the 
Takhtaji  (woodmen),  about  whom  every  traveller,  who  has 
seen  much  of  Asia  Minor,  speaks :  Dr.  Von  Luschan,  Reisen 
in  Lykien,  ii.,  p.  199,  vouches  on  personal  knowledge  for  the 
survival  among  them  of  the  custom  of  marriage  between 
brother  and  sister,  and  they  are  as  much  despised  by  the 
Turks  now  as  the  Magusaei  were  by  the  Christians  of  Basil's 
time.  But  even  among  the  Cappadocians  proper,  who  had 
embraced  Christianity  in  a  more  thorough  way,  there  con- 
tinued to  exist  many  customs  belonging  to  their  pre-Christian 
state,  which  the  Church  had  either  tacitly  acquiesced  in,  or 
at  least  failed  to  eradicate.  Basil  belonged  to  the  Puritan 
party,  and  waged  stern  war  with  many  of  these  customs. 
His  invectives  against  them  have  preserved  their  memory ; 
and  the  student  of  ancient  society  will  turn  to  these  passages 
with  a  very  different  spirit  and  interest  from  that  which 
Basil  felt. 

Marriage  by  capture  was  still  a  common  practice,  justified 
and  supported  by  common  opinion.  In  Letter  270  Basil 
speaks  of  this  "  act  of  unlawfulness  and  tyranny  against 
human  nature  and  society,"  and  prescribes  the  treatment 
which  is  to  be  meted  out  to  the  offenders.  The  nature  of 
the  punishments  shows  that  he  is  writing  to  some  church 
official,  probably  one  of  his  subordinate  bishops,  or  village- 
bishops,  or  presbyters. 


380  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

Wherever  you  find  the  girl,  insist  on  taking  her  away,  and 
restore  her  to  her  parents,  shut  out  the  man  from  the  prayers,  and 
make  him  excommunicate.^  His  accomplices,  according  to  the 
canon  which  I  have  already  put  forth,  cut  off,  with  all  their  house- 
hold, from  the  prayers.  The  village  which  received  the  girl  after 
the  abduction  and  kept  her,  or  even  fought  against  her  restitution, 
shut  out  with  all  its  inhabitants  from  the  prayers ;  to  the  end  that 
all  may  know  that  we  regard  the  ravisher  as  a  common  foe  like  a 
snake  or  any  other  wild  beast. 

It  is  clear,  then,  that  the  v^hole  neighbourhood  approved 
the  capture  as  preliminary  to  enforced  marriage  ;  and  even 
the  clergy  to  some  extent  acquiesced  in  the  popular  opinion, 
for  Basil  says  that  "  if  you  had  all  been  of  one  mind  in  this 
matter,  there  would  have  been  nothing  to  prevent  this  bad 
custom  from  being  long  ago  driven  out  of  your  country  ". 

Basil  was  not  so  severe  on  some  superstitions  which  had 
clothed  themselves  in  a  thoroughly  Christian  form.  He 
regards  it  as  quite  praiseworthy  that  sick  persons  should 
have  recourse  for  cures  to  the  prayers  of  hermits ;  and  he 
promises  to  try  to  find  some  relics  of  martyrs  for  a  new 
church  built  by  Bishop  Arcadius  {Ep.  49).  Gregory  Nazian- 
zen  declares  that  the  mere  visit  of  Basil  almost  cured  the 
sick  son  of  the  Emperor  Valens,  and  would  have  done  so 
completely,  had  not  his  saving  influence  been  counteracted  by 
the  presence  of  Arian  heretics  {Or.  xliii.,  §  54),  Yet  Basil 
writes  a  noble  eulogy  of  the  medical  profession  :  "  To  put 
that  science  at  the  head  and  front  of  life's  pursuits  is  to 
decide  reasonably  and  rightly"  {Ep.  189).  But  the  lively 
interest  taken  by  the  physicians  of  the  time  in  theological 
controversy,  as  proved  by  that  very  letter,  and  by  the  life 

'  In  the  canonical  letter  to  Amphilochius,  p.  238,  the  total  duration  of 
the  punishment  in  its  various  degrees  is  specified  as  four  years. 


St  Basil  the  Great  381 

of  yEtius  described  above,  is  not  suggestive  of  good ;  and, 
on  the  whole,  we  may  gather  that  the  medical  profession 
had  degenerated  seriously  from  the  scientific  spirit  of  the 
old  Greek  medical  schools. 

On  the  other  hand,  he  was  very  severe  on  the  Panegyreis, 
or  local  festivals,  which,  along  with  religious  observances  and 
sermons,  united  a  good  deal  of  social  enjoyment  of  a  kind 
that  was  in  his  opinion  objectionable  {Ep.  42).  We  should 
be  glad  to  learn  more  about  these  festivals.  There  can  be 
no  doubt  that  they  were  a  Christianised  form  of  the  earlier 
pagan  festivals,  celebrated  at  the  places  which  have  con- 
tinued to  be  the  great  centres  of  religion  in  all  ages  of 
history.  The  festivals  were,  in  the  first  place,  "spiritual 
gatherings,"  where  might  be  heard  "expositions  of  the 
teaching  of  the  Apostles,  lessons  in  theology,"  and  so  on ; 
but,  besides,  there  were  presented  before  the  assemblies 
plays,  music,  mountebanks,  jests  and  follies,  drunken  men 
and — worst  of  all  in  Basil's  estimation — beautiful  women. 
The  most  interesting  of  these  festivals  took  place  at  Venasa, 
the  old  seat  of  one  of  the  three  great  temples  of  Cappadocia ; 
and  it  corresponds  to  the  modern  festival  of  St.  Macrina  at 
Hassa-Keui,  a  few  miles  south  of  Venasa  (which  is  now  purely 
Turkish),  to  which  Mohammedans  as  well  as  Christians  re- 
sort, bringing  sick  animals  to  be  cured  on  the  holy  occasion. 
The  quaint  and  interesting  story  of  the  Deacon  Glycerius  is 
associated  with  that  festival  {Ep.  i6g  ff ) ;  but  it  is  too  long 
for  our  space,  and,  moreover,  has  been  very  fully  discussed 
elsewhere.^ 

Again,  Basil  condemns  unsparingly  the  evils  and  abuses 
that  existed  in  the  Church  of  his  time.  He  forbade  an  old 
unmarried  presbyter  of  seventy  to  have  a  woman  living  in 

^  Church  in  the  Roman  Empire  before  i8o,  ch.  xviii. 


382  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

his  house,  and  when  the  presbyter  wrote  to  explain  that 
there  was  no  evil  relation  between  them,  he  rebuked  him 
with  growing  sternness,  ordering  him  to  expel  her  from  his 
house  and  "  establish  her  in  a  monastery ".  Basil  also 
strenuously  denounced  the  practice  of  taking  money  from 
candidates  for  ordination  :  "  They  think  that  there  is  no 
sin  because  they  take  the  money  not  before  but  after  the 
ordination ;  but  to  take  is  to  take  at  whatever  time "  i^Ep. 
53).  He  strove  to  reintroduce  "  the  ancient  custom  observed 
in  the  Churches,"  that  ministers  should  be  tested  by  ex- 
amination as  to  their  moral  character  and  their  whole  past 
life  before  being  admitted,  and  to  put  down  the  ordinary 
practice  among  the  village-bishops  of  allowing  "presbyters 
and  deacons  to  introduce  unworthy  persons,  without  any 
previous  examination  of  life  and  character,  by  mere  favouri- 
tism, on  the  score  of  relationship  or  some  other  tie  '\Ep.  54). 

The  clergy  had  not  yet  become  a  distinct  order,  wholly 
separate  from  the  laity :  they  practised  trades  in  order  to 
make  their  living.  Basil  had  difficulty  in  finding  any 
clergyman  to  whom  he  might  entrust  a  letter  to  Eusebius, 
Bishop  of  Samosata,  "  for  though  our  clergy  do  seem  very 
numerous,  they  are  men  inexperienced  in  travelling,  because 
they  never  traffic  and  prefer  not  to  live  far  away  from  home, 
the  majority  of  them  plying  sedentary  crafts,  whereby  they 
get  their  daily  bread  "  {Ep.  198). 

From  the  letter  just  quoted,  and  many  others,  it  is  clear 
that  Basil  usually  tried  to  find  clerical  letter-carriers ;  and  we 
may  understand  that  in  many  other  cases,  where  no  exact 
information  is  given,  this  was  the  case,  e.g.,  in  Epist.  19  to 
Gregory  Nazianzen,  where  he  explains  that  he  could  not 
reply  on  the  spot  to  Gregory's  letter,  "  because  I  was  away 
from  home,   and  the  letter-carrier,   after  he  had  delivered 


St  Basil  the  Great  383 

the  packet  to  one  of  my  friends,  went  away".  But  other 
convenient  opportunities  were  sometimes  used :  e.g.^  magis- 
trates travelling  were  often  asked  to  carry  letters  for  their 
friends  {Ep.  215,  237), 

The  number  of  travellers  was  evidently  far  greater  on 
the  roads  leading  to  Constantinople  or  Athens  than  towards 
Armenia.  Basil  has  "no  expectation  of  finding  any  one  to 
convey  a  letter  to  Colonia  in  Armenia,  which  is  far  out  of 
the  way  of  ordinary  routes"  {Ep.  195).  On  the  other  hand, 
he  speaks  of  a  continuous  stream  of  travellers  coming  from 
Athens  to  Cappadocia  {Ep.  20);  and  though  the. letter,  ad- 
dressed to  Leontius  the  Sophist,  bears  the  stamp  of  the 
rhetorical  style,  sacrificing  fact  to  effect,  yet  it  implies  that 
a  considerable  number  of  Cappadocian  students,  like  Basil 
and  Gregory  Nazianzen,  attended  the  University  of  Athens. 

The  important  road  to  Samosata  in  Syria  would  be  prob- 
ably well  frequented ;  and,  when  Basil  speaks  of  difficulty 
in  finding  messengers  thither,  either  he  is  speaking  of  the 
winter  season,  when  the  passes  were  blocked  by  snow,  or  he 
requires  to  find  a  trustworthy  special  messenger  for  an  im- 
portant letter. 

On  the  whole,  the  impression  given  by  the  letters  is  that 
the  custom  of  travelling,  which  had  increased  under  the 
early  Roman  Empire  to  an  extent  almost  unknown  until  the 
present  century,  was  fully  maintained  in  the  fourth  century. 

Travelling  on  pilgrimage  to  the  holy  places  of  Palestine 
was  not  very  much  approved  by  the  Cappadocian  Fathers. 
Basil  says  here  little  on  the  subject.  Gregory,  having  been 
entrusted  with  the  duty  of  "  visiting  the  places  where  the 
Church  in  Arabia  is  on  the  confines  of  the  Jerusalem  dis- 
trict," desires  also  to  "confer  with  the  Heads  of  the  Holy 
Jerusalem  Churches".      He  describes  his  journey  thus: — 


384  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

Our  most  religious  Emperor  had  granted  us  facilities  for  the 
journey,  by  postal  conveyance,  so  that  we  had  to  endure  none  of 
those  inconveniences  which  in  the  case  of  others  we  have  noticed ; 
our  waggon  was,  in  fact,  as  good  as  a  church  or  monastery  to  us, 
for  all  of  us  were  singing  psalms  or  fasting  in  the  Lord  during  the 
whole  journey. 

But,  though  he  took  advantage  of  this  opportunity  of 
visiting  Jerusalem,  he  did  not  approve  of  going  on  pilgrim- 
age. He  thought  that  there  was  nothing  to  be  gained,  even 
for  men,  by  pilgrimage,  except  the  more  vivid  appreciation 
of  the  fact  "  that  our  own  places  are  far  holier  than  those 
abroad " ;  and  he  considered  that  people  should  stay  at 
home  till  they  died,  and  that  it  was  better  for  "  the  brethren 
to  be  absent  from  the  body,  to  go  to  our  Lord,  rather  than 
to  be  absent  from  Cappadocia,  to  go  to  Palestine  ".  As  to 
women  going  on  pilgrimage,  the  difficulties  of  travelling 
made  it  still  more  unbecoming  and  improper. 

For  instance,  it  is  impossible  for  a  woman  to  accomplish  so 
long  a  journey  without  a  conductor;  on  account  of  her  natural 
weakness,  she  has  to  be  put  upon  her  horse  and  to  be  lifted  down 
again ;  she  has  to  be  supported  ^  in  difficult  situations.  Which- 
ever we  suppose,  that  she  has  an  acquaintance  to  do  this  service 
or  a  hired  attendant  to  perform  it,  either  way  the  proceeding 
cannot  escape  being  reprehensible ;  whether  she  leans  on  the  help 
of  a  stranger  or  on  that  of  her  own  servant,  she  fails  to  keep  the 
law  of  correct  conduct ;  and  as  the  inns  and  hostelries  and  cities 
of  the  East  present  many  examples  of  licence  and  of  indifference 
to  vice,  how  will  it  be  possible  for  one  passing  through  such  smoke 
to  escape  without  smarting  eyes  ? 

The  evil  reputation  of  the  inns  and  taverns  on  the  great 
roads   of  the    Empire,    to  which    Gregory  here  alludes,  is 

*  Gregory  seems  to  have  had  the  lowest  possible  idea  of  women's 
capacity :  they  could  not  even  sit  on  a  horse,  without  being  held  to  prevent 
them  falling  off. 


S^.  Basil  the  Great  385 

confirmed  by  many  other  testimonies.  Under  the  pagan 
Empire,  the  hostelries  were  for  the  most  part  Httle  better 
than  houses  of  ill-fame  ;  ^  and  under  the  Christian  Empire 
there  seems  to  have  been  no  serious  improvement.  The 
story  of  the  birth  of  St.  Theodore  of  Sykea  in  Galatia, 
about  A.D.  560,  bears  witness  to  a  singularly  depraved  con- 
dition of  public  feeling;  and  in  the  Middle  Ages  matters 
seem  to  have  been  equally  bad  for  the  Pilgrims  to  the  Holy 
Land.  Felix  Fabri  of  Ulm,  about  1480,  says  that  "the  inns 
on  the  isles  of  the  sea  are  houses  of  ill-fame,"  and  warns 
every  "good  and  godly  pilgrim"  at  night  to  "return  to  his 
galley  and  sleep  therein  safe  in  his  berth  ".^  The  character 
of  the  public  hostelries  was,  doubtless,  one  of  the  reasons 
that  weighed  with  Basil  in  making  his  great  foundation  near 
Caesareia,  including  not  merely  an  almshouse  and  hospital, 
but  also 

a  place  of  entertainment  for  strangers,  both  those  who  are  on  a 
journey  and  those  who  require  medical  treatment  on  account  of 
sickness,  and  so  establishing  a  means  of  giving  these  men  the 
comfort  they  want,  doctors,  means  of  conveyance,  and  escort. 

A  foundation  like  this  shows  Basil's  practical  character ; 
he  diagnosed  the  real  character  of  the  evil,  and  struck  out 
the  cure ;  and,  as  we  believe,  his  foundation  became  so 
important  that  it  gradually  attracted  the  city  to  itself,  and 
the  ancient  site  is  now  deserted,  while  Basil's  site  is  the 
present  Kaisari.^ 

The  frequent  allusions  to  the  severity  of  winter  weather 
will  surprise  those  who  do  not  know  the  country.     Although 

^  See  Friedlander,  Sittengeschichie  Roms,  \i:,  p.  44. 

2  Translation  in  Palest.  Pilgrims'  Text  Society,  i.,  p.  163;  compare  p. 
21. 

3  A  irav^6x^iov  at  Constantina  in  Osrhoene,  B.  C.  H.,  1903,  p.  200,  was 
founded  in  514,  hotcllerie  ecclesiastique  pour  pelerins, 

25 


386  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

Cappadocia  does  not  lie  so  high,  and  the  winters  are  not  so 
severe,  as  in  Armenia,  yet  Caesareia  is  3,500  feet  above  sea- 
level,  and  the  border-land  between  the  valleys  of  the  Halys 
and  Sarus  and  Euphrates  is  a  good  deal  higher ;  and  at 
that  elevation  winter  is  long  and  hard.  Basil  speaks  of 
"  such  a  very  heavy  fall  of  snow  that  we  have  been  buried, 
houses  and  all,  beneath  it,  and  now  for  two  months  have 
been  living  in  dens  and  caves  "  {i.e.,  under  the  surface  of  the 
snow,  like  the  underground  dwellings — dens  and  caves — used 
in  some  parts  of  Cappadocia)  [Ep.  48).  Even  an  unusually 
mild  winter  "  was  quite  enough  to  keep  me  not  merely 
from  travelling  while  it  lasted,  but  even  from  so  much  as 
venturing  to  put  my  head  out  of  doors"  {Ep.  27).^ 

In  another  letter  he  mentions  that  "  we  have  had  a 
winter  of  such  severity  that  all  the  roads  were  blocked  till 
Easter"  {Ep.  198).  Again,  "the  road  to  Rome  is  wholly 
impracticable  in  winter"  {Ep.  215).  Even  a  meeting  with  the 
Bishop  of  Iconium  must  be  arranged  "at  a  season  suitable 
for  travelling"  {Ep.  191),  though  the  road  from  Czesareia 
to  Iconium  traverses  only  level  country  and  crosses  no  hills 
or  passes  except  that  of  the  Boz-Dagh,  about  600  feet 
above  the  plain. 

As  to  the  state  of  peace  and  order  in  the  country,  there 
are  many  indications  that  the  administration  of  government 
was  both  arbitrary,  weak  and  ineffective.  Basil  writes  to 
Candidianus,  the  governor  or  a  high  official  of  the  province 
Pontus,^  shortly  after  his  return  from  Athens,  probably 
about  A.D.  360,  asking  redress  for  a  serious  wrong:    the 

1  Contrast  with  this  the  account  given  of  a  modern  missionary  in  my 
Impressions  of  Turkey,  p.  222.  The  winter  weather  does  not  prevent 
travellers  of  Western  origin  from  going  about ;  but  the  Eastern  people  are 
not  great  travellers,  and  regard  winter  as  a  closed  season. 

2  Not  Cappadocia,  as  editors  think,  for  Annesi  was  in  Pontus. 


\      SL  Basil  the  Great  387 

house  on  his  farm  had  been  broken  into,  part  of  the  contents 
stolen,  and  his  servants  beaten,  by  a  band  of  rude  persons 
from  the  neighbouring  village  of  Annesi.  Basil  himself 
seems  to  have  been  living  at  the  time  in  his  retreat  in  the 
gorge  of  the  river  Iris,  near  the  farm.  The  farm  was 
managed  by  a  steward,  who  had  died  ;  and  a  creditor  in 
Annesi  had  taken  this  disorderly  way  of  recovering  a  debt 
which  he  claimed.  We  have,  of  course,  only  a  statement  of 
one  side  of  the  case ;  but  the  main  facts  cannot  be  doubted. 
We  are  struck,  however,  by  the  fact  that  Basil  makes  no 
attempt  to  get  redress  by  ordinary  process  of  law.  He 
writes  direct  to  a  high  officer,  and  asks  that,  as  a  punish- 
ment, the  man  be  "  apprehended  by  the  district  magistrate 
and  locked  up  for  a  short  period  in  the  jail".  Basil  had 
too  much  of  the  aristocratic  tone  to  take  proceedings  before 
the  district  magistrate  against  a  vulgar  rustic.  His  claim  is 
that  the  governor  should  act  at  once  on  his  representation, 
and  should  give  a  slight  lesson  to  the  neighbours  that  Basil 
was  not  a  person  whose  property  and  house  could  be  lightly 
insulted,  even  in  his  absence.  It  was  probably  after  this  event 
that  Basil  gave  the  use  of  the  estate  and  the  slaves  on  it  for 
life  to  his  foster-brother,  Dorotheos,  the  presbyter  of  the 
village,  reserving  to  himself  an  annual  rent  from  it  for  his 
support.  Mr.  Blomfield  Jackson  has  rightly  brought  out 
that  this  act  had  not  the  character,  which  has  often  been  at- 
tributed to  it,  of  a  total  renunciation  of  the  property.  Basil 
was  not  a  man  to  retire  wholly  from  the  world  and  live  in 
pure  asceticism.  He  recognised  rightly  the  duty  incumbent 
on  him  of  action  in  the  world ;  and  he  knew  that  he  could 
act  far  more  usefully,  if  he  were  not  in  a  position  of 
penury.  He  was  used  to  the  position  of  a  country  gentle- 
man with  means  and  influence ;  and  the  thought  of  abandon- 


388  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

ing  this  position  and  entering  on  a  life  of  real  poverty 
evidently  never  occurred  to  him  as  a  serious  possibility. 
When  the  assessment  on  the  property  was  raised,  he  pro- 
tested vigorously  and  asked  that  the  ancient  system  of  rating 
should  be  retained,  as  Dorotheos  might  throw  up  the  pro- 
perty, making  Basil  himself  responsible  for  the  whole  of  the 
rate  {Ep.  ^6). 

Gregory  Nazianzen  in  his  Panegyric  on  St.  Basil,  §  56, 
tells  how  "  the  assessor  of  a  judge  was  attempting  to  force 
into  a  distasteful  marriage  a  lady  of  high  birth,  whose 
husband  was  but  recently  dead,"  and  used  all  the  powers  of 
his  position  against  her  and  Basil,  who  was  trying  to  pro- 
tect her,  until  the  populace  rose  in  defence  of  their  bishop, 

especially  the  men  from  the  small-arms  factory  and  from  the 
imperial  weaving-sheds ;  for  men  at  work  in  these  trades  are 
specially  hot-tempered  and  daring,  because  of  the  liberty  allowed 
them.  Each  man  was  armed  with  the  tool  he  was  using,  or  with 
whatever  else  came  to  hand  at  the  moment.  Torch  in  hand, 
amid  showers  of  stones,  with  cudgels  ready,  all  ran  and  shouted 
together.  .  .  .  Nor  were  the  women  weaponless ;  .  .  .  they  were 
by  the  strength  of  their  eagerness  endowed  with  masculine 
courage. 

In  the  end  Basil's  help  alone  preserved  the  official  from 
their  violence. 

The  events  which  called  forth  Letters  72-73  illustrate  this 
subject.  They  seem  to  have  been  the  following,  though  the 
allusive  way  in  which  Basil  refers  to  what  was  familiar  to 
his  correspondents  makes  several  of  the  details  doubtful.  A 
certain  Callisthenes,  a  man  of  great  influence,  probably  an 
official  (see  p.  403),  resided  in  some  city  of  South-west 
Cappadocia.  At  Sasima  (the  town  of  which  Gregory 
Nazianzen  was    made   bishop,  much   against   his  will,  by 


St  Basil  the  Great  389 

Basil),  where  three  great  roads  met,  and  where  there  was, 
doubtless,  a  post-station  and  a  vast  amount  of  traffic  and 
travellers,  there  had  occurred  a  quarrel  between  Callisthenes 
and  a  set  of  slaves  belonging  to  Eustochius,  who  was  ap- 
parently a  merchant  residing  at  or  near  Caesareia.  Some 
dispute  about  precedence,  or  other  incident  of  travelling, 
caused  such  angry  feeling  that  the  slaves  had  even  used 
personal  violence  to  Callisthenes  ;  and  they  had  made  them- 
selves liable  to  some  serious  punishment.  Callisthenes 
seems  to  have  been  sole  arbiter  of  their  fate ;  and  the 
owners  of  the  slaves,  perhaps  a  trading  company  to  which 
Eustochius  belonged,  had  no  way  of  preventing  him  from 
exacting  the  extreme  penalty.  'Eustochius  appealed  to 
Basil,  who  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  secure  milder 
treatment  for  the  slaves.  He  wrote  to  Callisthenes  a  letter 
(not  preserved),  and  received  a  very  polite  reply,  couched 
in  that  Oriental  style  of  elaborate  courtesy  which  means 
nothing,  professing  to  leave  the  decision  with  Basil,  but 
insisting  that  the  slaves  should  come  to  Sasima  to  submit 
to  punishment,  and  giving  no  pledge  as  to  the  penalty 
which  would  satisfy  him.  Basil  replied,  acknowledging  the 
courtesy  of  the  letter,  but  pointing  out  clearly  that,  unless 
Callisthenes  gave  some  distinct  promise  before  the  slaves 
went  to  Sasima,  the  politeness  of  the  letter  was  merely  a 
matter  of  words.  He  allowed  that,  if  Callisthenes  insisted, 
the  slaves  must  go  to  Sasima  ;  but  he  hoped  and  begged 
that  Callisthenes  would  be  satisfied  with  their  appearance 
there  and  submission  to  his  will,  and  would  remit  further 
punishment.  Especially,  he  desired  a  promise  that  Callis- 
thenes would  himself  be  present  at  Sasima,  and  not  let 
himself  be  detained  by  business  on  the  road,  leaving  to 
others  the  exaction  of  the  legal  penalty.     This  desire  im- 


390  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

plies  that,  if  Callisthenes  were  not  present  to  remit  the 
penalty,  no  other  person  would  have  the  power  to  do  so  ; 
and  that  the  slaves  had  been  condemned  to  appear  and  suffer 
a  certain  punishment,  unless  Callisthenes  chose  to  be  satisfied 
with  less.  What  the  penalty  was  is  not  stated  by  Basil,  but 
his  language  implies  that  it  was  very  serious,  possibly  death. 
The  decree  had  apparently  been  pronounced  at  Caesareia, 
whither  Callisthenes  had  sent  a  soldier  to  demand  satisfac- 
tion, and  his  vigorous  complaint  at  headquarters  secured 
an  order  in  his  favour  from  the  governor  of  the  province, 

Basil  also  wrote  to  Hesychius,  who  lived  in  the  same  city 
as  Callisthenes,  and  was  apparently  an  official  of  the  Church. 
He  sent  a  deacon  to  carry  these  letters,  and  instructed  him 
to  take  other  steps  in  the  business.  The  amount  of  trouble 
which  Basil  took  furnishes  a  proof  of  the  interest  which  he 
felt  in  the  condition  of  slaves,  and  of  the  way  in  which  he 
was  ready  to  use  the  whole  strength  of  the  Church,  as  well 
as  his  own,  to  secure  milder  treatment  for  them  (see  p.  403). 

Complaints  about  the  burden  of  taxation  were  evidently 
often  made.  Thus  :  "  everything  nowadays  is  full  of  taxes 
demanded  and  called  in  .  .  .  for  even  the  Pythagoreans 
were  not  so  fond  of  their  Tetractys,  as  these  modern  tax- 
collectors  of  their  four-times-as-much  "  (a  rule  imposing  quad- 
ruple payment  for  arrears)  ;  an  estate  "  is  now  left  and 
abandoned  on  account  of  the  weight  of  the  rates  imposed 
on  it".  In  Epist.  no:  "give  orders  that  the  tax  paid  by 
the  inhabitants  of  iron-producing  Taurus  may  be  such  as  it 
is  possible  to  pay ".  A  new  system,  whereby  the  burdens 
on  the  clergy  were  much  increased,  is  referred  to  elsewhere. 
The  harsh  treatment  of  the  clergy  by  Maximus,  the  gover- 
nor of  Cappadocia,  is  complained  of.  The  governors  seem 
to  have  been  far  from  just  or  good.     We  hear  of  the  same 


S^.  Basil  the  Great  391 

Maximus,  persecuted  by  the  next  governor  of  Cappadocia, 
and  of  a  governor  in  Africa  so  bad  as  to  be  excommunicated 
by  the  Church.  The  arbitrary  conduct  of  governors,  in 
violation  of  formal  law  or  of  equity,  is  a  frequent  subject 
of  complaint. 

In  Epist.  54  we  learn  that  "  a  large  number  of  persons 
are  presenting  themselves  for  the  ministry  through  fear  of 
the  conscription  ".  The  strong  dislike  for  military  service, 
by  making  the  mass  of  the  people  entirely  incapable  of 
self-defence,  undoubtedly  rendered  them  an  easier  prey  to 
the  ravages  of  Parthians  and  afterwards  of  Saracens. 

As  to  the  conditions  of  labour,  we  learn  little  from  the 
works  here  translated,  though  there  are  materials  in  the 
other  works  for  a  much  more  elaborate  picture.  In  Epist. 
18  Basil  mentions  the  hired  labourers  engaged  on  a  farm 
during  the  heat  of  summer;  in  the  winter,  when  all  agri- 
cultural work  was  suspended,  they  would  not  be  needed. 
He  distinguishes  these  hired  farm-servants  from  the  agri- 
culturists proper,  some  of  whom  turned  to  other  industry 
during  the  winter,  like  the  father  of  Eunomius.  The  slaves 
who  cultivated  such  estates  as  Basil's  at  Annesi  must  be 
distinguished  from  both  hired  labourers  and  free  agriculturists. 

Famine-relief  operations  were  organised  by  the  Church 
officials ;  for  scarcity  seems  to  have  been  common.  Basil 
says  that  "  the  dearth  is  still  with  us,  and  I  am  therefore 
compelled  to  remain  where  I  am,  partly  by  the  duty  of  dis- 
tribution, and  partly  out  of  sympathy  for  the  distressed" 
{Ep.  31).  The  letter  is  ordinarily  assigned  to  A.D.  369,  and 
was  certainly  earlier  than  the  death  of  Eusebius,  Bishop 
of  Caesareia,  in  A.D.   370.^     It  was  followed  by  a  long  and 

^  This  famine  and  the  relief  operations  are  also  described  by  Gregory 
Nazianzen,  Panegyric,  §§  34-36. 


392  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

severe  scarcity  which  was  raging  at  Nazianzus  in  A.D.  373, 
when  Gregory  Nazianzen  delivered  his  Oration  xvi.  to  his 
suffering  and  terrified  congregation. 

It  is  a  highly  elaborated  and  artificial  civilisation  that  is 
set  before  us  in  these  works ;  but  there  are  many  signs  of 
the  bad  administration,  which  went  from  bad  to  worse  dur- 
ing the  following  century  and  a  half,  until  Justinian  made  a 
great  and  noble  effort  to  reform  the  whole  executive.  His 
Novellce  present  a  terrible  picture  of  provincial  oppression 
and  misgovernment ;  ^  but  a  rigorous  diagnosis  of  the  evil, 
such  as  is  there  given,  is  the  first  step  towards  improvement. 
Whether  the  changes  in  the  executive  which  he  made  were 
ill-advised,  or  the  evil  was  too  deeply  seated  to  be  reached 
by  changes  on  the  surface,  little  permanent  improvement 
was  attained  ;  but  the  attempt  which  was  made  to  cure  the 
evil,  as  well  as  the  unsparing  statement  of  its  character  and 
causes,  deserve  different  treatment  from  the  brief  paragraph 
of  unlimited  condemnation,  in  which  Gibbon  sums  up  the 
character  of  the  Novellce  in  his  chapter  xliv.,  quoting  and 
apparently  endorsing  the  opinion  of  Montesquieu,  that  "  these 
incessant  and  for  the  most  part  trifling  alterations  can  be 
only  explained  by  the  venal  spirit  of  a  prince,  who  sold  with- 
out shame  his  judgments  and  his  laws  ".  Change  was  urgently 
necessary,  both  on  the  surface  and  at  the  heart.  In  St. 
Basil  of  Caesareia  we  have  a  great  administrator,  whose 
plans  of  cure  for  the  deeper  evils  affecting  his  country  were 
wise  and  statesmanlike,  though,  as  was  natural,  too  purely 
ecclesiastical  to  be  complete.  But  he  could  make  no  pro- 
vision to  ensure  a  succession  of  Basils.     The  Roman  Empire 

'  Entirely  confirmed  by  other  evidence,  e.g.,  an  inscription  recently  found 
in  Pisidia  of  the  year  527  (Bulletin  de  Corrcsp.  HelUnigue,  1893,  p.  501 
ff.). 


5/.  Basil  the  Great  393 

had  too  much  neglected  its  duty  of  creating  a  sufficient 
educational  system  for  the  people;  and  the  society  of  the 
Roman  Provinces  was  not  fertile  and  vigorous  enough  to 
produce  a  series  of  men  like  Basil. 

Twelve  years  ago,  the  greatest  of  living  historians,  Pro- 
fessor Theodor  Mommsen,  said  to  the  present  writer  that,  if 
he  were  now  beginning  a  new  life  of  scholarship,  he  would 
take  up  the  period  between  Diocletian  and  Justinian.  The 
scholar  who  devotes  himself  to  that  period  will  be  filled  with 
a  growing  admiration  for  Basil ;  and  he  will  recognise  the 
merits  and  the  scholarly  insight  of  the  books  which  we  have 
taken  as  the  text  of  this  paper.  Any  ambitious  young 
scholar,  who  wishes  to  do  real  service  by  increasing  our 
knowledge  of  past  history,  will  find  here  an  open  field  ;  and 
he  could  not  better  begin  than  by  a  systematic  study  of  the 
society  presented  to  us  in  the  pages  of  the  three  great  Fathers. 
The  voluminous  writings  of  the  three  contemporary  Cap- 
padocians,  Basil  and  the  two  Gregories,  apart  from  the 
purely  theological  and  ecclesiastical  interest,  possess  a  high 
value  as  storing  up  many  facts  about  the  state  of  society 
and  of  education,  about  the  administration  and  law  of  the 
late  Roman  Empire  as  practically  affecting  the  people,  about 
the  taxpayers'  views  on  taxation,  the  travellers'  views  as  to 
the  roads  and  the  seasons,  the  householder's  views  on  the 
safety  of  his  property,  the  merchants'  and  the  investors' 
views  on  the  public  credit  and  the  standard  of  commercial 
honesty  ;  in  short,  about  the  ordinary  life  of  a  highly  organ- 
ised community,  in  which  the  Oriental  style  of  society  and 
manners  was  being  replaced  by  the  European ;  and,  above 
all,  they  show  us  the  views  entertained  by  three  men  of 
power  and  education  as  to  the  duties  of  the  Church  in  its 
relation  to  all  these  various  interests.     A  study  of  the  three 


394  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

great  Cappadocians  from  this  point  of  view  would  make  a 
most  instructive  and  interesting  work. 

After  this  glance  at  the  times  and  surroundings  of  Basil, 
it  is  fair  to  look  at  the  man  himself. 

He  was  probably  the  most  vigorous,  striking  and  manly 
figure  in  the  Church  of  Asia  Minor  under  the  Empire  of 
Constantinople,  though  some  blemishes  of  temper  and  of 
pride  have  combined  with  a  certain  hardness  and  want  of 
sympathy  in  his  nature  to  render  him  an  object  of  less 
interest  in  history  than  he  deserves.  Mr.  Jackson's  trans- 
lation is  at  once  pleasant  to  read  as  English,  and  true  to 
the  letter  and  to  the  spirit  of  the  original ;  and  we  may 
hope  that  it  will  succeed  (as  it  deserves)  in  drawing  more 
attention  on  the  part  of  classical  scholars  to  the  varied 
interest  of  the  Christian  writers  of  the  period  in  question. 

In  Mr.  Jackson's  prolegomena  we  have  a  careful  account 
of  the  life  of  Basil,  and  a  very  full  account  of  the  works 
which  are  not  translated  here.  In  the  biography,  the  results 
of  earlier  writers,  Tillemont  and  Maran  (the  Benedictine 
editor),  are  worked  up ;  and  there  is  added  to  them  a  much 
more  precise  localisation  of  the  scenes,  in  which  recent  geo- 
graphical discoveries  are  utilised.  Naturally,  however,  the 
biography  is  secondary  to  the  translation ;  and  there  is  still 
need  for  a  careful  study  of  the  life  of  Basil  and  for  a  more 
exact  determination  of  the  dates  of  his  letters  as  well  as  of 
the  larger  works.  Several  interesting  incidents  in  his  history 
seem  to  me  not  to  have  been  properly  understood ;  and  the 
dates  assigned  to  some  letters  by  the  Benedictine  editor  (and 
accepted  by  Mr.  Jackson)  are  in  several  cases  not  convincing 
and  even  quite  unsatisfactory.^     While  we  cannot  enter  on 

'The  biography  of  Basil  in  Dictionary  of  Christian  Biography,  meritori- 
ous and  useful  as  it  is,  is  too  much  guided  by  the  earlier  modern  authorities. 


S^.  Basil  the  Great  395 

any  such  wider  questions  within  our  narrow  limits,  we  may 
profitably  devote  some  few  pages  here  to  studying,  under 
the  guidance  of  Mr.  Jackson,  a  few  passages  which  bring 
out  some  personal  characteristics  of  "  St.  Basil  the  Great "  ; 
and,  at  the  same  time,  the  quotations  will  exemplify  the 
spirit  and  excellence  of  the  translation  in  this  volume. 

The  letter  which  faced  me,  as  I  first  opened  the  volume, 
No.  135,  may  be  taken  as  a  specimen,  selected  at  random, 
of  the  translation  and  of  Basil's  expression.  Basil  acknow- 
ledges two  books  which  Diodorus,  Presbyter  of  Antioch 
(afterwards  Bishop  of  Tarsus),  had  sent  him  for  perusal. 
"  With  the  second,"  he  says,  "  I  was  delighted,  not  only 
with  its  brevity  .  .  .  but  because  it  is  at  once  full  of  thought 
and  so  arranged  that  the  objections  of  opponents  and  the 
answers  to  them  stand  out  distinctly.  .  .  .  The  former 
work,  which  has  practically  the  same  force,  but  is  much  more 
elaborately  adorned  with  rich  diction,  many  figures,  and 
niceties  of  dialogue,  seems  to  me  to  require  considerable  time 
to  read  and  much  mental  labour,  both  to  gather  its  meaning 
and  retain  it  in  the  memory.  The  abuse  of  our  opponents 
and  the  support  of  our  own  side,  which  are  thrown  in,  al- 
though they  may  seem  to  add  some  charms  of  dialectic  to  the 
treatise,  do  yet  break  the  continuity  of  the  thought  and 
weaken  the  strength  of  the  argument  by  causing  interruption 
and  delay.  ...  If  the  subject  of  the  dialogue  be  wide  and 
general,  digressions  against  persons  interrupt  its  continuity 
and  tend  to  no  good  end.  ...  So  much  I  have  written  to 
prove  that  you  did  not  send  your  work  to  a  flatterer,  .  .  • 
I  have,  however,  now  sent  back  the  larger  and  earlier  of  the 
two  volumes,  after  perusing  it  as  far  as  I  have  been  able.^ 

1  The  effect  of  this  rather  suggestive  statement  is  toned  down  in  the 
original  by  a  sentence  here  omitted  about  Basil's  weak  health. 


396  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

The  second  I  have  retained  with  the  wish  to  transcribe  it, 
but  hitherto  without  finding  any  quick  writer."  ^ 

This  letter  conveys  a  very  favourable  impression  (and  a 
correct  impression)  of  Basil's  tone  to  his  friends,  and  to 
those  who  thought  like  himself:  it  is  judicious  in  its 
criticism,  pointed  and  simple  in  expression,  polite  and 
kindly  in  tone;  it  advises  without  assumption,  and  en- 
courages without  flattering. 

Everywhere  the  warmth  of  Basil's  affection  for  friends 
and  relatives,  and  the  pleasant  recollection  of  old  associa- 
tions, combined  with  his  good  sense  and  lofty  tone,  con- 
vey a  most  favourable  impression.  Take  a  few  examples : 
"  One  would  rather  see  his  friend,  though  angry  with  him, 
than  anybody  else,  flattering  him.  Do  not,  then,  cease 
preferring  charges  like  the  last !  The  very  charge  will 
mean  a  letter ;  and  nothing  can  be  more  precious  or  de- 
lightful to  me"  {Ep.  21).  Or  this:  "Now  for  my  sins,  I 
have  lost  my  mother,  the  only  comfort  I  had  in  life.  Do 
not  smile  if,  old  as  I  am,  I  lament  my  orphanhood.  For- 
give me  if  I  cannot  endure  separation  from  a  soul,  to 
compare  with  whom  I  see  nothing  in  the  future  that  lies 
before  me.  So  once  more  my  complaints  have  come  back 
to  me ;  once  more  I  am  confined  to  my  bed,  tossing  about 
in  my  weakness,  and  every  hour  all  but  looking  for  the 
end  of  life"  {Ep.  30).  Or  again,  these  recollections  of 
childhood  from  Ep.  271:  "To  travel  once  again  in 
memory  to  our  young  days,  and  to  be  reminded  of  old 
times,  when  for  both  of  us  there  was  one  home,  one  hearth, 

1  This  shows  a  rather  low  standard  of  the  book-trade  in  Cassarea,  one  of 
the  greatest  commercial  cities  of  the  East.  Without  such  scribes,  the 
publication  of  an  edition  of  a  book  was  impossible.  A  similar  statement  is 
made  by  Gregory  Nyss. ,  Ep.  15  (Migne). 


St,  Basil  the  Great  397 

the  same  schoolmaster,  the  same  leisure,  the  same  work, 
the  same  treats,  the  same  hardships,  and  everything  shared 
in  common !  What  do  you  think  I  would  not  have  given 
to  recall  all  this  by  actually  meeting  you,  to  rid  me  of  the 
heavy  weight  of  my  old  age,  and  to  seem  to  be  turned  from 
an  old  man  into  a  lad  again  ! " 

But  it  was  not  pleasant  to  be  on  the  opposite  side  from 
Basil.  Speaking  of  the  Arians,  he  is  hardly  to  be  trusted 
even  as  to  facts.  He  felt  too  bitterly ;  and  he  exaggerated 
so  rhetorically,  that  his  words  cannot  be  taken  literally. 
Thus  in  Ep.  242  he  declares  that  in  the  thirteen  years  of 
Arian  persecution  "  the  Churches  have  suffered  more  tribu- 
lations than  all  those  that  are  on  record  since  Christ's 
gospel  was  first  preached  " — an  utterly  unjustifiable  state- 
ment (against  which  Mr.  Jackson  rightly,  perhaps  too 
mildly,  protests,  as  "not  to  be  taken  literally").  The 
harsh  and  rude  invective  which  Basil  uses  about  his 
opponents  is  the  fault  of  his  age,  and,  while  we  regret  it, 
we  cannot  wonder  at  it. 

Difficult,  however,  as  it  is  to  appreciate  the  real  character 
of  the  Arian  controversy  as  a  question  of  social  life,  on 
the  whole  we  gather,  I  think,  that  the  progressive  ten- 
dencies were  on  the  side  of  Basil,  and  acquiescence  in 
the  existing  standard  of  morality  characterised  the  Arian 
point  of  view.  The  "  Orthodox "  Church  was  still  the 
champion  of  higher  aspirations,  and  Basil,  however  harsh 
he  was  to  all  who  differed  from  him,  was  an  ennobling  and 
upward-struggling  force  in  the  life  of  his  time.  At  a  later 
period  the  facts  changed;  and,  in  the  Iconoclast  period, 
the  sympathy  of  the  modern  student  must,  I  think,  be 
almost  wholly  against  the  successors  of  Basil,  and  in  favour 
of  the  maligned  and  despised  heretics. 


398  Xy.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

The  contest  in  which  Basil  was  involved  against  the 
Imperial  power  in  regard  to  the  division  of  Cappadocia  into 
two  provinces  produced  the  most  striking  scenes  of  his  life, 
and  displayed  both  his  strongest  qualities  and  his  worst 
faults  of  character.  The  questions  at  issue  in  this  contest 
seem  not  to  have  been  correctly  apprehended  by  writers  on 
the  life  of  Basil.  The  policy  of  the  Byzantine  rule  had 
been  uniformly  directed  to  subdividing  the  great  provinces, 
and  thus  diminishing  the  power  of  provincial  governors. 
Subdivision  was  the  natural  result  of  the  centralisation  of 
authority,  the  exaggeration  of  the  power  of  the  court,  and 
the  diminishing  of  the  power  of  officials  at  a  distance  from 
the  court.  Cappadocia  was  by  far  the  largest  of  the  pro- 
vinces;  its  turn  had  now  come  to  be  subdivided,  and  in  371 
the  Arian  Emperor  Valens  resolved  on  this  step.  He  may 
probably  have  been  roused  to  it  by  the  fact  that  the  influ- 
ence of  Caesareia,  under  its  vigorous  and  uncompromising 
"  orthodox  "  bishop,  was  dead  against  his  ecclesiastical  policy. 
It  was  natural  that  he  should  wish  to  diminish  that  influence ; 
but  in  itself  the  subdivision  would  naturally  have  been  soon 
made  even  by  an  orthodox  emperor ;  and  at  a  later  time 
Justinian  divided  Cappadocia  into  three  parts.  The  bias  of 
Valens  was  shown,  however,  by  his  leaving  the  smaller  part 
of  Cappadocia  to  the  metropolis  Caesareia,  and  making  the 
new  province  of  Secunda  Cappadocia  decidedly  larger.  The 
officials  who  lived  at  Caesareia,  and  the  business  which  came 
to  it,  were  much  diminished,  as  the  province  of  which  it  was 
the  metropolis  shrank  to  less  than  half  its  former  size.  The 
city,  naturally,  regarded  the  change  with  dismay,  and  pro- 
tested strongly.  Basil  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost ;  but 
the  three  letters  which  he  wrote  intreating  the  intercession  of 
certain  influential  persons  with  Valens  in  favour  pf  Caesareia, 


SL  Basil  the  Great  399 

are  among  the  poorest  in  the  collection.^  They  are  inflated 
and  exaggerated  in  their  description  of  the  loss  that  would 
result  to  Caesareia ;  they  show  no  appreciation  either  on  the 
one  hand  of  the  real  causes  that  recommended  the  subdivision, 
or  on  the  other  of  the  weighty  reasons  that  might  have  been 
urged  against  the  centralising  policy.  In  fact  the  whole 
system  of  the  Orthodox  Church  was  in  favour  of  centralisa- 
tion ;  and  Basil  himself  would  have  been  the  most  vigorous 
supporter  of  that  policy  in  any  case  where  it  did  not  affect 
his  own  city  and  his  own  archbishopric.  He  could  not  argue 
on  strong  grounds  against  the  change,  for  his  whole  system 
of  thought  debarred  him  from  those  grounds,  and  his  protests 
are  weak  and  hysterical. 

The  true  greatness  of  Basil,  however,  shone  forth  im- 
mediately afterwards,  when  Valens  came  to  Caesareia.  The 
archbishop  triumphantly  resisted  the  efforts  made  by  the 
creatures  of  Valens  to  overawe  him  and  bend  him  to  the 
will  of  the  Arian  Emperor.  Valens  himself  was  not  blind  to 
the  nobility  and  dignity  of  Basil's  character;  he  left  the 
archbishop  in  secure  possession  of  his  rank  and  the  freedom 
of  his  opinions ;  he  attended  Divine  service  performed  by 
him  in  the  cathedral ;  he  held  private  conference  with  him  ; 
and  he  gave  land  ^  to  endow  Basil's  new  foundation,  the 
hospital,  etc.,  near  Caesareia.     Considering  how  bitter  was 

^  E^p.  74,  75,  76.  The  first  is  addressed  to  Martinianus,  who  had  some 
personal  friendship  with  Basil ;  otherwise  he  is  unknown,  but  he  evidently 
was  not  a  Cappadocian  official.  The  profusion  of  literary  allusions  in  the 
letter,  and  the  compliments  to  the  knowledge  of  history  and  of  mankind  that 
Martinianus  possessed,  suggest  that  he  was  a  philosopher  or  man  of  letters. 
He  evidently  lived  at  some  distance  both  from  Constantinople  and  from  Cap- 
padocia.  Mr.  Jackson's  statement  that  he  was  an  official  of  Cappadocia 
rests  on  no  ancient  authority,  and  seems  to  me  not  to  suit  the  letter. 

^  Mr.  Jackson's  suggestion  that  they  were  part  of  the  Imperial  estate  of 
Macellum,  beside  Caesareia,  is  very  probable. 


/' 


400  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

the  quarrel  at  this  time  between  the  Arian  and  the  orthodox 
party,  Valens  deserves  more  credit  in  this  case  than  he  has 
generally  received.  But,  as  to  Basil,  every  one  must  say, 
with  Mr.  Jackson,  that  "his  attitude  seems  to  have  been 
dignified  without  personal  haughtiness,  and  to  have  shown 
sparks  of  that  quiet  humour  which  is  rarely  exhibited  in 
great  emergencies  except  by  men  who  are  conscious  of  right 
and  careless  of  consequences  to  self". 

But,  in  the  following  months,  the  quarrel  with  Anthimus, 
Bishop  of  Tyana,  the  metropolis  of  the  new  province  of 
Cappadocia  Secunda,  shows  Basil  at  his  worst.  He  struggled 
to  maintain  his  former  rights  over  the  churches  and  mon- 
asteries of  the  new  province  with  undignified  pertinacity. 
He  created  new  bishoprics,  not  on  account  of  the  needs  of 
the  Church,  but  to  increase  the  number  of  his  supporters 
and  their  weight ;  and  his  old  friend  Gregory  of  Nazianzos 
could  hardly  forget  or  forgive  the  way  in  which  Basil  used 
him  for  his  own  purposes  by  almost  forcing  him  to  become 
Bishop  of  Sasima,  one  of  these  new  sees.  He  went  in  person 
to  collect  the  revenues  of  St.  Orestes  (what  Gregory  calls 
sarcastically  his  "  supply  of  sucking-pigs  and  poultry  from 
St.  Orestes  "),  and  his  servants  came  almost  to  a  battle  with 
those  of  his  rival.  Basil  certainly  would  have  justified  his 
action  in  the  same  terms  that  Innocent,  Bishop  of  Rome, 
used  shortly  afterwards,  about  408,  that  it  was  not  right 
that  the  Church  of  God  should  be  altered  to  suit  the  changes 
of  this  world.^  But  every  attempt  made  to  maintain  that 
principle,  fine  as  it  seems  in  words,  was  a  failure  under  the 
Empire,  and  must  be  a  failure.  The  classification  of  dioceses 
was  not  of  the  essence  of  the  Church  ;  it  naturally  and  pro- 
perly varied  with  the  changes  of  society,  and  prosperity,  and 
'  SeelHistorical  Geography  0/  Aiia  Mi'ioy,  p.  93. 


SL  Basil  the  Great  401 

political  arrangement.  The  reason  why  Caesareia  had  been 
an  ecclesiastical  centre  lay  originally  in  its  being  the  political 
capital,  and  therefore  the  natural  centre  from  which  the 
province  could  best  be  affected  and  its  churches  directed. 
But,  when  Tyana  had  become  the  metropolis  of  considerable 
part  of  Cappadocia,  it  was  merely  introducing  confusion  to 
maintain  that  the  cities  of  that  province  should  look  to 
Caesareia  ecclesiastically,  when  they  must  look  to  Tyana  in 
political,  legal  and  social  respects.  Neither  Anthimus  nor 
Basil  showed  in  this  case  true  dignity,  or  self-respect,  or  the 
respect  due  to  a  colleague  ;  but,  while  no  one  cares  about 
Anthimus,  it  is  painful  to  those  who  respect  and  admire  a 
great  man  to  read  about  Basil's  action,  and  above  all  to  read 
his  condemnation  in  the  estrangement  of  his  old  friend 
Gregory,  who  had  at  first  supported  him  in  the  case. 

Many  touches  of  the  raillery  which  became  rude  and 
unpleasant  towards  his  opponents,^  appear  in  a  much  more 
pleasant  style  when  he  writes  to  his  friends. 

He  has  found  out  that  "  there  does  seem  something 
thinner  than  I  was — I  am  thinner  than  ever  ". 

In  Ep.  4  he  acknowledges  a  gift  under  the  guise  of  a 
complaint  that  the  giver  is  "  evicting  from  our  retreat  my 
dear  friend  and  nurse  of  philosophy.  Poverty", 

Twitting  Gregory  with  the  shortness  of  his  letters,  he 
says,  "  The  letter  is  shown  to  be  yours,  not  so  much  by  the 
writing  as  by  the  style  of  the  communication  :  in  few  words 
much  is  expressed  ". 

The  tone  of  these  quotations  doubtless  gives  the  key  to 
explain  the  rather  enigmatic  Ep.  i,  where  he  speaks  as  if 
his  travels  through  Syria  and  Egypt  had  been  undertaken 

lAs  when  {Ep.  231)  he  calls  one  (perhaps  Demosthenes,  the  agent  of 
Valens)  "  the  fat  sea-monster  "  and  "  the  old  muleteer  ". 

26 


402  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

for  the  single  purpose  of  meeting  Eustathius,  the  philosopher 
to  whom  the  letter  is  addressed. 

In  Ep.  56,  apologising  for  leaving  a  letter  unanswered 
until  his  correspondent  wrote  again,  he  says,  "I  naturally 
forget  very  easily,  and  I  have  had  lately  many  things  to  do, 
and  so  my  natural  infirmity  is  increased.  I  have  no  doubt, 
therefore,  that  you  wrote  to  me,  although  I  have  no  recol- 
lection of  having  received  any  letter  from  your  excellency. 
.  .  .  Really  this  letter  of  mine,  as  it  is  more  than  twice 
as  bulky  (as  yours),  will  fulfil  a  double  purpose.  You  see 
to  what  sophisms  my  idleness  [surely  laziness]  drives  me. 
.  .  .  But,  my  dear  sir,  do  not  in  a  few  words  bring  serious 
charges,  indeed  the  most  serious  of  all.  Forgetfulness  of 
one's  friends,  and  neglect  of  them  arising  from  high  place, 
are  faults  which  involve  every  kind  of  wrong.  ...  I  shall 
begin  to  forget  you  when  I  cease  to  know  myself.  Never, 
then,  think  that,  because  a  man  is  a  very  busy  man  he  is  a 
man  of  faulty  character." 

The  dignity,  mingled  with  humility  and  desire  for  peace, 
shown  in  the  two  letters  to  his  uncle  Gregory,  59,  60,  may 
be  referred  to  as  illustrating  the  graver  and  loftier  side  of 
his  character. 

As  examples  of  the  sound  and  high  judgment,  which 
placed  him  on  the  right  side  in  most  great  social  questions, 
we  may  quote  the  opinion  which,  when  he  writes  to  a  phy- 
sician, he  states  about  his  profession  as  being  at  the  head 
and  front  of  life's  pursuits  (see  p.  380). 

He  refers  in  Ep.  191  with  longing  admiration  to  the 
hospitable  intercourse  which  "  was  once  the  boast  of  the 
Church.  Brothers  from  each  Church,  travelling  from  one 
end  of  the  world  to  the  other,  were  provided  with  little 
tokens,  and  found  all  men  fathers  and  brothers.     But  now," 


Si(.  Basil  the  Great  403 

he  says,  "we  are  confined  each  in  his  own  city,  and  every 
one  looks  at  his  neighbour  with  distrust ". 

Basil  was  ready  to  defend  the  weak  against  the  strong. 
In  Ep.  73  he  uses  the  whole  influence  of  his  position  and 
of  the  Church  to  save  some  slaves  from  harsh  punishment 
at  the  hands  of  Callisthenes,  a  government  official  ^  to  whom 
they  had  behaved  rudely.  "Though  you  have  sworn  to 
deliver  them  to  execution  as  the  law  enjoins,  my  rebuke  is 
still  of  no  less  value,  nor  is  the  Divine  law  of  less  account 
than  the  laws  current  in  the  world."     See  p.  388. 

Basil's  tone  in  addressing  women  lacks  the  charming  ease 
that  generally  characterises  his  letters  to  his  male  corre- 
spondents. An  illustration  is  supplied  in  the  two  letters 
which  he  addressed  to  Nectarius,  a  noble  of  Cilicia,  and 
his  wife,  on  the  death  of  their  only  son.  The  letter  to 
Nectarius  (No.  5),  in  spite  of  the  rhetorical  touch  (which 
may  be  pardoned,  as  it  stands  alone),  "  if  all  the  streams 
run  tears,  they  will  not  adequately  weep  our  woe,"  is  very 
fine,  and  the  conclusion  is  charming,  "  Let  us  wait  a  little 
while,  and  we  shall  be  once  more  with  him.  The  time  of 
our  separation  is  not  long,  for  in  this  life  we  are  all  like 
travellers  on  a  journey,  hastening  on  to  the  same  shelter " ; 
and  so  on  in  terms  that  have  now  become,  through  famili- 
arity and  repetition,  less  impressive  than  they  were  to  Basil's 
contemporaries.  But  the  letter  to  the  bereaved  mother  is 
far  inferior.  "  Alas,  for  the  mighty  mischief  that  the  contact 
with  an  evil  demon  was  able  to  wreak.  Earth !  what  a 
calamity  thou  hast  been  compelled  to  sustain !  If  the  sun 
had  any  feeling,  one  would  think  he  might  have  shuddered," 
etc.     After  these  bombastic  commonplaces  of  rhetoric,  he 

1  He  is  shown  to  be  an  official  by  his  having  the  power  to  send  a  soldier 
to  Cfflsareia  with  a  message  on  the  subject. 


404  XV.  Life  in  the  Days  of 

addresses  the  bereaved  mother  in  almost  equally  frigid  con- 
solations, "  When  first  you  were  made  a  mother,  .  .  .  you 
knew  that,  a  mortal  yourself,  you  had  given  birth  to  a  mortal. 
What  is  there  astonishing  in  the  death  of  a  mortal  ?  .  .  . 
Look  round  at  all  the  world  in  which  you  live ;  remember 
that  everything  you  see  is  mortal,  and  all  subject  to  cor- 
ruption. Look  up  to  heaven,  even  it  shall  be  dissolved  ; 
look  at  the  sun,  not  even  the  sun  will  last  for  ever.  All  the 
stars  together,"  etc.,  etc.,  "are  subject  to  decay."  In  the 
early  part  of  the  letter  Basil  says,  "  I  know  what  a  mother's 
heart  is " ;  but  Mr.  Jackson,  in  his  note  on  the  words,  well 
remarks  that  the  mother  might  have  replied  in  the  words  of 
Constance  to  Pandulph :  "  He  talks  to  me  that  never  had  a 
son  ".  A  certain  externality  and  hardness  of  tone  character- 
ises the  letter,  and  makes  it  more  of  a  rhetorical  exercise 
than  a  spontaneous  outburst  of  sympathy. 

A  few  passages  occur  to  me  in  which  it  may  be  doubted 
whether  Mr.  Jackson  has  fully  caught  the  meaning.  For 
example,  Ep.  8,  i,  when,  evidently,  Basil  is  replying  to  a 
letter  of  the  people  of  Caesareia,  asking  him  to  return  from 
his  sojourn  with  Gregory,  he  says :  "  Give  me,  therefore,  I 
beg  you,  a  little  time.  I  am  not  embracing  a  city  life." 
Mr.  Jackson  adds  the  note:  ''i.e.,  the  life  of  the  city,  pre- 
sumably Nazianzus,  from  which  he  is  writing  ".  But  surely 
a  person  who  writes  to  the  great  city  of  Caesareia  from  the 
small  town  of  Nazianzus,  and  speaks  of  "  city  life  "  {rr)v  iv 
Tat<t  TToXeo-fc  ScaTpi^tjv),  must  be  referring  to  life  in  Caesareia, 
not  life  in  Nazianzus.  Moreover,  I  cannot  doubt,  both  from 
the  context  and  the  localities,  that  Basil  was  at  the  moment 
dwelling,  not  in  Nazianzus,  but  in  Carbala  or  Caprales  (still 
called  Gelvere),  where  Gregory's  home  was  situated,  where 
he  was  (as  he  intimates)  enjoying  the  life  of  retirement  and 


SL  Basil  the  Great  405 

contemplation,  and  where  to  this  day  the  memorials  of 
Gregory  are  preserved,  and  the  rock-cells  mark  the  abode  of 
many  hermits  in  the  succeeding  ages.^  I  should  venture  to 
suggest  that  a  thought  has  been  left  unexpressed  by  Basil 
from  brevity  and  rapidity,  and  that  the  sense  is,  "  a  little 
time,  pray,  a  little  time  grant  me,  I  beg ;  [and  then  I  shall 
come  to  you,]  not  welcoming  the  life  of  cities  (for  I  am  quite 
well  aware  of  the  danger  caused  to  the  soul  in  that  life),  but 
judging  that  the  society  of  the  saints  [as  contrasted  with  the 
solitary  life  of  the  hermit]  is  the  most  practically  useful. 
[But  grant  me  the  delay,]  for  in  the  constant  free  interchange 
of  ideas  [with  '  Gregory,  Christ's  mouth ']  I  am  acquiring  a 
deep-seated  habit  of  contemplation."  Elsewhere,  also,  Basil 
declares  plainly  his  opinion  that  the  life  of  action  and  public 
work  is  the  more  honourable,  as  it  is  the  more  wearisome  and 
difficult  and  unpleasant  side  of  the  truly  religious  life. 

As  another  example,  take  Ep.  190,  §1  :  "  The  most  care- 
less observer  must  at  once  perceive  that  it  is  in  all  respects 
more  advantageous  for  care  and  anxiety  to  be  divided  among 
several  bishops  ",  This  reads  like  a  general  maxim  intended 
for  wide  application ;  but  the  Greek  seems  to  me  to  need  a 
different  sense,  applying  solely  to  the  case  of  Isaura,  now 
under  consideration,  "  it  is  more  advantageous  that  the  care 
of  the  district  be  divided  -  among  several  bishops ".  The 
case,  which  had  been  referred  to  Basil  by  Amphilochius,  Arch- 

^  The  exact  localisation  of  the  home  of  Gregory,  on  the  estate  Arianzos, 
beside  the  village  Carbala  (or  Caprales,  Basil,  Ep.  30S),  about  eight  miles 
south-west  of  Nazianzus  (now  called  Nenizi),  is  made  in  Historical  Geography 
of  Asia  Minor,  p.  286  ;  see  also  Sir  C.  Wilson's  Handbook  to  Asia  Minor,  etc. 
(Murray),  p.  169.  The  modern  village  of  Gelvere  is  built  in  the  Tiberina, 
described  by  Gregory  Naz.,  Ep.  6,  7,  a  narrow,  rocky,  picturesque  glen,  like 
a  hole  in  the  plain  (4,500  feet  above  sea-level),  "  the  very  pit  of  the  whole 
earth,"  as  Basil  calls  it  (Ep.  14). 

^eis  TrAeiovas  iwt(TK6Trovs  KaraSiaipeOriyat  rijy  fiipi/xvav. 


4o6  XV.   S^.  Basil  the  Great 

bishop  of  Iconium,  for  advice,  was  a  remarkable  one.  The 
large  district  round  the  great  city  Isaura  had  fallen  into  utter 
disorganisation  (probably  owing  to  the  unruly  character  of  the 
Isaurians,  who  were  frequently  in  rebellion).  Several  bishops 
were  needed  for  the  care  of  so  large  a  district.  Basil  would 
prefer  that  a  bishop  for  the  city  should  first  be  appointed,  who 
might  afterwards  associate  others  with  himself,  as  his  ex- 
perience showed  him  that  they  might  be  most  usefully  placed. 
But,  owing  to  the  danger  that  the  bishop  might  be  tempted 
by  ambition  to  rule  over  a  larger  diocese,  and  might  not  con- 
sent to  the  ordination  of  others,  he  felt  it  safer  to  appoint  in 
the  first  place  bishops  {it poiG-ra^xevovi)  to  the  small  towns  or 
villages  which  were  formerly  the  seats  of  bishops,  and  there- 
after to  select  the  bishop  of  the  city.^  We  have  here  a  good 
example  of  the  decay  of  bishoprics  in  political  troubles,  of 
the  revival  of  disused  bishoprics,  and  of  the  trouble  that 
might  be  caused  by  an  ambitious  prelate. 

Some  other  examples  have  struck  me  where  opinions  as 
to  the  meaning  are  likely  to  differ.  But  when  we  consider 
how  little  care  has  been  devoted  to  the  elucidation  of  Basil, 
and  contrast  it  with  the  voluminous  studies  that  have  con- 
tributed to  the  long  and  difficult  growth  of  the  interpretation 
of  Horace,  or  Virgil,  or  Sophocles,  we  can  better  appreciate 
the  difficulties  that  Mr.  Jackson  had  to  face,  and  better  esti- 
mate the  gratitude  we  owe  him. 

1  On  the  desire  of  bishops  to  extend  their  authority  over  smaller  cities 
and  to  diminish  the  number  of  bishops,  see  Studies  in  the  History  and  Art  of 
the  Eastern  Provinces  (Hoddcr  &  Stoughton,  1906),  p.  28  f. 


INDEX 


I 


Paul- 
Age  of,  37,  67,  362. 

Author  of  Colossiaits,  302. 

Character  as  painted  by  Mr.  Bar- 
ing-Gould, 325  ff. 

Chronology,  67,  345-65. 

Command  of  money,  336  {St. 
Paul  the  Trav.,  p.  310  ff.). 

Comparison  of,  with  John  and 
Peter,  31,  33. 

Conversion  of,  10,  16  f.,  70  ff. ;  sud- 
den and  not  gradually  prepared, 
71,  87 ;  completion,  not  reversal, 
of  his  ideas,  72,  80,  87,  90,  96; 
variations  in  story  of,  17,  19  f. 

Courtesy  of,  36  f.,  39. 

"Critical"  theories  about,  11,  17, 
22,  40  f.,  49  f.,  301-2. 

Dates,  67,  345-65. 

Defence  before  Sanhedrin,  83  ff., 
96. 

Divine  alone  is  real,  71. 

Education,  according  to  Mr.  Bar- 
ing-Gould, 330  f.  ;  but  see 
also  under  Curtius  and  Hicks, 
and  334  f. 

Errors  due  to  over-straining  and 
over-emphasis,  30,  34  f. 

Feminine  element  in  his  nature, 

337- 

"  Fought  with  beasts,"  316,  332. 

"  Fulness  of  time,"  what  this 
implies  about  Paul,  335. 

Gentiles,  theory  of  position  of  the, 
8  ;  commissioned  to,  73  f. ;  feel- 
ing to,  66. 

Hellenism,  relation  of  Paul  to,  62, 
259,  330  ff. 

High-Priest,  why  unknown  to 
Paul,  95. 


Paul  {continued') — 

His  theory  of  degeneration  in  re- 
ligion, 5,  164  f. 

Humanity  the  secret  of  his  charm 
for  us,  28  ff.,  34,  82. 

Influence  of,  on  history,  53. 

Jealousy  ?  38. 

Jews  and  Paul,  89,  308  f. 

Journey  from  Caesareia  to  Jerusa- 
lem, 266. 

Kingdom  of  God,  81.  See  Mes- 
siah. 

Legendary  localities  at  Tarsus, 
275,  277. 

Letters  of,  written  for  the  needs  of 
the  moment,  82. 

Luke  and  Paul,  44. 

Martyr  at  Derbe,  295. 

Messiah,  eager  from  childhood  for 
the  coming  of,  66  f.,  69,  80  f. 

Name,  65. 

Not  married,  68  f. 

Olive-tree  in  Paul,  219-32. 

Organiser,  an,  53,  64,  78.  See 
Plan. 

Pharisee,  a,  64,  73,  83-94. 

Plan  for  conquering  the  Roman 
Empire,  74,  80,  100,  197  ff.,  256 
ff. 

Rank  in  society,  37,  376. 

Reason  for  persecuting  Christians, 
69  f. 

Revelation,  his  belief  in,  to  him- 
self was  honest,  10 ;  not  result 
of  madness,  11. 

Revelation,  believed  in  real,  3  f., 
8  f.,  22,  71  ;  perception  of  it  in- 
tuitive and  certain,  20,  71  f. 

Revelation,  universal  and  not  con- 
fined to  Jews,  4. 


(407) 


4o8 


Index 


Paul  {continued) — 

Roman,  56,  60,  65,  331-34,  34°'. 
Empire,  see  Plan. 

Saul  or  Paul,  305. 

Sergius  Paulus,  305. 

Stoppage  of  work  after  his  conver- 
sion, 73  f. 

Successor  of  Aristotle  in  the  pro- 
gress of  philosophy,  259. 

Tarsus,  effect  on  Paul,  54,  56,  59, 
61,  80,  331  f. 

The  theory  that  he  was  subject  to 
epileptic  madness,  11. 

Timothy,  conduct  to,  34  f.,  337. 

Truthfulness  or  the  opposite,  84  f. 

Unwilling  to  work  where  other 
Apostles  were  first,  79. 

Visits  to  Jerusalem,  310  ff. ;  the 
first,  30. 

Why  not  mentioned  in  i  Peter, 
260  f. 

Persons.     I.  Early  Christians, 
Saints  and  Jews — 

^tius,  371. 

Amphilochius,  170,  188,  405. 
Ananus,  High-priest,  355  ff.,  358. 
Anastasius  of  Antioch,  142. 
Anthimus,  400. 
ApoUos,  303. 
Aquila,  303,  361. 
Arius,  372. 
Asai,  Rabbi,  69. 

Avircius  Marcellus,  141,  185,  257, 
Barnabas,  73,  319- 
Basil,  132,  284,  369-406;  aristo- 
crat, 375  f.,  387;  character, 
393-403  ;  conduct  to  slaves,  388 
f.,  403 ;  opinion  of  physicians, 
380-402  ;  style,  369  f. 

Callisthenes,  388,  403. 

Chariton,  St.,  188. 

Chrysostom,  362. 

Constantine    and    Helena,    Sts., 
188. 

Crispus,  309. 

Demetrius,  St.,  133. 

Diodorus,  395. 

Dorotheos,  387. 

Epiphanius,  144  f. 

Eunomius,  371,  391. 

Eusebius,  348-60. 

Eusebius,  bishop,  382,  391. 

Eustochius,  389. 

Firmilian,  Bishop  of  Csesareia,  184. 


Persons.     I.  Early  Christians, 
Saints  and  Jews  {contd) — 

Gamaliel,  67,  331. 

George,  St.,  188,  297. 

Glycerius,  184,  381. 

Gregory  Naz.,  370,  380,  383,  388, 

392,  400,  401,  404. 
Gregory    Nyssenus,    367,    369-77, 

383  f. 
Hegesippus,  358. 
Herod  Agrippa,  350,  353,  357. 
Hesychius,  390. 
Ignatius,  140,  141. 
James,  150,  358. 

John,  140,  144,  148  f.,  153  ;  per- 
fect insight,  31  f . ;  comparison 
with  Paul,  31,  33. 
Joseph,  High-priest,  355  ff. 
Josephus,  353. 
Justinian,  275,  392. 
Justus  of  Tiberias,  351. 
Lazarus,  148. 
Luke,  44,  58,  85,  94,  96,  191-200, 

203-15,  256-59,  301-24. 
Lydia,  336. 
Macrina,  St.,  177. 
Mark,  262,  303. 
Martyrius,  287. 

Mary,  Virgin,  144,  151  ;  her  wor- 
ship as  Divine,  125-59. 
Maximus,  390. 
Mnason,  98. 
Nectarius,  403. 
Nestorius,  144. 
Nicholas,  St.,  131,  133. 
Nicolas,  340. 
Origen,  238  f.,  245. 
Orosius,  361. 
Panagia,  129-57,  188. 
Paul  the  Martyr  at  Derbe,  295. 
Peter,    254  f.,  260,    269;   perfect 
insight,  31  f .  ;  comparison  with 
Paul,  31',  33  ;  his  age,  261. 
Philip,  150,  18S,  296. 
Phocas,  St.,  131. 
Polycarp,  his  calm  dignity  at  trial 

and  death,  63,  105. 
Priscilla,  303. 

Proclus,  Bishop  of  Cyzicus,  142. 
Sabas,  St.,  188. 
Silas,  262. 
Stephen,  338,  340. 
Theodore,  St.,  385. 
Theresa,  St.,  337- 


Index 


409 


Persons.     I.  Early  Christians, 
Saints  and  Jews  {contd.) — 
Thomas,  150. 
Timothy,  34,  337. 
Titius  Justus,  309. 
Valens,  398  f. 

Persons.    1 1.  Historical,  chiefly 
Mediaeval — 

Abd-Allah  al  Sayyid,  168. 

Ahmed,  Karadja,  171. 

Ala-ed-Din  Sultan,  168. 

Al-Mamun,  286. 

Baldwin,  283. 

Bektash,  Hadji,  169,  171. 

Haroun-al-Raschid,  275  f.,  283. 

Ibn  Khordadhbeh,  290. 

Ibrahim  Pasha,  279, 

Irene,  276. 

Moltke,  von,  279. 

Omar,  Hadji,  171 ;  Baba,  171. 

Seidi  Ghazi,  168  ff.,  176. 

Sinan  Pasha,  171. 

Tancred,  283. 

Theophilus,  276,  284, 

Persons.     III.  Modern  Schol- 
ars and  Poets — 

Anderson,  J.  G.  C,  109,  120. 
Arnold,  M.,  31, 
Bacon,  B.  W.,  347,  351. 
Baring-Gould,  S.,  38,  58,  231,  238, 

308,  325-42. 
Benndorf,  O.,  2,  178. 
Bentley,  R.,  320. 
Blass,  F.,  2og,  213,  263. 
Blumner,  249. 
Brentano,  128  f.,  147. 
Browning,  E.  B.,  43  ;  R.,  15. 
Bruzza,  254. 
Carnoy,  177. 
Chapot,  v.,  109,  note  2. 
Christie,  Dr.  T.  D.,  of  Tarsus,  273. 
Clemen,  C,  199. 
Cumont,  F.,  no. 
Curtius,  E.,  his  understanding  of 

Paul,  64,  332. 
Deissmann,  265. 
Dennis,  Geo.,  247. 
Emmerich,  Anne  C,  125-47. 
Erbes,  350  f.  354. 
Ethe,  168. 
Ewbank,  229. 
Fabri,  Felix,  385. 
Farrar,  F.  W.,  84,  88. 


Persons.     III.  Modern  Schol- 
ars and  Poets  {continued) — 

Fischer,  Th,,  221  ff.,  233, 237,  247. 

Friedlander,  J.,  385. 

Gibbon,  392. 

Goethe,  90. 

Green,  T.  H.,  20  f. ,  259. 

Hardy,  E.  G.,  210. 

Headlam,  A.  C,  187,  230,  246. 

Heberdey,  144. 

Hegel,  32. 

Heldreich,  von,  248  f. 

Hicks,  E.  A.,  64,  204,  208,  332. 

Hicks,  E.,  334. 

Hogarth,  D.  G.,  187. 

Hort,  F.  J.  A.,  197,  212,  215,  260, 

263,  268. 
Humann,  178. 

Jackson,  Blomfield,  369-406. 
Kubitschek,  280. 
Langlois,  274,  280. 
Ldvy,  Isid.,  66,  209,  212. 
Lewis,  F.  W.,  261. 
Lightfoot,  Bishop,  204,  209,  259. 
Luschan,  von,  178,  379. 
Macalister,  220. 
McGiffert,  A.  C,  301-21. 
McLean,  N.,  220. 
Massy,  Col.,  285. 
Meyer,  213. 
Mohl,  168. 

Mommsen,  103,  176,  1941352,393. 
Neubauer,  A.,  66. 
Nicolaides,  177. 
Page,  T.  E.,  206,  213. 
Paris,  P.,  107. 
Post,  Dr.,  220,  237,  250. 
Puchstein,  178. 
Radet,  G.,  107. 
Renan,  97  f. 
Rendall,  F.,  52,  78. 
Rhoscomyl,  Owen,  326. 
Robertson,  A.,  ig8. 
Sanday,  W.,  81,  230  ff. 
Schaffer,  172. 

Souter,  A.,  in,  127,  140,  150. 
Stolberg,  Count,  128. 
Tennyson,  34. 
Thomson,  W.  M.,  239,  243. 
Trail,  J.  W.  H.,  219. 
Tristram,  Canon,  242,  246,  249. 
Turner,  C.  H.,  347. 
Wace,  H.,  370. 
Wallace,  W.,  33. 


4IO 


Index 


Persons,     III.  Modern  Schol- 
ars and  Poets  {continued') — 

Weil,  284. 

Wendt,  209,  213. 

Westcott,  B.  F.,  212,  215. 

Wetstein,  209. 

Wilson,  Sir  Charles  W.,  172,  178. 

Workman,  H.  B.,  107. 

Zahn,  Th.,  199,  263. 

Persons.     IV.  Pagans — 

Agrippa,  51. 

Albinus,  procurator,  355. 

Amyntas,  265. 

Antigonus,  283. 

Antonius,  265. 

Aretas,  364. 

Artemidorus,  221. 

Athanatos,  no  ff. 

Augustus,  51,  350. 

Cffisar,  50. 

Caligula,  349. 

Chrysostom,  Dion,  210. 

Claudius,  113. 

Columella,  224,  231. 

Decius,  log  f. 

Diocletian,  103,  116,  373. 

Domitian,  log. 

Epitynchanos,  109  ff.,  120. 

Eumenes,  376. 

Felix,  82,  349. 

Festus,  349,  351,  354  f. 

Florus,  procurator,  360. 

Gallic,  83,  361  f. 

Hadrian,  52. 

Herodotus,  184,  187. 

Homer,  244. 

Marcus  Aurelius,  289. 

Maximin,  in. 

Nero,  338. 

Ovid,  320. 

Palladius,  224,  227. 

Pausanias,  221,  249. 

Philostratus,  117. 

Plato,  177,  339. 

Pliny  the  Younger,  109,  175,  195, 

210,  376. 
Plutarch,  237,  376. 
Pompey,  265. 
Seneca,  53,  82,  100,  361. 
Severus  Imp.,  280. 
Theophrastus,  245,  249. 
Theoteknos,  107. 
Varenus  Rufus,  210, 
Virgil,  177,  250. 


Places — 

Achaia,  78,  198,  361. 

Adana,  274,  278, 

Adria,  76. 

Akmonia,  109,  no,  in, 

Alexandria,  77,  359. 

Al-Saffsaf,  289. 

Anasha-Kale,  284. 

Ancyra,  108,  119. 

Annesi,  387,  391. 

Athens,  383. 

Antioch,  Pisid.,  112-21,  198,  262. 

Ardistama,  i6g. 

Argeos,  Argaios,  292,  297. 

Asia,  78,  121,  igS,  313. 

Assos,  339. 

Ayassoluk,  127. 

Babylon,  255. 

Beroea,  85,  340. 

Berytus,  359. 

Bethany,  148. 

Bithynia,  210. 

Bozanti,  Vale  of,   or  Butrentum, 

284. 
Britain,  79. 
Brundusium,  359. 
Caesareia  Cappad.,  385,  389,  396, 

399-  . 
Caesareia  Phil.,  353,  356.: 
Cassareia  Stratonis,  98,  260,  349, 

359- 
Capernaum,  58. 
Cappadocia,  1S3,  373,  377. 
Carbala,  404. 
Cayster,  152. 
Ceadas,  284. 
Cilicia,  73,    78,  273;    bounds   of, 

281,  283,  287. 
Cilician  Gates,  277-82. 
Colossa;,  184. 
Comana,  183. 
Constantina,  385. 
Constantinople,  170. 
Coressus,  157. 
Corfu,  236. 
Corinth,  309,  361. 
Corniaspa,  Cybistra,  see  K. 
Crete,  76  (Phoenix,  77),  359, 
Cydnus,  274  f. 
Cyprus,  75,  97, 
Cyrene,  248. 
Dakalias,  296, 
Dalisandos,  187. 
Dalmatia,  78. 


Index 


411 


Places  {continued^ — 

Damascus,  170. 

Demetriopolis,  133. 

Derbe,  262,  294  f. 

Diolcus,  340. 

Doara,  171. 

Dokimion,  253  f. 

Egypt,  238  f. 

Eleusis,  185. 

Ephesus,  77  f.,  125-59,  197,  203- 

15' 297,  316,  360;   champion  of 

truth,  140  ;  topography  of,  152. 
Faustiniana  Colonia  (Faustinopo- 

hs),  289. 
Galatia,  78,  199  f.  ,378. 
Galatia,  North,  109,  304. 
Galatia,  South,  75,  79,  121,  199, 

262,  304,  310,  361. 
Gallia,  79. 
Gate  of  Judas,  283. 
Hadji  Baba,  294. 
Halala,  182,  289. 
Herakleia,  Hirakla,  290  f. 
Hittite  Silvermines,  288. 
Hyde,  175. 
Ibriz,  172  f.,  291. 
Iconium,  170,  177,  188,  ig8,  262, 

295.  298,  386. 
Iflatun  Bunar,  170,  177. 
Ilistra,  294. 
Illyricum,  78,  198. 
Isaura,  119,  405. 
Isauria,  107. 
Jerusalem,   30,  67,  97,   167,   170, 

Kirkindje,  145. 
Kodrigai,  280, 
Korniaspa,  372. 
Kybistra  290. 
Laodicea,  183. 
Laranda,  292. 
Limnai,  118. 
Liyen,  171. 
Loulon,  289  f. 
Lycaonia,  scenery  of,  292. 
Lycia,  75,  187,  265. 
Lystra,  262,  295  f.,  318. 
Macedonia,  78,  198,  337. 
Mallos,  279. 
Mecca,  167,  175. 
Medina,  167. 
Meiros,  iii. 
Metropolis,  133. 
Missis,  274. 


Places  {continued) — 

Mizpeh,  98. 

Mopsou-Krene,  282. 

Mopsouhestia,  273. 

Mount  of  Olives,  98. 

Mudania,  171. 

Mudjur,  171. 

Nahr-el-Ahsa,  297. 

Nakoleia,  168,  176. 

Nazianzus,  404. 

Neronias,  353. 

Novum  Comum,  175. 

Oltiseris,  372. 

Ormelian  Estates  of  Emperors, 121. 

Ortygia,  157. 

Pamphylia,  75,  265. 

Panhormus,  284. 

Philippi,  336  f.,  347,  352. 

Phrygia,  118,  378. 

Podandos,  284. 

Pompeii,  176. 

Possala,  Passola,  294. 

Prostanna,  297. 

Puteoli,  76,  359. 

Pyramos,  273. 

Pyrgos,  294. 

Rodentos,  285. 

Samos,  153. 

Saros,  273. 

Sasima,  177,  389,  400. 

Satala,  175. 

Seidi-Ghazi,  168. 

Sidamaria,  292. 

Sideropolos,  292. 

Spain,  79,  198. 

Sykea,  385. 

Synnada,  244,  253  f. 

Takali  Dagh,  290. 

Tarshish,  276,  279. 

Tarsus,  274-79. 

Tembrion,  120,  122. 

Temenothyrse,  118. 

Thessalonica,  340. 

Thyatira,  170. 

Tiberina,  404. 

Troas,  352,  362, 

Trogitis,  297. 

Twin-Khan  (Tchifte),  beauty  of, 

288. 
Tyana,  186,  400. 
Ushak,  171. 

Venasa,  131  f.,  184,  381. 
Viaros,  297. 
Yassi-Euren,  132. 


412 


Index 


Religion.     I.  Christian — 

Acts,  change  in  opinion  about, 
191-96  ;  argument  from  silence, 
315  f.  ;  date  of,  302-26  ;  authori- 
ties, 303  ;  Source  Theory,  305 
ff.  ;  old  theories  of  late  date 
abandoned,  191 ;  their  cause, 
192.     See  Luke. 

Agape-meal,  339. 

American  Missions,  340  f. 

"  Apostles,"  different  senses  of  the 
term,  319. 

Ayasma,  132,  176,  184. 

Birth  of  Christ  on  24th  November, 
legend, 148. 

Bishoprics,  enlargement  of,  406. 

Christianity  spread  in  the  strain 
of  world,  151. 

Christians  under  Mohammedan 
veil,  180  f. 

Christotokos,  142. 

Church  called  "  Maria,"  142  f. 

Council  of  Constantinople  in  a.d. 

448, 373- 

Council  of  Ephesus,  134-44. 

Critical,  38,  191  f.,  196. 

Famine  in  Revelation  vi.  5,  224  f. 

Famine-relief,  391. 

Feminine  element,  worship  of, 
135-  157,  188. 

"Friend  of  All,"  119. 

God-fearing,  309. 

Holy  places  and  festivals  rever- 
enced by  Mohammedans,  176- 
82,  188. 

Hospitality.     See  Travelling. 

Iconoclasts,    130,   135,    139,    141, 

276,  397- 

Martyrs,  tone  of,  63. 

Montanism,  183. 

Mother,  worship  of,  135. 

Orthodox  conflict  with  heretics 
weakened  the  Empire,  139,  276  ; 
with  Arians,  371-75,  397-401  ; 
Orthodox  alone  called  Chris- 
tians, 146. 

Pagan  revivals  imitating  Chris- 
tian forms,  107  f. 

Pagan  writers  ignored  the  Chris- 
tians, 114  f. 

Paganisation  of  the  Church,  108, 
129-56,  188. 

Panagia,  188. 

Panagia-Kapulu,  129-57,  188,  381. 


I.   Christian   {con- 


299. 


Religion. 

tinued)- 

Panegyris,    134,    146, 
381. 

Persecutions,  103. 

Pilgrimages,  384. 

Priests  tradesmen  in  early  times, 
119,  382. 

Proselyte,  309. 

Revelation  of  Divine  to  man,  13, 

Revelation,  can  there  be  any  ?  3  ff . 

Revelation  must  occur,  11  ff. 

Revelation  the  most  real  thing, 
22,  71. 

Revelation,  sensitiveness  to, 
varies,  12  f. 

Revelation,  is  it  supernatural  ? 
226. 

Revelation  varies  in  manner,  15  f. 

Revelation  not  one-sided,  21. 

Revelation  demands  preparation 
in  man,  21  f. 

Symbola  as  credentials  in  travel- 
ling, 118,  402. 

The  Christ  of  Smyrna,  130. 

The  Saints  as  denoting  the  con- 
gregation, 107  f. 

Travelling  intercourse  and  hospi- 
tality, 118,  382-86,  402. 

Virgins  as  an  order,  107. 

Religion.     II.  Jews — 

Attitude  to  Paul  imperfectly 
known,  85. 

Danger  of  their  favourable  posi- 
tion, 65  f. 

Diaspora,  Dispersion,  61,  347. 

Effect  on  Gentiles  (the  "  Godfear- 
ing"), 57- 

In  the  Greek  cities,  56. 

Maccabees,  triumph  of,  its  char- 
acter and  effect,  7. 

Must  elevate  the  Gentiles  or  per- 
ish, 66  f. 

Passover,  336,  346  ff.,  352,  358. 

Pharisees,  80,  83,  86,  91. 

Prophets,  influence  of,  7  ;  succes- 
sion of,  8. 

Relation  to  Rome,  55  f.,  58,  66  f. 

Sadducees,  85,  91,  97. 

Sanhedrin,  standing  as  a  tribunal, 
83,  85,  90. 

Woman  archisynagogos,  187, 

Zealots,  7,  80. 


Index 


413 


Religion.     III.  Mohammedan- 
ism— 

Christians  veiled  under  Moham- 
medan exterior,  180  f. 

Conquest  of  Empire,  371. 

Dede,  character,  171  f. ;  not  true 
Moslem,  166  f. 

Hadji  Baba  mountain,  174. 

Legend  seeks  justification  for 
violent  conquest,  169  f. 

Local  names  interpretative  of  na- 
ture rare  in  Turkey  and  probably 
translated  from  ancient,  174. 

Mecca,  Mekke,  meaning  "holy 
place,"  175. 

Mevlevi  Dervishes,  179. 

Mohammedanism  strictly  op- 
posed to  the  localisation  of 
Divine  nature,  166  f.  ;  but  re- 
verences numerous  ancient  holy 
places,  including  many  Christian 
shrines  and  festivals,  176-82,188. 

Mohammedans  lost  cultivation  of 
olive,  235,  244. 

Takhtaji,  178  f.,  379. 

Teke  and  Turbe,  174,  179,  182. 

Vakuf,  175. 

Religion.    IV.  Pagan  Gods — 

Achilles  Pontarches,  131. 

Ammon,  109. 

Apollo,  log,  273. 

Artemis,    113,    118,    138    ff,,    157, 

212,  215. 
Asklepios,  130,  131. 
Athena,  212,  241. 
Cybele,  179. 
Daes,  no. 
Demeter,  133,  185. 
Great  Mother,  133,  137  f. 
Hekate,  no. 
Hercules,  132,  184,  336. 
Hermes,  156. 
Ma,  107. 

Magna  Mater.     See  Great. 
Manes,  109,  no. 
Matar,  109. 
Mopsus,  273,  282. 
Mother  Goddess.     See  Great. 
Pappas,  107. 

Parthenoi,  Parthenos,  108. 
Phoebus,  III. 
Poseidon,  131. 
Telesphoros,  109. 
Zeus,  no  f.,  131,  241. 


Religion.  V.  Paganism  :  Ana- 
tolian Custom  and  Relig- 
ion— 

Connection  with  the  grave,  179. 
Fountains,  holy   when   abundant 

and  perennial,  172,  176  f.,  286. 
Hierophant,  109. 
Influence  on  agriculture,  etc.,  226, 

233.  236. 
Inheritance   in   female   line,   169, 

187. 
Justification  for  violent  conquest 

sought,  169. 
Magusaei,  377-79- 
Marriage  customs,  377-So. 
Mountains,  divinity  of,  169, 174  f., 

188,  296  f. 
Mutterrecht,  137,  186. 
Origin    and   decay,    5,    133,    137, 

158,  164  f. 
Paul's  view  of,  5,  164  f. 
Permanence       under       apparent 

change,  167-88. 
Plebs  coUegii,  112. 
Takhtaji,  178  f.,  379. 
Tekmoreioi  Xenoi,  112-18. 
Trees,  holy,  173- 

Religion — 

Degeneration  in  religion,  5 ;  causes 
of,  6. 

Roman  Empire — 

Amalgamator  of  the  nations,  50, 
62,  112,  193,  371. 

Assembly,  Ekklesia,  ordinary  and 
special :  the  latter  discouraged 
by  the  Romans,  held  only  at 
order  of  Roman  governor,  fell 
into  disuse,  203-15. 

Avitiim  et  patrittim,  176. 

Book-trade,  396. 

Centralisation  in  later  times,  398. 

Christianity  the  critical  factor  in 
Imperial  history,  117. 

Commune  of  Province,  105  f. 

Conventus,  206. 

Devout  God-fearing,  57. 

Ecclesia,  special,  95. 

Famine-relief,  391. 

Farm-labour,  391. 

Favourable  position  of  Jews,  57, 66. 

Free  Trade,  57. 

Hellenism,  decay  of,  112,  115. 

Illicit  marriages,  377  f. ;  by  cap- 
ture, 378. 


414 


Index 


Roman  Empire  {continued^ — 

Imperial  estates,  399  ;  the  centres 
of  anti-Christian  movements, 
121. 

Inns  and  taverns,  384  f, 

Jews,  89. 

Jews'  relation  to,  55. 

Jus  Gentium,  333. 

Magussei,  377  f. 

Mutterrecht,  137,  186. 

Organisation,  excellence  of,  193. 

Patria,  61. 

Paul's  plan  for  conquest  of,  74,  80, 
100. 

Persecution  of  Christians,  103  ff. ; 
popular  feeling  incited  to  perse- 
cution, 103  ;  bad  effect  on  educa- 
tion, 373  f. 

Policy,  50  f. 

Provmces,  51,  78,  105,  198,  308, 
392. 

Reaction  and  reinvigoration  of  the 


Roman  Empire  {continued') — 

nations  against  the  amalgama- 
tion urged  by  Rome,  52,  112, 
193.  371- 

Reinvigorated  by  Christianity, 
100. 

Religion  of  the  Empire,  99  f.,  113  f. 

Riot  in  streets,  388. 

Tetrapyrgia,  376. 

Travelling,  382-86,  402.  See 
Voyage. 

Voyage  from  the  East  to  Rome 
and  back,  76,  354  f.,  357,  359. 

Writing,  knowledge  of,  373,  374. 

Trees — 

Fig-tree  and  Male  Fig,  242. 

Holy,  173. 

Olive,  cultivation,  relation  to 
Wild  Olive,  treatment  when 
weakened  by  age,  219-50;  the 
tree  of  civilisation,  233. 


INDEX 


II 


Quotations    from      the     New- 
Testament — 
Matthew — 

xi.  19,  31. 

xxi.  ig,  242. 

xxii.  21,  31. 
Mark — 

ii.  28,  31. 

xi.  13,  242. 

xii.  17,  31. 
Luke — 

vi.  5.  31- 

vii.  5.  58  ;  35>  31- 

XX.  25,  31. 
John  XX.  29,  20. 
Acts — 

iii.  2  ff.,  318, 

iv.  II,  254. 

viii.  40,  303. 

ix.  4-7,  11-22,  70;  26-29,  30. 

X.  26,  318. 

xi.  19,  256;  29,  312. 

xiii.  4  ff.,  305. 

xiv.  8-18,  318;   4  and  14,  319; 
28,  362. 

XV.  I  ff.,  40,  307,  310  ff.  ;  2,  362. 

xvi.  1-6,  362 ;   15  f.,  336. 

xviii.  21,  361  ;  24  ff.,  259. 

xix.  21,  79,  198;  28  f.,  307;  39, 
203-12;   40,  212-15. 

XX.  I,  266  f.,  361 ;  5  ff.,  352. 

xxi.   8,  303 ;  15,  266  f. ;  36-38, 
60  f. 

xxii.  9,  11-22,  70 ;  21,  74. 

xxiii.  1-8,  83-96. 


Quotations     from     the    New 
Testament  {continued) — 

Acts — 

xxiv.  27,  349. 

xxvi.  4,  67;   13-16,  11-22,  70. 

xxviii.  6  and  14  and  15,  256. 
Romans — 

i.  21,  5;  24  ff.,  5;  14,   55,  166; 
19,  164  ;  20,  4. 

ii.  15,  4;  14  f.,  4,  164. 

viii.  19-22,  165. 

xi.  17-24,  219-40. 

XV.  22,  79  ;  24,  79,  198. 

1  Corinthians — 
V.  9-13,  36. 
vii.  9,  68. 

ix.  I,  71. 
XV.  32,  316. 

2  Corinthians — 
iv.  8  f.,  29. 

V.  16,  19. 

xi.  32,  364- 
Galatians — 

i.  15  f.,  54. 

n.  1-12,  40,  307,  310-14. 

V.  2,  35. 
Ephesians  vi.  13,  332. 

1  Thessalonians  v.  8,  332. 

2  Timothy  iv.  10,  79. 
I  Peter — 

i.  2,  262. 
ii.  7,  254. 
Apocalypse — 
106. 
vi,  5  f.,  240. 


(415) 


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